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³⁰ Tucker, Hospitals and Infirmaries, 12, 14; Tucker, Six Sermons, 73–4; Tucker, Seventeen Sermons, 106, 108.

³¹ Tucker, Essay, 67.

³² Miller, Defining the Common Good, 401.

³³ Tucker, Seventeen Sermons, 154.

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³⁹ Tucker, Essay, 130 n.

⁴⁰ For Mandeville's reception see Hundert, E. J., The Enlightenment's “Fable”: Bernard Mandeville and the Discovery of Society (Cambridge, 1994), 75–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 96–115, 117–26, 153–68.

⁴¹ Ibid., 154.

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⁴⁷ Butler, Fifteen Sermons 1729, 139. Contrariwise, for Butler self-love was in fact a duty commanded by Christ himself, as asserted in Waterman, Political Economy and Christian Theology, 110. This is in reference to Sermons XI and XII: “Upon the Love of our Neighbour.”

⁴⁸ Butler, Fifteen Sermons 1726, 139–40; Fifteen Sermons 1729, 140.

⁴⁹ Butler, Fifteen Sermons 1726, 171; Fifteen Sermons 1729, 171.

⁵⁰ Butler, Fifteen Sermons 1729, xvii, original emphasis. Lavery, Cf. Jonathan, “Reflection and Exhortation in Butler's Sermons: Practical Deliberation, Psychological Health and the Philosophical Sermon,” European Legacy 10/4 (2005), 329–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁵³ For the Anglican “organicist conception of the state” as the theological and philosophical harbinger of eighteenth-century British political economy see Waterman, Political Economy and Christian Theology, 32–9, 41–6.

⁵⁴ Annas, Julia, “The Stoics: Human Nature and the Point of View of the Universe,” chap. 5 of Annas, The Morality of Happiness (Oxford, 1993)Google Scholar, 159–79. For Stoicism in Butler's thought see Irwin, T. H., “Stoic Naturalism in Butler,” in Inwood, John and Miller, Brad, eds., Hellenistic and Early Modern Philosophy (Cambridge 2003), 274–300CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For acknowledgment of the theory of oikeiosis in Butler's scheme see Long, A. A., “Stoicism in the Philosophical Tradition: Spinoza, Lipsius, Butler,” in Inwood, John, ed., The Cambridge Companion to the Stoics (Cambridge, 2003), 365–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 368–9. For Stoic moral philosophy and oikeiosis in Adam Smith's economic thought see Brown, Vivienne, Adam Smith's Discourse: Canonicity, Commerce and Conscience (London, 1994)Google Scholar; Forma-Barzilai, Fonna, Adam Smith and the Circles of Sympathy: Cosmopolitanism and Moral Theory (Cambridge, 2009)Google Scholar.

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⁵⁶ Butler, Fifteen Sermons 1726, 188–9, 190, original emphasis; Fifteen Sermons 1729, 188–9, 190.

⁵⁷ Butler, Fifteen Sermons 1726, 229–30; Fifteen Sermons 1729, 235–6.

⁵⁸ Tucker, Elements, 6, 7 (“A Preliminary Discourse, Setting Forth the natural Disposition, or instinctive Inclination of Mankind towards Commerce”).

⁵⁹ Ibid., 8.

⁶⁰ Ibid., 6, 8. For further discussion see Peter Xavier Price, “Self-Love and Sociability: The ‘Rudiments of Commerce’ in the State of Nature,” Global Intellectual History (forthcoming).

⁶¹ Tucker, Elements, 8.

⁶² This is stated implicitly, e.g., in Tucker, Josiah, Four Tracts, Together with Two Sermons, on Political and Commercial Subjects (Gloucester, 1774), 41Google Scholar; and explicitly in Tucker, A Brief and Dispassionate View of the Difficulties Attending the Trinitarian, Arian and Socinian Systems (Gloucester, 1776). In the latter, Tucker bases his defence of orthodox Trinitarianism on Butler's anti-Lockean “Of personal Identity” argument, which was appended to Joseph Butler, The Analogy of Religion, Natural and Revealed (London, 1736), 301–8.

⁶³ Tucker, Instructions for Travellers, 6.

⁶⁴ Wesley, John, The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley, A. M., 8 vols., ed. Curnock, N. (London, 1909–16), 5: 265Google Scholar.

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⁶⁶ See notes 10–12 above.

⁶⁷ Butler, Fifteen Sermons 1726, 17-8; Fifteen Sermons 1729, 16–17.

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⁷⁰ Butler, A Sermon Preached . . . for the Relief of Sick and Diseased Persons (London, 1748) (henceforth Infirmary), 5.

⁷¹ Hanley, “The Eighteenth-Century Context of Sympathy,” 185.

⁷² E.g. Valenze, Deborah, “Charity, Custom, and Humanity: Changing Attitudes towards the Poor in Eighteenth-Century England,” in Garnett, J. and Matthew, C., eds., Revival and Religion since 1700: Essays for John Walsh (London, 1993), 59–78Google Scholar; Tomkins, Alannah, The Experience of Urban Poverty 1723–82: Parish, Charity and Credit (Manchester, 2006)Google Scholar.

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⁷⁶ Entitled A Sermon Preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (London, 1739) (henceforth SPG), and A Sermon Preached . . . on Thursday May the 9^th, 1745 (London, 1745) (henceforth Charity Schools).

⁷⁷ Tennant, Bob, Corporate Holiness: Pulpit Preaching and the Church of England Missionary Societies, 1760–1870 (Oxford, 2013), 26, 63–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Tennant does not refer to Butler's “theory of ethics as circles of benevolence” in explicitly Stoic terms. However, the similarities between this explanation and Butler's incorporation of Stoic oikeiosis, as discussed above, are unambiguous.

⁷⁸ Butler, Infirmary, 4.

⁷⁹ Ibid., 12.

⁸⁰ Ibid., 23, 24.

⁸¹ For relevant discussion of the transition from seventeenth-century aristocratic society to eighteenth-century commercial society see Miller, “Hercules at the Crossroads.”

⁸² Butler, Infirmary, 5.

⁸³ Butler, SPG, 12, 14.

⁸⁴ Tennant, Butler's Philosophy and Ministry, 147, 149, 154.

⁸⁵ Tucker, Josiah, The Causes of the Dearness of Provisions assigned; with Effectual Methods for Reducing . . . Them (Gloucester, 1766), 3–4, 5.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ Ibid., 7. Tucker is referring to London here, but he may just as well be speaking of any number of “proto-industrial” cities across eighteenth-century Britain.

⁸⁹ Tucker, Essay, 53–8. This proposal is repeated in greater detail in Josiah Tucker, The Manifold Causes of the Increase of the Poor Distinctly Set Forth (Gloucester, 1760), 12–16.

⁹⁰ Bernard de Mandeville, An Essay on Charity and Charity-Schools, in Mandeville, Fable of the Bees, 2nd edn (London, 1723), 285–370.

⁹¹ Butler, Martyrdom, 6. Cf. Tennant, Butler's Philosophy and Ministry, 159.

⁹² Tucker, Josiah, Expediency of a Law for the Naturalization of Foreign Protestants: . . . Part II . . . Containing Important Queries relating to Commerce . . . and the Principles of the Christian Religion, 2nd edn (London, 1753) (henceforth NFP II), ix.Google Scholar

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⁹⁴ Ibid., 18.

⁹⁵ Tucker, Four Tracts . . . Two Sermons, 67. As Tucker elsewhere puts it, this was tantamount to a “Plan of good Œconomy,” ensuring economic progress from “Generation to Generation throughout an almost endless Progression and Variety.” Tucker, Seventeen Sermons, 156–8.

⁹⁶ Tucker, NFP II, 10.

⁹⁷ Tucker, Seventeen Sermons, 19. Lovejoy, Cf. Arthur O., The Great Chain of Being (Cambridge, MA, 1936)Google Scholar; Viner, Role of Providence in the Social Order, 90–95.

⁹⁸ Tucker, SPCK, 18–20, 24–5; cf. Tucker, Essay, 34.

⁹⁹ Semmel, “The Hume–Tucker Debate”; Elmslie, B. T., “Retrospectives: The Convergence Debate between David Hume and Josiah Tucker,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 9/4 (1995), 207–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dickey, “Doux-Commerce and Humanitarian Values”; Istvan Hont, “The ‘Rich Country–Poor Country’ Debate in the Scottish Enlightenment,” in Hont, Jealousy of Trade, 267–322.

¹⁰⁰ For the “great age of comparative study in political economy” as “the archetypal science of reform, premised on the unavoidability of commercial society as an element of human progress, and encompassing in consequence international relations as the correlate of domestic reform,” see Whatmore, “Burke on Political Economy,” 81, 83. Cf. Emma Rothschild, “Global Commerce and the Question of Sovereignty in the Eighteenth-Century Provinces,” Modern Intellectual History 1/1 (2004), 3–25.

¹⁰¹ E.g. Winch, Riches and Poverty, 57–89; Dew, Ben, “Political Economy and the Problem of the Plebs in Eighteenth-Century Britain,” History Compass 5/4 (2007), 1214–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰³ Nieli, “Commercial Society and Christian Virtue,” esp. 581–4. Christian objections to wealth creation are articulated in such scriptural passages as Matthew 11:26: “Ye cannot serve God and Mammon,” or 1 Timothy 11:10: “For the love of money is the root of all evil.”

¹⁰⁴ Quoted in Shelton, Dean Tucker and Eighteenth-Century Economic and Political Thought, 165.

¹⁰⁵ Cf. Waterman, Political Economy and Christian Theology, 109–12.

¹⁰⁶ Donald Winch, “Adam Smith's ‘Enduring Particular Result’: A Political and Cosmopolitan Perspective,” in Hont and Ignatieff, Wealth and Virtue, 253–70, at 265.

¹⁰⁷ See, e.g., in immediate contextual and clerical proximity to Tucker, John “Estimate” Brown, An Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Times (London, 1757). For wider Continental contexts and surveys see also Istvan Hont, “Free Trade and the Economic Limits to National Politics: Neo-Machiavellian Political Economy Reconsidered,” in Hont, Jealousy of Trade, 185–266; Sonenscher, Michael, Before the Deluge: Public Debt, Inequality, and the Intellectual Origins of the French Revolution (Princeton, 2007), esp. 1–21, 41–66Google Scholar; McDaniel, Iain, “Jean-Louis Delolme and the Political Science of the English Empire,” Historical Journal 55/1 (2012), 21–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Butler, A Sermon Preached before the House of Lords . . . June 11, 1747 (London, 1747), 25–6.

¹⁰⁹ Tucker, Elements, 81, 88.

¹¹⁰ Pocock, J. G. A., “Josiah Tucker on Burke, Locke and Price: A Study in the Varieties of Eighteenth-Century Conservatism,” in Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History, 157–91. For a broad survey see also Haakonssen, Knud, ed., Enlightenment and Religion: Rational Dissent in Eighteenth-Century (Cambridge, 1996)Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Tucker, A Letter to Edmund Burke, Esq., Member of Parliament for Bristol . . . in Answer to his Printed Speech (Gloucester, 1775), 18–20; Tucker, Four Letters on Important National Subjects, Addressed to the Right Honourable the Earl of Shelburne, 2nd edn (London, 1783), 18, 20, 23.

¹¹² Tucker, Four Letters on Important National Subjects, 23. Cf. Whatmore, Richard, “Shelburne and Perpetual Peace: Small States, Commerce, and International Relations within the Bowood Circle,” in Aston, Nigel and Orr, Clarissa Campbell, eds., An Enlightenment Statesman in Whig Britain: Lord Shelburne in Context, 1737–1805 (Woodbridge, 2011), 249–73Google Scholar.

¹¹³ See note 85 above.

¹¹⁴ Tucker, Josiah, An Apology for the Present Church of England, As by Law Established (Gloucester, 1772), 14Google Scholar. This is similar to Hume's analysis, summarized by Haakonssen, Natural Law and Moral Philosophy, 124 (emphases added), “that in a free constitution political differences could not be about the constitution; they had to be within the constitution.”

¹¹⁵ Tucker, Josiah, A Treatise Concerning Civil Government (Gloucester, 1781), 22, 23, 40Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Tucker, Letter to Burke, 12.

¹¹⁷ Tucker, Seventeen Sermons, 139–41. At 26 Tucker labels this the “divine Oeconomy.” Elsewhere he likens it to his “Plan of Christian Liberty.” Tucker, An Apology for the Present Church of England, 54.

¹¹⁸ Here Tucker was referring to his and Butler's frequent turns about the gardens of Bristol Cathedral during the 1740s, when, on one occasion, Butler remarked that it must be possible for “whole Communities and public Bodies [to] be seized with Fits of Insanity, as well as Individuals.” See Stephens, Alexander, Public Characters of 1798–9, 2nd edn (London, 1799), 171Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Tucker, Josiah, Cui Bono? Or, an Enquiry, What Benefits can Arise . . . from the Greatest Victories, or Successes, in the Present War? . . . Addressed to Monsieur Necker, 3rd edn (Gloucester, 1781), 32, 80–83, 137Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ “Tucker to Mrs Jones, 12 Jan 1783,” Gentleman's Magazine 19 (1840), 19–20.

¹²¹ Connor, R. D. W., “Josiah Tucker or Cassandra Picks the Pocket of Mars,” World Affairs 103/2 (1940), 79–90Google Scholar.

¹²² Tucker to William Seward, 29 Oct. 1790, BL Add. MSS. 5419.

¹²³ Tucker, Essay, 66.