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“FEELINGS OF ALARM”: CONSERVATIVE CRITICISM OF THE PRINCIPLE OF NATIONALITY IN MID-VICTORIAN BRITAIN*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 March 2016

RICHARD SMITTENAAR
RICHARD SMITTENAAR*
Affiliation:
History Department, Queen Mary, University of London E-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

This article is an account of the mid-Victorian conservative reaction to the increasing prominence of the notion of nationality in British debates on European affairs. Conservatives perceived the idea of nationality as a threat, which they tried to deflect by deploying three sets of arguments. They attempted to marginalize the notion by reframing nationality as neither a valuable nor a fundamental aspect of political life; they argued that the sentiment of nationality increased aggression in international affairs and was a threat to the European order; and they argued that nationality was often incompatible with constitutional liberty and a proper patriotism, thereby presenting liberals’ support for nationality as inconsistent with their own values. This conservative rejection and problematization of nationality in mid-Victorian Britain has been absent from existing scholarly work, which has focused on the qualified acceptance of the notion by Victorian liberals and Edwardian conservatives.

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Articles
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Modern Intellectual History , Volume 14 , Issue 2 , August 2017 , pp. 365 - 391
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

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Footnotes

*

This research was partially supported by a scholarship from Queen Mary, University of London. The author is grateful to Georgios Varouxakis, the editors and two anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions.

References

1 Harvie, Christopher, The Lights of Liberalism: University Liberals and the Challenge of Democracy 1860–86 (London, 1976)Google Scholar; and Kent, Christopher, Brains and Numbers: Elitism, Comtism, and Democracy in Mid-Victorian England (Toronto, 1978)Google Scholar.

2 See e.g. Green, E. H. H., The Crisis of Conservatism: The Politics, Economics and Ideology of the British Conservative Party, 1880–1914 (London, 1995)Google Scholar; Mandler, Peter, The English National Character: The History of an Idea from Edmund Burke to Tony Blair (New Haven, 2006)Google Scholar; Parry, Jon, The Politics of Patriotism: English Liberalism, National Identity and Europe, 1830–1886 (Cambridge, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Romani, Roberto, National Character and Public Spirit in Britain and France, 1750–1914 (Cambridge, 2002)Google Scholar; as well as the additional literature referenced throughout the article.

3 See, for a brief allusion, however, Hicks, Geoffrey, Peace, War and Party Politics: The Conservatives and Europe 1846–59 (Manchester, 2007), 209 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 See e.g. Varouxakis, Georgios, “‘Patriotism,’ ‘Cosmopolitanism’ and ‘Humanity’ in Victorian Political Thought,” European Journal of Political Theory, 5/1 (2006), 100–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Parry, Jon, “Patriotism,” in Craig, David and Thompson, James, eds., Languages of Politics in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 2013), 69–92, at 71, 78, 88CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Lord Acton was an acknowledged exception to this rule, but Sylvest, Casper, British Liberal Internationalism, 1880–1930: making progress? (Manchester, 2009), 177–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, characterizes his as a “Continental mind.”

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6 Sylvest, Casper, “James Bryce and the Two Faces of Nationalism,” in Hall, Ian and Hill, Lisa, eds., British International Thought from Hobbes to Namier (New York: 2009), 161–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar, notes how this liberal assurance in the “virtues of the principle of nationality” waned in the early twentieth century.

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10 The opinions represented in these periodicals were not exhaustive of the conservatism of the time—indeed, these aristocratic and middle-class authors explicitly distinguished their conservatism from that of the masses. See e.g. Cecil, R., “Political Lessons of the War,” Quarterly Review, 130 (Jan. 1871), 256–86, at 272–3Google Scholar; and Chesney, C. C., “Our Panics and Their Remedy,” Macmillan's Magazine, 23 (April 1871), 449–57, at 450–53Google Scholar. This article does not treat the thought of Whigs or centrist liberals, whose opinions on nationality diverged markedly from the conservative discourse.

11 See the Wellesley Index to Victorian Periodicals, as well as Collini, Stefan, Public Moralists: Political Thought and Intellectual Life in Britain 1850–1930 (Oxford, 1991), 51–4Google Scholar; Gambles, Anna, Protection and Politics: Conservative Economic Discourse, 1815–1852 (London, 1999), 10–11, 18Google Scholar; and Houghton, Walter, “Periodical Literature and the Articulate Classes,” in Shattock, Joanne and Wolff, Michael, eds., The Victorian Periodical Press: Samplings and Soundings (Leicester, 1983), 3–27, at 10–13, 18Google Scholar.

12 The authors studied here never used the term “nationalism,” writing only of “nationality.” For them, “nationality” was not a neutral concept, and had connotations closer to nationalism than to citizenship. To avoid anachronism, this paper too uses “nationality” throughout.

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16 I wish to thank one of the anonymous reviewers for bringing this area of inquiry to my attention.

17 Patterson, R. H., “The Position of the Ministry,” Blackwood's Magazine, 95 (May 1864), 638–48, at 647Google Scholar; and Cecil, “Political Lessons of the War,” 266. Robert Patterson (1821–86) was an author and editor (of the conservative Press and Globe) who was close to Disraeli. Robert Cecil (1830–1903), the Marquess of Salisbury from 1868 onwards, would serve as prime minister three times between 1885 and 1902.

18 Atkinson, J. B., “Italy: Her Nationality or Dependence,” Blackwood's Magazine, 85 (March 1859), 350–65, at 353–4Google Scholar. See also Cecil, R., “Lord Castlereagh,” Quarterly Review, 111 (Jan. 1862), 201–38, at 230Google Scholar; Hardman, F., “Notes and Notions from Italy,” Blackwood's Magazine, 97 (June 1865), 659–74, at 665–6Google Scholar; and White, J., “Italy,” Blackwood's Magazine, 89 (April 1861), 403–20Google Scholar.

19 Some conservatives—especially military men—did not discuss the notion of nationality at all. W. G. Hamley (1815–93), an army officer who became a colonel in 1866, did not mention it in any of his six leaders on the Franco-Prussian War for Blackwood's Magazine.

20 Cecil, R., “The Danish Duchies,” Quarterly Review, 115 (Jan. 1864), 236–87Google Scholar; and Dasent, G. W., “The War between France and Germany,” Quarterly Review, 129 (Oct. 1870), 293–327 Google Scholar. See also Cecil, “Lord Castlereagh,” 221–2.

21 These authors’ focus on the centrality of the imagination in constructing nationality is corroborated by modern scholarship, such as Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 2006)Google Scholar. Their subsequent suggestion that the imaginative lacked salience, influence and constancy was, however, born of hope more than insight.

22 Lever, C. J., “Cornelius O'Dowd,” Blackwood's Magazine, 110 (Dec. 1871), 728–33, at 733Google Scholar. C. J. Lever (1806–1872) was appointed vice-consul at La Spezia in 1858 and consul at Trieste in 1867 by successive Conservative governments.

23 Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 271, 273. See also Oliphant, L., “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” Blackwood's Magazine, 95 (March 1864), 383–96, at 389–90Google Scholar; Patterson, R. H., “The European Crisis,” Blackwood's Magazine, 95 (Jan. 1864), 110–32, at 122, 129–30Google Scholar. See, for a similar distinction on Russia's internal debates in 1876–8, Kinglake, A. W. and Austin, A., “The Slavonic Menace to Europe,” Quarterly Review, 149 (April 1880), 518–48, at 526–7Google Scholar.

24 On Napoleon III see Cecil, “Political Lessons of the War,” 263; Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 299; and Patterson, R. H., The New Revolution or the Napoleonic Policy in Europe (London, 1860), at 34, 41–51, 94–9Google ScholarPubMed. On Bismarck see Cecil, R., “The Terms of Peace,” Quarterly Review, 129 (Oct. 1870), 540–56, at 546Google Scholar; Cecil, “Political Lessons of the War,” 257–8; Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 295; and Wilson, J., “Count Bismarck, Prussia, and Pan-Teutonism,” Quarterly Review, 130 (Jan. 1871), 71–92, at 80Google Scholar. On the tsar see Cowell, H., “The Prospects in the East,” Blackwood's Magazine, 120 (Aug. 1876), 245–56, at 250Google Scholar.

25 When they did discuss the likelihood of unification, they focused on the influence of Italian geography, rather than the desires of its peoples. See Atkinson, “Italy,” 352, 363; Cecil, “France and Europe,” 11; Forsyth, “Italy,” 166–7; Tremenheere, “Napoleonism and Italy,” 243–4.

26 Atkinson, “Italy,” 355; Aytoun, W. E., “France and Central Italy,” Blackwood's Magazine, 87 (Feb. 1860), 245–54, at 250–51, 253Google Scholar; Cecil, R., “France and Europe,” Bentley's Quarterly Review, 2 (Oct. 1859), 1–32, at 9–10Google Scholar; Forsyth, W., “An Election in France,” Blackwood's Magazine, 88 (July 1860), 107–21, at 107Google Scholar; Forsyth, , “Italy,” Quarterly Review, 109 (Jan. 1861), 133–77, at 135Google Scholar; Lever, C. J., “Italian Brigandage,” Blackwood's Magazine, 93 (May 1863), 576–85, at 583Google Scholar; Lever, , “A Glance at the Italy of Cavour,” Blackwood's Magazine, 93 (June 1863), 653–67, at 657Google Scholar; Lever, , “Why Has Not Italy Done More?”, Blackwood's Magazine, 93 (July 1863), 54–64, at 54, 62Google Scholar; Oliphant, L., “Switzerland and French Annexation,” Blackwood's Magazine, 87 (May 1860), 635–50, at 636–8, 641, 647Google Scholar; Patterson, R. H., “Foreign Affairs and Disarmament,” Blackwood's Magazine, 86 (Sept. 1859), 375–90, at 376–7Google Scholar; Swayne, G. C., “Greece and Italy,” Blackwood's Magazine, 80 (July 1856), 77–91, at 88–9Google Scholar; and Tremenheere, J. H., “Napoleonism and Italy,” North British Review, 31 (Aug. 1859), 243–68, at 244, 259–61Google Scholar.

27 Hardman, F., “Tidings from Turin,” Blackwood's Magazine, 85 (May 1859), 612–25, at 621Google Scholar. F. Hardman (1814–74) was a former military officer, and foreign correspondent for The Times.

28 Arnold, M., England and the Italian Question (London, 1859), 4, 11–17Google Scholar. J. S. Mill similarly wrote of “the attempts of Italians to re-constitute an Italy” (emphasis added): J. S. Mill, “Vindication of the French Revolution of February 1848,” in The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, ed. F. E. L. Priestly and J. M. Robson, 33 vols. (Toronto 1963–1991), 20: 317–63, at 348.

29 Swayne, “Greece and Italy,” 77. G. C. Swayne (1818–92) had been assistant master of Harrow from 1851 to 1855 and worked as curate, chaplain and essayist.

30 Atkinson, “Italy,” 350–51; see also 353–4, 361, 365; Cecil, “Lord Castlereagh,” 221–2, 229–30; Forsyth, “Italy,” 147. J. B. Atkinson (1822–86) frequently wrote on art and aesthetics for Blackwood's.

31 Beales, Derek, England and Italy 1859–60 (London, 1961), 111 Google Scholar; Parry, The Politics of Patriotism, 228. For the example of J. S. Mill see Varouxakis, Georgios, Liberty Abroad: J. S. Mill on International Relations (Cambridge, 2013), 86–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 See e.g. Arnold, England and the Italian Question, 4–11.

33 Lever presented this view even in his series of retrospective articles, “Italian Brigandage,” 580–81, 583; “A Glance at the Italy of Cavour,” 653, 657, 659, 661–4; and “Why Has Not Italy Done More?”, 54, 59–61. See also Cecil, “France and Europe,” 4; Forsyth, “Italy,” 133–4; Hardman, F., “From Spain to Piedmont,” Blackwood's Magazine, 83 (April 1858), 451–66, at 464Google Scholar; Hardman, “Tidings from Turin,” 612–15; Oliphant, L., “Universal Suffrage in Savoy and Nice,” Blackwood's Magazine, 87 (June 1860), 734–53, at 735, 740Google Scholar; Patterson, The New Revolution, 104–7; Patterson, , “Italy and France,” Blackwood's Magazine, 92 (Oct. 1862), 503–26, at 503–5Google Scholar.

34 Dicey, E. J. S., “The New Germany,” Macmillan's Magazine, 14 (Oct. 1866), 480–88, at 484Google Scholar; and Pratt, Michael, “A Fallen Idol: The Impact of the Franco-Prussian War on the Perception of Germany by British Intellectuals,” International History Review, 7/4 (1985), 543–75, at 557CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Bagehot, W., “The Gains of the World by the Two Last Wars in Europe,” in The Collected Works of Walter Bagehot, ed. St John-Stevas, N., 15 vols. (London, 1974), 8: 154–60Google Scholar; Dwyer, F. D., “The War,” Fraser's Magazine, 2 (Sept. 1870), 385–402, at 390–94Google Scholar; Gladstone, W. E., “Germany, France, and England,” Edinburgh Review, 132 (Oct. 1870), 554–93, at 569–70Google Scholar.

35 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 554; Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 296, 299; Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 394; Oliphant, L., “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein II,” Blackwood's Magazine, 95 (April 1864), 503–18, at 503Google Scholar; Oliphant, L., “The European Situation,” Blackwood's Magazine, 97 (Jan. 1865), 118–30, at 122Google Scholar; Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 131; Swayne, G. C., “Eavesdropping at Biarritz,” Blackwood's Magazine, 101 (Feb. 1867), 192–8, at 195, 197Google Scholar; Wilson, J., “Prevost-Paradol and Napoleon III,” Quarterly Review, 129 (Oct. 1870), 369–92, at 384, 386, 389Google Scholar; Wilson, , “The Third French Republic, and the Second German Empire,” Quarterly Review, 130 (April 1871), 351–73, at 362, 364, 371–2Google Scholar.

36 Swayne, “Eavesdropping at Biarritz,” 197; and Wilson, “Count Bismarck, Prussia, and Pan-Teutonism,” 78; see also Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 297.

37 Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 239–2, 248, 262, 267–8, 270, 275; W. G. Hamley, “Thoughts Suggested by the War,” Blackwood's Magazine, 108 (Dec. 1870), 774–91, at 784; Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 391–2; Oliphant, “The European Situation,” 124; Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 128–32; and Wilson, “Count Bismarck, Prussia, and Pan-Teutonism,” 78, 87, 90.

38 Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein II,” 503, 513, 516; Oliphant, “The European Situation,” 120, 122–3. See also Wilson, “Count Bismarck, Prussia, and Pan-Teutonism,” 78. Laurence Oliphant (1829–88), traveller and author, had connections of patronage to Palmerston and Russell, which ended with Oliphant's criticism of their handling of the Danish duchies affair. Later in life he would seek and gain the patronage of Disraeli and Salisbury.

39 Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 284.

40 Wilson, “Prevost-Paradol and Napoleon III,” 386. See also Wilson, “The Third French Republic,” 362, 371.

41 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 545; and Swayne, “Eavesdropping at Biarritz,” 195. See also Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 252–3; Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 293–4, 300, 312; Gleig, G. R., “The Great Collapse,” Blackwood's Magazine, 108 (Nov. 1870), 641–56, at 654Google Scholar; Gleig, , “Why Is Prussia Victorious?”, Blackwood's Magazine, 108 (Dec. 1870), 657–72, at 662Google Scholar; Hamley, “Thoughts Suggested by the War,” 784; Lever, C. J., “Cornelius O'Dowd,” Blackwood's Magazine, 109 (May 1871), 580–85, at 582Google Scholar; Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 394, 396; Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein II,” 503; Oliphant, “The European Situation,” 122; Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 130; Patterson, “The Position of the Ministry,” 641; Wilson, “Prevost-Paradol and Napoleon III,” 383; Wilson, “Count Bismarck, Prussia, and Pan-Teutonism,” 73–4, 78, 81–2, 90; Wilson, “The Third French Republic,” 368.

42 See e.g. Bagehot, “The Gains of the World”; and Dicey, “The New Germany,” 483, on “the passion for unity . . . north [and] south of the Alps.”

43 Harvie, The Lights of Liberalism, 98; Kent, Brains and Numbers, 24; and Parry, The Politics of Patriotism, 233.

44 Gladstone, W. E., “Germany, France, and England,” Edinburgh Review, 132 (Oct. 1870), 554–93, at 582Google Scholar. See also Bagehot, W., “Are Alsace and Lorraine Worth Most to Germany or France?”, in The Collected Works of Walter Bagehot, 8: 187–91Google Scholar; Bagehot, “The German Terms of Peace,” in The Collected Works of Walter Bagehot, 8: 251–5. See further Pratt, “A Fallen Idol,” 565–6.

45 Gladstone to Granville, 4 Oct. 1870, quoted in Deryck Schreuder, “Gladstone as ‘Troublemaker’,” Journal of British Studies, 17/2 (1978), 106–35, at 114.

46 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 543. See also Hamley, “The End of the War,” 488; Lever, C. J., “Cornelius O'Dowd,” Blackwood's Magazine, 108 (Oct. 1870), 508–12, at 511Google Scholar.

47 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 543, 547–52; Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 313; Hamley, “The End of the War,” 493; Lever, “Cornelius O'Dowd” (Oct. 1870), 510–11.

48 Wilson, “Count Bismarck, Prussia, and Pan-Teutonism,” 88.

49 Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 243, 244. Compare, for instance, Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 243–69 on established practice and treaties, with 271–3 on claims of nationality. See also Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 385–6, 390–91, 396; Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 128–30.

50 Cowell, H., “Eastern Prospects,” Blackwood's Magazine, 123 (Oct. 1878), 499–510, at 499Google Scholar. Herbert Cowell was a barrister and author, who had served in British India during the 1860s.

51 See e.g. Gladstone, W. E., “Third Mithlothian Campaign Speech, 27 November 1879,” in Bourne, Kenneth, The Foreign Policy of Victorian England 1830–1902 (Oxford, 1970)Google Scholar; Parry, The Politics of Patriotism, 230–31, 283–4; Schreuder, “Gladstone as ‘Troublemaker’,” 111–13; Sylvest, British Liberal Internationalism, 42; Varouxakis, “‘Patriotism,’ ‘Cosmopolitanism’ and ‘Humanity,’” 101.

52 See e.g. Northcote, S., “Lord Hartington's Resolutions, and the Position of the Opposition,” Blackwood's Magazine, 123 (Sept. 1878), 357–63, at 357Google Scholar.

53 For instances where one would expect nationality to be considered as a normative category see Lever, C. J., “Cornelius O'Dowd,” Blackwood's Magazine, 106 (Sept. 1869), 346–62, at 361Google Scholar; Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 385–6; Oliphant, “The European Situation,” 122.

54 Arnold, England and the Italian Question, 36–7.

55 Cecil, “Lord Castlereagh,” 212–13.

56 Ibid., 212–17, 235.

57 Ibid., 235.

58 Aytoun, “France and Central Italy,” 247–8; Cecil, “France and Europe,” 4; Cecil, “Lord Castlereagh,” 235; Forsyth, “An Election in France,” 107; Lever, “A Glance at the Italy of Cavour,” 656–7, 665; Lever, “Why Has Not Italy Done More?”, 61; Oliphant, “Universal Suffrage,” 735; Patterson, R. H., “Napoleon III and Europe,” Blackwood's Magazine, 85 (March 1859), 375–92, at 376Google Scholar.

59 Forsyth, “Italy,” 135, see also 150, 154–5, 166–7. William Forsyth (1812–99) was a lawyer, and Conservative MP from 1865 to 1866 and 1874 to 1880.

60 Lever, “Italian Brigandage,” 580–81; Swayne, “Greece and Italy,” 88–9; Tremenheere, “Napoleonism and Italy,” 261.

61 Aytoun, “France and Central Italy,” 253. W. E. Aytoun (1813–65) was a Scottish lawyer and author.

62 Gladstone quoted in Beales, England and Italy 1859–60, 34.

63 Gladstone, W. E., “Letter to Russell, January 3 1860,” in Derek Beales, “Gladstone on the Italian Question 1860,” Rassegna storica del Risorgimento, 41 (1954), 96–104, especially at 99–101, 104Google Scholar. See further Granville quoted in Beales, England and Italy 1859–60, 106.

64 Gladstone, W. E., “War in Italy,” Quarterly Review, 105 (April 1859), 527–564 Google Scholar; J. Russell, “Russell to Cowley,” No. 498, 15 Nov. 1859, F.O. 27/1287; and Russell quoted in Beales, England and Italy 1859–60, at 99–100. See also McIntire, C. T., England against the Papacy 1858–1861 (Cambridge, 1983), 132–3, 225–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Forsyth, “Italy,” 148–9. Russell's dispatch of 27 Oct. 1860 “justified the actions of Cavour and Garibaldi on general principles” and aimed to deter the other great powers from intervening in Italy; Beales, England and Italy 1859–60, 156.

66 Forsyth, “Italy,” 150.

67 Ibid., 154–5, 166–7.

68 Mill, J. S., “A Few Words on Non-intervention,” Fraser's Magazine, 60 (Dec. 1859), 766–76Google Scholar; Mill, J. S., “Letter to James Baal,” in The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, 16: 1031–5Google Scholar. See also Varouxakis, Georgios, Mill on Nationality (London, 2002), at 77–8, 85–6Google Scholar; Varouxakis, Liberty Abroad, 95–6.

69 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 551.

70 Patterson, The New Revolution, 97.

71 Ibid., 41–51, 97–9. See also Patterson, “Napoleon III and Europe,” 379, 382, 384–5, 392; Patterson, “Foreign Affairs and Disarmament,” 375; Patterson, The New Revolution, 9–12, 34, 75, 90, 94–6, 114–15, 125–6; Patterson, “Ten Years of Imperialism,” Blackwood's Magazine, 92 (Aug. 1862), 245–60, at 255, 259–60; Patterson, “Italy and France,” 518, 524.

72 On Russia see Cowell, “The Prospects in the East,” 253; Craik, H. and Smith, W., “National Interests and National Morality,” Quarterly Review, 144 (July 1877), 277–310, at 307Google Scholar; Hamley, W. G., “The Storm in the East IX,” Blackwood's Magazine, 123 (Feb. 1878), 225–44, at 242Google Scholar; Kinglake and Austin, “The Slavonic Menace to Europe,” 526–7, 536–7, 541; and Shand, A. I., “Foreign Opinion on England in the East,” Blackwood's Magazine, 123 (June 1878), 734–54, at 739Google Scholar.

73 Wilson, “Count Bismarck, Prussia, and Pan-Teutonism,” 87–8; see also Wilson, “The Third French Republic,” 359–60.

74 Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 312–13. G. W. Dasent was a scholar, and assistant editor at The Times from 1845 to 1870.

75 Wilson, “The Third French Republic,” 359–60.

76 Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 238–42, 247–8, 260.

77 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 551–2, 555–6.

78 The Globe, Nov. 21 (1870), 4.

79 Ibid.

80 Ibid.

81 See e.g. Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 238–9, 262, 270–71; Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 295–6, 312–14.

82 See e.g. Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 553.

83 J. S. Mill quoted in Varouxakis, “‘Patriotism,’ ‘Cosmopolitanism’ and ‘Humanity’,” 100, see also 108. See further Jones, Victorian Political Thought, 43–4, 57–8; Jones, , “The Idea of the National in Victorian Political Thought,” European Journal of Political Theory, 5/1 (2006), 12–21, at 15–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stapleton, Julia, Political Intellectuals and Public Identities in Britain since 1850 (Manchester, 2001), 31–2Google Scholar; Varouxakis, Mill on Nationality, 126–7.

84 See Mandler, The English National Character, especially 7–8, 106–7, 123, for detail on conservatives’ institutional patriotism.

85 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 552.

86 On the paralysis of the Austrian Empire see Cowell, H., “The Political Results of the War,” Blackwood's Magazine, 122 (Nov. 1877), 611–27, at 621Google Scholar; and Hamley, W. G., “The Storm in the East VIII,” Blackwood's Magazine, 123 (Jan. 1878)Google Scholar. On the disaffected South as likely an enduring thorn in the side of the North see Cecil, R., “The United States as an Example,” Quarterly Review, 117 (Jan. 1865), 249–86, at 280–81Google Scholar; Fremantle, A. J. L., “The Battle of Gettysburg and the Campaign in Pennsylvania,” Blackwood's Magazine, 94 (Sept. 1863), 365–94, at 389 Google Scholar; Patterson, R. H., “The Crisis of the American War,” Blackwood's Magazine, 92 (Nov. 1862), 636–46, at 636Google Scholar.

87 Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 389. On Poland and Russia see also Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 120–24.

88 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 540, 543, 549, 551–2; Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 313, 315; Lever, “Cornelius O'Dowd” (Oct. 1870), 511.

89 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 547.

90 See also Lever, “Cornelius O'Dowd” (Oct 1870), 510–11; and Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 128, arguing that in the past, when “the modern principle of nationality was unknown . . . populations readily united or parted according to any changes in the persons or fortunes of their rules [sic].”

91 Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 237–40; Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 548–9; Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 120.

92 Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 549–50.

93 Ibid., 544, 551–5; Dasent, “The War between France and Germany,” 309–11, 318; Gleig, “Why Is Prussia Victorious?”, 663; Lever, “Cornelius O'Dowd” (Oct 1870), 511–12; Wilson, “The Third French Republic,” 370.

94 For the crucial role of the sentiment of nationality in sustaining animosity, compare Cecil's pessimistic forecast of German–French relations, taking this sentiment into account, with Hamley's more hopeful predictions, which did not discuss nationality. Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 551; Hamley, “New Year's Musings,” 255.

95 Lord Acton, a cosmopolitan Whiggish Catholic, argued that the principle of nationality did not further the end of liberty and—here diverging from conservatives—would jeopardize both the progress of civilization and the “civilized” patriotic attachment to the “political nation,” replaced by the “animal” attachment to the “race.” Acton, J. D., “Nationality,” Home and Foreign Review, 1 (July 1862), 1–25, at 15, 17, 19–20Google Scholar.

96 Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 390–91.

97 Harrison, F., National and Social Problems (London, 1908), at 256Google Scholar.

98 Varouxakis, “‘Patriotism,’ ‘Cosmopolitanism’ and ‘Humanity’,” 110.

99 On these institutions see e.g. Mandler, The English National Character, 7, 15, 123; and Parry, “Patriotism,” 85.

100 Swayne, “Greece and Italy,” 87–8. See also Atkinson, “Italy,” 350–51, 355, 361, 364; Aytoun, “France and Central Italy,” 247–8; Cecil, “France and Europe,” 4, 27; Forsyth, “Italy,” 154, 171; Patterson, “Italy and France,” 525; Tremenheere, “Napoleonism and Italy,” 268; White, “Italy.”

101 Atkinson, “Italy,” 361.

102 Cecil, “France and Europe,” 4.

103 Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 120.

104 Ibid., 121–4.

105 Cecil, “The Danish Duchies,” 271; see also 270–73.

106 Ibid., 239 and passim; see also Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 391–2; Patterson, “The European Crisis,” 128–32.

107 Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 388, 396; Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein II,” 504; see also Cecil, “The Terms of Peace,” 548; Lever, “Cornelius O'Dowd” (Sept. 1869), 362.

108 H. B. E. Frere, “The Turkish Empire,” Quarterly Review, 142 (Oct. 1876), 480–512, at 483; Craik and Smith, “National Interests and National Morality,” 277; W. G. Palgrave, “The Revival of Turkey,” Quarterly Review, 146 (Oct. 1878), 549–94, at 550–51; W. Smith, “The Eastern Question,” Quarterly Review, 142 (Oct. 1876), 544–86, at 555–8.

109 This strife was not primarily the result of a general incompatibility between Muslims and Christians, but rather of the different local factions trying to increase their influence. See e.g. W. Smith and E. B. Cowell, “Turkey,” Quarterly Review, 143 (April 1877), 573–600, at 576–8.

110 Cowell, H., “The New Year,” Blackwood's Magazine, 121 (Jan. 1877), 108–26, at 108Google Scholar; Frere, “The Turkish Empire,” 494–6; Hamley, “The Storm in the East IX,” 242–3; Northcote, “Lord Hartington's Resolutions,” 359; Palgrave, “The Revival of Turkey,” 550–51; Smith, “The Eastern Question,” 555–8; Smith and Cowell, “Turkey,” 584.

111 Parry, The Politics of Patriotism.

112 Mill, “Vindication of the French Revolution of February 1848,” 348; and from 1859, quoted in Varouxakis, Liberty Abroad, 86.

113 See e.g. Oliphant, “A Letter from Schleswig-Holstein,” 385–6.

114 Green, The Crisis of Conservatism, 15–16, 78, 117, 130, 159; Jones, Victorian Political Thought, 76–77; Stapleton, Political Intellectuals, 41, 51. Green, The Crisis of Conservatism, 160, notes that during the Edwardian era “a distinctive brand of Conservative Collectivism” also became established.

115 See e.g. Saturday Review, 25 June 1859, 767; 17 May 1862, 555; 14 March 1863, 341–2; 23 July 1870, 97–8; 8 Oct. 1870, 453.

116 Jones, Victorian Political Thought, 76–7; Mandler, The English National Character, 60, 126, 132–3.