¹ For examples of the first kind of narrative, which feature the inevitability of Protestant Christian decline as the result of an intellectual process characteristic of modernity, see Delbanco, Andrew, The Death of Satan: How Americans Have Lost the Sense of Evil (New York, 1995)Google Scholar; Carter, Paul A., The Spiritual Crisis of the Gilded Age (Dekalb, 1971)Google Scholar. For examples of the second kind of account, which blame Protestant liberals or just Protestants, see Turner, James, Without God, without Creed: The Origins of Unbelief in America (Baltimore, 1985)Google Scholar; Gregory, Brad S., The Unintended Reformation: How a Religious Revolution Secularized Society (Cambridge, MA, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³ Ibid., 6.

⁴ Ibid., 4–5 (first quotation), 10 (fourth and fifth quotations), 170 (second quotation), 221 (third quotation).

⁵ Smith, Christian, ed. The Secular Revolution: Power, Interests, and Conflict in the Secularization of American Public Life (Berkeley, 2003), 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar (first through fourth quotations), 2 (fifth and sixth quotations).

⁶ Ibid., 28.

⁷ Hollinger, David A., “After Cloven Tongues of Fire: Ecumenical Protestantism and the Modern American Encounter with Diversity,” in Hollinger, After Cloven Tongues of Fire: Protestant Liberalism and Modern American History (Princeton, 2013), 18–55, at 48Google Scholar.

⁸ David A. Hollinger, “The Accommodation of Protestant Christianity with the Enlightenment: An Old Drama Still Being Enacted,” in Hollinger, After Cloven Tongues of Fire, 1–17, at 6.

⁹ Hollinger, David A., “Ethnic Diversity, Cosmopolitanism, and the Emergence of the American Liberal Intelligentsia,” in Hollinger, In the American Province: Studies in the History and Historiography of Ideas (Bloomington, 1985), 56–73.Google Scholar

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¹¹ David A. Hollinger, “Rich, Powerful, and Smart: Jewish Overrepresentation Should Be Explained Instead of Avoided or Mystified,” in Hollinger, Cosmopolitanism and Solidarity, 154–65, at 154 (first quotation); Hollinger, “Jewish Intellectuals,” 17 (third quotation), 24 (second quotation); Hollinger, “Christianity and Its American Fate: Where History Interrogates Secularization Theory,” in Isaac, Joel, Kloppenberg, James T., O'Brien, Michael, and Ratner-Rosenhagen, Jennifer, eds., The Worlds of American Intellectual History (New York, 2017), 280–303, at 297Google Scholar (fourth quotation).

¹² Hollinger, “Jewish Intellectuals,” 18 (first quotation); David A. Hollinger, “Two NYUs and ‘The Obligation of Universities to the Social Order’ in the Great Depression,” in Hollinger Science, Jews, and Secular Culture, 60–79, at 69 (second quotation).

¹³ Hollinger, David A., “Religious Liberalism and Ecumenical Self-Interrogation,” in Schmidt, Leigh E. and Promey, Sally M., eds., American Religious Liberalism (Bloomington, 2012), 374–87Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Hollinger, David A., Protestants Abroad: How Missionaries Tried to Change the World but Changed America (Princeton, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, xi (first quotation); Hollinger, “Accommodation of Protestant Christianity,” 11 (second and third quotations).

¹⁵ Hollinger, “Accommodation of Protestant Christianity,” 14 (first quotation); Hollinger, “After Cloven Tongues,” 48 (second quotation).

¹⁶ Hollinger, Protestants Abroad, 298. Hollinger theorizes this focus on knowledge in “Christianity and Its American Fate,” 296–98.

¹⁷ For two foundational treatments of the theory of the avant-garde see Poggioli, Renato, The Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans. Fitzgerald, Gerald (Cambridge, MA, 1981)Google Scholar; Bürger, Peter, The Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans. Shaw, Michael (Minneapolis, 1984)Google Scholar. For an excellent general introduction see Cottington, David, The Avant-Garde: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ Many treatments of the avant-garde think of it as a movement primarily concerned with art. I am using it more loosely, in keeping with what Dorothy Ross and others have shown to be the connections between aesthetic modernism and cognitive modernism. See Ross, Dorothy, “Modernism Reconsidered,” in Ross, ed., Modernist Impulses in the Human Sciences, 1870–1930 (Baltimore, 1994), 1–3Google Scholar, 8. I use the locutions of “mainstreaming help” and “popularizers” to avoid the more pejorative term “middlebrow.” On the middlebrow see Shelley Rubin, Joan, The Making of Middlebrow Culture (Chapel Hill, 1992)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Slezkine, Yuri, The Jewish Century (Princeton, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marx, Karl, “On the Jewish Question,” in The Marx-Engels Reader, 2nd edn, ed. Tucker, Robert C. (New York, 1978), 26–52Google Scholar.

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²³ Cuddihy, Ordeal of Civility; Ross, Modernist Impulses. On the struggle in the European, and especially German, context between secularists and their religious opponents see Weir, Todd H., Secularism and Religion in Nineteenth-Century Germany: The Rise of the Fourth Confession (New York, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walser Smith, Helmut, ed., Protestants, Catholics, and Jews in Germany, 1800–1914 (Oxford, 2001)Google Scholar; Clark, Christopher and Kaiser, Wolfram, eds., Culture Wars: Secular–Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe (New York, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Lilla, Mark, The Stillborn God: Religion, Politics, and the Modern West (New York, 2007)Google Scholar.

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⁴³ On the role of Protestant separatists see Leah Weinryb Grohsgal, “Reinventing Civil Liberties: Religious Groups, Organized Litigation, and the Rights Revolution” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Emory University, 2011).

⁴⁴ United States v. Carolene Products Co. (1938), 304 U.S. 144 (1938) at 152 note 4.

⁴⁵ Cantwell v. Connecticut 310 U.S. 296 (1940) at 310.

⁴⁶ Everson v. Board of Education, 333 U.S. 1 (1947). On Black's Baptist background see Kruse, Kevin M., One Nation under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America (New York, 2015)Google Scholar, 180.

⁴⁷ Eisenhower's speech is printed in the New York Times, 23 Dec. 1952, 1, 16, at 16. On the Catholic and liberal Protestant concerns about secularism, see K. Healan Gaston, “Demarcating Democracy: Liberal Catholics, Protestants, and the Discourse of Secularism,” in Schmidt and Promey, American Religious Liberalism, 337–58, esp. 343–7, 351–4.

⁴⁸ For an exhaustive account of intellectuals in these years see Pells, Richard H., The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age: American Intellectuals in the 1940s and 1950s (New York, 1985)Google Scholar. Some of these Jewish intellectuals would later become neoconservatives, resisting the cultural forces that they had championed in an earlier era. But their later positions do not change their earlier role. On the neoconservatives see Hartman, Andrew, A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars (Chicago, 2015), 38–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁹ Torcaso v. Watkins, 367 U.S. 488 (1961); Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421 (1962); School District of Abington Township v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963); United States v. Seeger, 380 U.S. 163 (1965); Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965); Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967); Stanley v. Georgia, 394 U.S. 557 (1969).

⁵⁰ Munger, Theodore, The Freedom of Faith (Boston, 1883), 24Google Scholar. For a particularly detailed account of liberal Protestants’ embrace of the secularist opinions of the Court see Kruse, One Nation under God, 165–201. On ecumenicals’ sustained attention to outsider perspectives see Hedstrom, Matthew S., The Rise of Liberal Religion: Book Culture and American Spirituality in the Twentieth Century (New York, 2013)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Hollinger puts a particularly fine point on the issue of religious authority in his essay “Christianity and Its American Fate,” 280–303.

⁵² See Rawls, John, Political Liberalism, expanded edn (New York, 2005)Google Scholar. In much the same way that Rawls's 1971 book A Theory of Justice can be seen as a belated attempt to shore up the presumptions of the mid-twentieth-century welfare state, just as those presumptions were crumbling, so his work on the overlapping consensus and public reason might be seen as the theorization of a political arrangement as that arrangement went into eclipse. For an interpretation of Theory of Justice along these lines see O'Connor, Mike, A Commercial Republic: America's Enduring Debate over Democratic Capitalism (Lawrence, 2014), 163–200Google Scholar. For a trenchant discussion of Rawls's Political Liberalism that acknowledges it as a response to the American situation see Peter E. Gordon, “Religion within the Bounds of Democracy Alone: Habermas, Rawls, and the Transatlantic Debate over Public Reason,” in Isaac et al., Worlds of American Intellectual History, 257–279, esp. 276.

⁵³ Hollinger, “After Cloven Tongues,” 36.

⁵⁴ Hartman, A War for the Soul of America, 1–7. See also, Worthen, olly, Apostles of Reason: The Crisis of Authority in American Evangelicalism (New York, 2014)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Taylor, Charles, A Secular Age (Cambridge, MA, 2007), 506Google Scholar (first quotation), 376 (second quotation); Asad, Talal, Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity (Stanford, 2003)Google Scholar; Mahmood, Saba, Religious Difference in a Secular Age: A Minority Report (Princeton, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fessenden, Tracy, Culture and Redemption: Religion, Secular, and American Literature (Princeton, 2007)Google Scholar; Carter, Stephen L., The Culture of Disbelief: How American Law and Politics Trivialize Religious Devotion (New York, 1993)Google Scholar; Marsden, George, The Twilight of the American Enlightenment: The 1950s and the Crisis of Liberal Belief (New York, 2014)Google Scholar. For a very helpful analysis of these overlapping trends see Jacques Berlinerblau, “The Crisis in Secular Studies,” Chronicle Review, 8 Sept. 2014, at www.chronicle.com/article/The-Crisis-in-Secular-Studies/148599.

⁵⁶ See especially Fessenden, Culture and Redemption.