¹ Nehru, Jawaharlal, The Discovery of India (Delhi, 1987), 317Google Scholar.

² al-Bustani, Fuad, “Qissat al-muʿarib” in Bustani, al-Mahabharata: al-Malhama al-Hinduwiyya (Beirut, 1952), 1–15, at 11Google Scholar. The Mahabharata of Wadiʿ al-Bustani contains three separately enumerated introductions, one by Wadiʿ himself, the above cited by his son Fuad, and a translation of Romesh Chandra Dutt's original English introduction.

³ Asif, Manan Ahmed, The Loss of Hindustan: The Invention of India (Cambridge, MA, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Inden, Ronald, Imagining India (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar.

⁴ Ernst, Carl, “Muslim Studies of Hinduism? A Reconsideration of Arabic and Persian Translations from Indian Languages,” Iranian Studies, 36/2 (2003), 173–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kozah, Mario, The Birth of Indology as an Islamic Science: Al-Bīrūnī's Treatise on Yoga Psychology (Leiden, 2015)Google Scholar; Asif, Manan Ahmed, A Book of Conquest: The Chachnama and Muslim Origins in South Asia (Cambridge, MA, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Work on the long history of Middle East–South Asia connections is vast; for general overviews focusing on the premodern period see Khan, M. A. Saleem, Early Muslim Perceptions of India and Hinduism (New Delhi, 1997)Google Scholar; and al-Nadwi, Syed Suliman, Arab wa Hind key taʿalluqat (Allahabad, 1935)Google Scholar. On the early modern Persianate links see Alam, Muzaffar and Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, Indo-Persian Travels in the Age of Discoveries, 1400–1800 (Cambridge, 2007)Google Scholar. For a recent, wide-ranging study of Ottoman–Mughal relations see Maya Petrovich, “The Land of the Foreign Padishah: India in Ottoman Reality and Imagination” (Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, 2012).

⁵ Khuri-Makdisi, Ilham, The Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, 1860–1914 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 2010)Google Scholar; Khan, Noor-Aiman, Egyptian–Indian Nationalist Collaboration and the British Empire (New York, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hanan Hammad, “From Orientalism to Khomeinism: A Century of Persian Studies in Egypt,” Alif: Journal of Comparative Poetics 35 (May 2015), 31–52; Rastegar, Kamran, Literary Modernity between the Middle East and Europe: Textual Transactions in Nineteenth-Century Arabic, English and Persian Literatures (New York, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Aydin, Cemil, The Idea of the Muslim World: A Global Intellectual History (Cambridge, MA, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ghazal, Amal, Islamic Reform and Arab Nationalism Expanding the Crescent from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean (1880s–1930s) (London, 2010)Google Scholar. See also the uneven and somewhat repetitive studies by Saliba which have sought to account for Arab engagements with Hinduism, especially the impact of Hindu and Buddhist ideas on the likes of Khalil Gibran, Mikhail Naimy, and Kamal Junblatt. Saliba, Luis, Adyan al-Hind wa athuruh fi Jibran: qira'ah jadidah lil ada adab nabighat al-mahjar (Jubayl, 2015)Google Scholar; and Saliba, al-Hindusiyah wa ataruha fi al-fikr al-Lubnani: dirasa fi fikr Mikhail Nu'aymah (Jubayl, 2018).

⁶ Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, “Global Intellectual History beyond Hegel and Marx,” History and Theory 54/1 (2015), 126–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yavari, Neguin, “The Political Regard in Medieval Islamic Thought,” Historical Social Research 44/3 (2019), 52–73Google Scholar.

⁷ This question of what constitutes “cosmopolitanism,” and of whether it a sufficient or appropriate concept in the context of both early modern and modern accounts of Middle Eastern and South Asian thought, has been a point of extensive debate; for historically grounded critiques of the concept see Willis, John M., “Azad's Mecca: On the Limits of Indian Ocean Cosmopolitanism,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 34/3 (2014), 574–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kia, Mana, “Space, Sociality, and Sources of Pleasure: A Response to Sanjay Subrahmanyam,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61/1–2 (2018), 256–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Jordan, June, On Call: Political Essays (Boston, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁹ Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York, 1963), 102.

¹⁰ Indeed, in much of the scholarly literature the ur-text of the modern intellectual history of both West and South Asia remains the travelogue to Europe, and the primary focus of most studies is the translation and reception of European texts and ideas. See, for example, Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798–1939 (Oxford, 1962)Google Scholar; Abu-Lughod, Ibrahim, Arab Rediscovery of Europe: A Study in Cultural Encounters (Princeton, 1963)Google Scholar; al-Zaytuni, Latif, Harakat al-tarjama fi ʿasr al-nahda (Beirut, 1994)Google Scholar; Bayly, C. A., Recovering Liberties: Indian Thought in the Age of Liberalism and Empire (Cambridge, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ Gupta, Ashin Das, “India and the Indian Ocean in the Eighteenth Century,” in The World of the Indian Ocean Merchant, 1500–1800: Collected Essays of Ashin Das Gupta (New Delhi, 2001), 188–224, at 219Google Scholar.

¹² Sulayman himself traveled to India (along with Iraq and Iran) in the 1880s on business ventures. Hourani, Albert, Islam in European Thought (Cambridge, 1991), 176Google Scholar.

¹³ This sketch of his early life is based on al-Bustani, “Qissat al-muʿarib,” 1–15; and Mansour, Johnny, Haifa, al-kalima al-lati sarit madina (Haifa, 2015)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Wadih Boustany [Wadiʿ al-Bustani] to John Lubbock, 19 Nov. 1910, British Library, London (BL): Avebury Papers, MS 49676 f. 208.

¹⁵ Ibid.

¹⁶ Wadiʿ al-Bustani, “Muqaddimah,” in John Lubbock, Misrat al-hayat, trans. Wadiʿ al-Bustani (Cairo, 1911), 11. Bustani wrote an article from London introducing Lubbock's life and work to Arab readers, “Lord Avebury,” al-Zahra’, 1 Sept. 1911, 387–92.

¹⁷ Patton, Mark, Science, Politics and Business in the Work of Sir John Lubbock: A Man of Universal Mind (Aldershot, 2007), 223Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Lubbock, John, The Pleasures of Life (Philadelphia, 1894), xGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ For how these particular texts gained their currency in European culture see, among many other studies, Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance: Europe's Rediscovery of India and the East, 1680–1880 (New York, 1984; first published 1950); and Figueira, Dorothy Matilda, Translating the Orient: The Reception of Sakuntala in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Albany, 1991)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Empire's centrality in the making of modern British literary and cultural institutions and sensibilities was among the central concerns of postcolonial studies, and therefore constitutes a massive body of work produced over several decades; see, for example, Benita Parry, Delusions and Discoveries: Studies on India in the British Imagination, 1880–1930 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1972); Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York, 1993); Catherine Hall, Civilizing Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination 1830–1867 (Chicago, 2002). On the question of the English language and pedagogy specifically see Gauri Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule in India (New York, 1989); and Sanjay Seth, Subject Lessons: The Western Education of Colonial India (Durham, NC, 2007).

²¹ Tomoko Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions: Or, How European Universalism Was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago, 2005), 260; Arie L. Molendijk, Friedrich Max Müller and the Sacred Books of the East (Oxford, 2016), 57–8.

²² Wadiʿ al-Bustani, “Al-ustath Margoliouth,” al-Zuhur, 1 Oct. 1911, 413–15.

²³ Aamir Mufti, Forget English! Orientalisms and World Literatures (Cambridge, MA, 2016), 11, original emphasis. On Arab intellectuals’ schooling in orientalism see Ronen Raz, “The Transparent Mirror: Arab Intellectuals and Orientalism, 1798–1950” (Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, 1997); Anne-Laure Dupont, “How Should the History of the Arabs Be Written? The Impact of European Orientalism in Jurji Zaidan Work,” in George C. Zaidan and Thomas Philipp, eds., Jurji Zaidan: Contributions to Modern Arab Thought and Literature. Proceedings of a Symposium, The Library of Congress (Bethesda, 2013), 85–122; and the relevant chapters of Susannah Heschel and Umar Ryad, eds., The Muslim Reception of European Orientalism: Reversing the Gaze (New York, 2019).

²⁴ John Yohannan, Persian Poetry in England and America: A 200-Year History (Delmar, NY, 1977), 199.

²⁵ Wadiʿ al-Bustani, “Muqaddimah,” in Bustani, Rubʿiyat ʿUmar al-Khayyam (Cairo, 1912), 5–29, at 5.

²⁶ Yaseen Noorani, “Translating World Literature into Arabic and Arabic into World Literature: Sulayman al-Bustani's al-Ilyadha and Ruhi al-Khalidi's Arabic Rendition of Victor Hugo,” in Marilyn Booth, ed., Migrating Texts: Circulating Translations around the Ottoman Mediterranean (Edinburgh, 2019), 236–65, at 243.

²⁷ John M. Willis, “Making Yemen Indian: Rewriting the Boundaries of Imperial Arabia,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 41/1 (2009), 23–88, at 24.

²⁸ al-Bustani, “Dibajat al-muʿarib,” 10.

²⁹ On Tagore's trip to Egypt see Ahmad Muhammad Ahmad ‘Abd al-Rahman, “Rihlat Tagore ila Misr,” Thaqafatul Hind 62/4 (2011), 85–100; on Iraq see Salma al-Youzbaki, “Tagore in Iraq: Poet and Educator,” Bulletin of the College of Arts, University of Baghdad 20 (1977), 149–65.

³⁰ “Tagore fi al-lugha al-ʿArabiyya,” al-Risala, 10 Nov. 1941, 1387.

³¹ Khuri-Makdisi, The Eastern Mediterranean and the Making of Global Radicalism, 44.

³² Rabindranath Tagore, “Ila buhayrati: min diwan al-Bustani,” trans. Wadiʿ al-Bustani, al-Funun, May 1918, 318–19. On al-Funun see Richard Alan Popp, “Al-Funun: The Making of an Arab-American Literary Journal” (Ph.D. thesis, Georgetown University, 2000).

³³ Mikhail Naimy, “Fi ʿalam al-ta'lif: al-Bustani,” al-Funun, June 1918, 461–4, at 462.

³⁴ Ibid., 463.

³⁵ Wadiʿ al-Bustani, “Ghand Rabindranath Tagore,” al-Hilal, June 1916, 716–21, at 716. Earlier, in May 1916, al-Hilal published an article of Bustani's on Tagore which included translations of three of Tagore's poems into Arabic.

³⁶ Ibid., 719–20.

³⁷ See Michael Collins's well-researched study of Tagore's connections with the British and the circumstances of his being awarded the Nobel Prize. Michael Collins, “History and the Postcolonial: Rabindranath Tagore's Reception in London, 1912–1913,” International Journal of the Humanities 4/9 (2007), 71–83.

³⁸ Abd al-Rahman Yaghi, Hayat al-adab al-Filastini al-hadith min awwal al-nahda hatta al-nakba (Beirut, 1968), 176.

³⁹ W.F. Boustany [Wadiʿ al-Bustani], The Quatrains of War (Transvaal, 1915), 7. My thanks to Mahmoud Elewa for helping me acquire a copy of this text.

⁴⁰ Ibid., 10.

⁴¹ al-Bustani, Al-Filastiniyyat, 82.

⁴² Milhim Ibrahim al-Bustani, Al-Salsibil (Jounieh, 1968), 191.

⁴³ Laura Robson, Colonialism and Christianity in Mandate Palestine (Austin, 2011), 9. See also Noah Haiduc-Dale, Arab Christians in British Mandate Palestine: Communalism and Nationalism, 1917–1948 (Edinburgh, 2013); and Nicholas E. Roberts, Islam under the Palestine Mandate: Colonialism and the Supreme Muslim Council (London and New York, 2017).

⁴⁴ Ussama Makdisi, Age of Coexistence: The Ecumenical Frame and the Making of the Modern Arab World (Oakland, 2019).

⁴⁵ Wadiʿ al-Bustani, “Kulna Muslimin,” al-Zahra’, 1 March 1925, 183–5.

⁴⁶ Thomas Hippler, Governing from the Skies: A Global History of Aerial Bombing (New York, 2017), 71.

⁴⁷ al-Bustani, “Kulna Muslimin,” 185.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 184.

⁴⁹ Khalid Sulaiman, Palestine and Modern Arab Poetry (London, 1984), 21.

⁵⁰ al-Bustani, Al-Falistiniyyat (Beirut, 1946). The book is dedicated to “the friend of the Arabs” Frances Emily Newton, an English missionary expelled from Palestine by the British in 1938 for writing against British colonial practices in the Mandate. Bustani translated her memoirs into Arabic and served as her lawyer.

⁵¹ Ibid., 202.

⁵² Ibid., 205

⁵³ Nicholas E. Roberts, “Making Jerusalem the Centre of the Muslim World: Pan-Islam and the World Islamic Congress of 1931,” Contemporary Levant 4/1 (2019), 52–63.

⁵⁴ Maoz Azaryahu and Yitzhak Reiter, “The Geopolitics of Interment: An Inquiry into the Burial of Muhammad Ali in Jerusalem, 1931,” Israel Studies 20/1 (2015), 31–56, at 49. In general, the authors construe any support or good feeling expressed in the Arab press regarding Ali's burial as evidence of al-Husseini's propaganda, never the possibility that Palestinians felt any Eastern or anticolonial solidarity despite their differences with al-Husseini.

⁵⁵ Sulayman Jubran, Nazarah jadidah ʿala al-shiʿr al-Filastini fi ʿAhd al-Intidab (Haifa, 2006) 50.

⁵⁶ Ghassan Kanafani, “Thawra 1936–39 fi Filastin: Khalifat wa tafasil wa tahlil,” Shuʿun Filastiniyya 6 (1972), 45–77, at 57. Bustani himself is the source of this exchange, which is recounted in al-Bustani, Al-Falistiniyyat, 114.

⁵⁷ A. L. Tibawi, Anglo-Arab Relations and the Question of Palestine, 1921–1921 (London, 1978), 270.

⁵⁸ “Summary of the Proceedings of the Sixth Palestine Arab Congress,” The National Archives, Kew, CO 733/47/Appendix 6. That same year Bustani was part of the Palestinian delegation to London.

⁵⁹ W. F. Boustany [Wadiʿ al-Bustani], The Palestine Mandate: Invalid and Impracticable. A Contribution of Arguments and Documents towards the Solution of the Palestine Problem (Beirut, 1936).

⁶⁰ Ibid., 71

⁶¹ Ibid., 129

⁶² Al-Hilal, Feb. 1937, 472–3; al-Mashriq, Jan.–March 1937, 145–6; see also the review in Filastin, 3 Nov. 1936, 6.

⁶³ In 1921, the British administration established what were called simply the Jerusalem Law Classes. In a building that once housed Russian pilgrims to the Holy City, Arabs and Jews would spend their evenings studying the new law of the land, an orientalist amalgamation of what British administrators imagined Ottoman law to be and English legal norms. The curriculum was developed by the attorney general of Mandate Palestine, Norman Bentwich, a British Zionist who had previously been posted in Cairo. Taught at night so officials could attend, the law classes were a five-year program of instruction which provided a diploma that allowed one to practice law in the Mandate. See H. Kantrovich, “The Jerusalem Law Classes,” Journal of the Society of Public Teachers of Law, 1937, 46–9; Donald M. Reid, Lawyers and Politics in the Arab World, 1880–1960 (Minneapolis and Chicago, 1981), 297–8; Assaf Likhovski, Law and Identity in Mandate Palestine (Chapel Hill, 2006), 112–14; Robson, Colonialism and Christianity in Mandate Palestine, 51–4.

⁶⁴ Munir Fakher Eldin, “Communities of Owners: Land Law, Governance, and Politics in Palestine, 1858–1948” (Ph.D. thesis, New York University, 2008), 59. See also Eldin, “British Framing of the Frontier in Palestine, 1918–1923: Revisiting Colonial Sources on Tribal Insurrection, Land Tenure, and the Arab Intelligentsia,” Jerusalem Quarterly 60 (2014), 42–58.

⁶⁵ Chaim Weizmann, Trial and Error: The Autobiography of Chaim Weizmann, vol. 2 (Philadelphia, 1949), 276. Bustani went on to translate Weizmann's autobiography into Arabic.

⁶⁶ In order of appearance: Bernard Wasserstein, “‘Clipping the Claws of Colonisers’: Arab Officials in the Government of Palestine, 1917–48,” Middle Eastern Studies 13/2 (May 1977), 171–94, at 191 n. 32; Philip Graves, Palestine, the Land of Three Faiths (London, 1923), 11; Gershon Agronsky, “Inquiry Commission to Examine Grand Mufti Monday in Own Home,” Jewish Daily Bulletin, 1 Dec. 1929, 12; “Note by Herbert Samuel,” 21 July 1923, The National Archives, Kew, CO 733/54/427; M. Perlmann, “Chapters of Arab Jewish Diplomacy, 1918–22,” Jewish Social Studies 6/2 (1944), 123–54, at 131.

⁶⁷ Al-Jahiz, “al-Adab w al-fan fi al-usbuʿ: saʿa maʿ al-ustath Wadiʿ al-Bustani,” al-Risala 15 (31 March 1947), 376.

⁶⁸ Fuad al-Bustani, “Qissat al-muʿarib,” 8.

⁶⁹ Partha Chatterjee, “The Disciplines in Colonial Bengal,” in Chatterjee, ed., Texts of Power: Emerging Disciplines in Colonial Bengal (Minneapolis, 1995), 1–29; Omnia El Shakry, The Great Social Laboratory: Subjects of Knowledge in Colonial and Postcolonial Egypt (Stanford, 2007); Durba Mitra, Indian Sex Life: Sexuality and the Colonial Origins of Modern Social Thought (Princeton, 2020).

⁷⁰ Sheldon Pollock, “Future Philology? The Fate of a Soft Science in a Hard World,” Critical Inquiry 35/4 (2009), 931–61, at 956. See also Pollock, “Towards a Political Philology: D. D. Kosambi and Sanskrit,” Economic and Political Weekly, 26 July 2008, 52–9; Pollock, “Comparison without Hegemony,” in Barbro Klein and Hans Joas, eds., The Benefit of Broad Horizons: Intellectual and Institutional Preconditions for a Global Social Science, Leiden, 2010), 185–204; Pollock, “Liberating Philology,” Verge: Studies in Global Asias 1/1 (2015), 16–21; Pollock, “Conundrums of Comparison,” Know: A Journal on the Formation of Knowledge 1/2 (2017), 273–94. See also Said, Edward, Humanism and Democratic Criticism (New York, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Edward Said, The World, the Text, and the Critic (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 5–9; Apter, Emily, “Global Translation: The ‘Invention’ of Comparative Literature, Istanbul, 1933,” Critical Inquiry 29/2 (2003), 253–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an important response to these accounts see Ertruk, Nergis, Grammatology and Literary Modernity in Turkey (Oxford and New York, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷² Auerbach, Erich, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature (Princeton, 2003), 557Google Scholar.

⁷³ Bustani, “Dibajat al-muʿarib,” 15.

⁷⁴ It should be noted that Asian intellectuals made European orientalist scholarship possible, in their work as historians, translators, compilers, and assistants, what Tavakoli-Targhi has called “Orientalism's genesis amnesia.” Tavakoli-Targhi, Mohammad, Refashioning Iran: Orientalism, Occidentalism and Historiography (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 18–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Moreover, European insights into Asian languages were not particularly novel as they were entering a space with its own established philological practice. See Kinra, Rajeev, “This Noble Science: Indo-Persian Comparative Philology, c.1000–1800 CE,” in Yigal Bronner, Lawrence McCrea, and Whitney Cox, eds., South Asian Texts in History: Critical Engagements with Sheldon Pollock (Ann Arbor, 2011), 359–85Google Scholar. See also Wagoner, Phillip B., “Precolonial Intellectuals and the Production of Colonial Knowledge,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 45/4 (2003), 783–814CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mantena, Rama, The Origins of Modern Historiography in India: Antiquarianism and Philology, 1780–1880 (New York, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Asif, Manan Ahmed, “Quarantined Histories: Sindh and the Question of Historiography in Colonial India—Part II,” History Compass 15/8 (2017), 1–7Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Geographic proximity and historical affinity obviously do not necessarily produce empathetic observations; often they did not. Bustani's exemplary case, therefore, is instructive. For another perspective see Cole, Juan R. I., “Mirror of the World: Iranian ‘Orientalism’ and Early 19th-Century India,” Critique: Journal for Critical Studies of the Middle East 5/8 (1996), 41–60Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Hourani, Islam in European Thought, 178.

⁷⁷ For an analysis of the form of and motivations behind Dutt's Mahabharata and other texts see Reddy, Sheshalatha, “Romesh Chunder Dutt's Indian–English Epics and Epochs,” Journal of Commonwealth Literature 47/2 (2012), 245–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The transformation of Brahminical texts like the Mahabharata and the Ramayana into “epics” and their role in the history of modern Indian literature and political thought have been the subject of important work. In a 1904 essay Tagore himself succinctly registered this shift in literary conceptualizations: “Before the Ramayana and the Mahabharata came to be classified with the great poetical works of the world, they used to be designated as history. Now, having adjusted them against the literary treasures of foreign lands, we call them epics.” Tagore, Rabindranath, “The Ramayana,” in Tagore, Selected Writings on Literature and Language, ed. Chaudhuri, Sukanta (New Delhi, 2001), 252–64, at 252Google Scholar. See also Simona Sawhney, The Modernity of Sanskrit (Minneapolis, 2009); and the essays collected in a forum edited by Kapila, Shruti and Devji, Faisal, “Bhagavad Gita and Modern Thought: Introduction,” Modern Intellectual History 7/2 (2010), 269–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a classic study of the role of Hindu texts and concepts in the articulation of Indian nationalist thought see Chatterjee, Partha, “History and the Nationalization Of Hinduism,” Social Research 59/1 (1992), 111–49Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ al-Bustani, “Dibajat al-muʿarib,” 16.

⁷⁹ Ibid., 17.

⁸⁰ Ibid., 5–6

⁸¹ Ibid., 15.

⁸² Wadiʿ al-Bustani, Akhbar al-Ahala, Indian Council for Cultural Relations Library (ICCR), New Delhi, 294.592 AKH/M-119.

⁸³ Ibid., 16.

⁸⁴ Rosenthal, Franz, “On Some Epistemological and Methodological Presuppositions of Al-Biruni,” in The Commemoration Volume of Biruni International Congress (Tehran, 1973), 535–56Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ al-Bustani, “Dibajat al-muʿarib,” 23.

⁸⁶ Kalidasa, al-Shakuntala, trans. Wadiʿ al-Bustani (New Delhi, 1966).

⁸⁷ Wadiʿ al-Bustani, trans., Al-Ramayana (Abu Dhabi, 2012).

⁸⁸ al-‘Arayyed, Ibrahim, “Al-shiʿr wa qadiyatu fi al-adab al-Arabi al-hadith,” Al-Abhath 7/2 (1954), 139–88Google Scholar. The only other scholarly mention of Bustani's indology after his death is from a publication by the ICCR itself, and even then exceedingly brief. Ashraf, M. S., “India in Arabic Literature,” in Ashraf, India and World Literature (New Delhi, 1990), 211–18Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ “Al-Falsifa al-Hindiyya al-qadima,” al-Risala, 17 Feb. 1947, 209.

⁹⁰ Moseh Yitah to Mr. T. Eshbal, 9 Feb. 1949, Israel State Archives (ISA), 1329/19-C. The Ministry of Minority Affairs, the only Israeli ministry not based on a department within the Yishuv, would close in July 1949, scarcely a year after its founding.

⁹¹ Wadiʿ al-Bustani to Moshe Yitah, 15 June 1953. I thank Nora Boustany for sharing this document with me from her personal archive.

⁹² ‘Wadiʿ al-Bustani, “ʿIrfan,” al-Adib 7 (July 1953), 6.