The author would like to thank the following for their comments and help on earlier drafts of this paper: Professor Ben Anderson (Cornell University), Professor Merle Ricklefs (Monash University), Dr C. A. Bayly (St Catharine's College, Cambridge), Dr Jeya Kathirithamby-Wells (University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur) and Dr Peter Boomgaard (Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam). Much of the material in this paper was originally presented at the 2nd Anglo-Dutch Conference on Comparative Colonial History in Leiden in September 1981.

See end of text for note on currency values and abbreviations.

¹ Ricklefs, M. C., A History of Modern Indonesia c. 1300 to the Present (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1981), pp. 105, 114.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ NvB Portfolio 22 pt 4, van Burgst, Nahuys, ‘De Montjonegorosche-Djokjokartasche Landen’, n.d. (c. 1830Google Scholar), on the commutation of the labour services to a money payment in 1812; and, on the 1830—31 reforms in the mancanagara territories, see De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, pp. 152–228.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See above n. 43. According to Berg, Van den, ‘Memorie’Google Scholar, the mancanagara Bupatis were entirely dependent on the ruler's favour during their sojourns in the royal capital, and they could be dismissed if their tribute (uwang bumi) payments were too low or their workforce deserted. Many returned to their kabupatèn, at least during the first period of HB II's reign (i.e. 1792–1810), almost bankrupted by their long stays in Yogya. On the extensive intermarriage between the Yogya royal family and the offspring of mancanagara Bupatis, another way in which the Sultans maintained political control over the senior officials in the outlying territories, see Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara’, VKI (forthcoming, 1986), ch. II.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Christie, Jan Wisseman, ‘Rāja and Rāma: The Classical State in Early Java’, in Gesick, Lorraine (ed.), Centers, Symbols and Hierarchies: Essays on the Classical Stales of Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, Monograph Series no. 26, 1983), pp. 17–21 (esp. p. 18).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Larson, George D., ‘Prelude to Revolution: Palaces and Politics in Surakarta, 1912–1942’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Northern Illinois University, 1979), p. 38Google Scholar. On the first Sultan (HB I's, r. 1749–92) role in the physical division of the core apanage areas of the erstwhile Mataram state in 1755, and his insistence on the minute subdivision of territory to ensure that the fertile areas were divided equally between Yogyakarta and Surakarta, see Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, p. 71Google Scholar; and Kemp, P. H. Van der (ed.), ‘Brieven van den Gouverneur-General Van der Capellen over Dipanegara's Opstand’, BKI, vol. 46 (1896), pp. 545–6Google Scholar. According to Ricklefs, ‘Some Statistical Evidence on Javanese Social, Economic and Demographic History in the later Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’ (see pp. 6–7Google Scholar) the Giyanti partition of 1755 was not based on a new census or cadastral survey as previously asserted by him (Mangkubumi, p. 158Google Scholar). but on older conventionalized cacah (‘household’) figures dating back probably to Sunan Amangkurat I's (r. 1646–77) census of 1651.

⁴⁹ See Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, pp. 158–9Google Scholar, for a discussion of the new census (Serat Ebuk Anyar) completed in late 1773 and ratified by the rulers of Yogyakarta and Surakarta on 26 April 1774. A copy of this important land register can be found in Dj. Br. 43 of the Yogyakarta Residency archive collection in the Arsip Nasional in Jakarta, see Carey, , ‘Residency Archive’, p. 144Google Scholar; and Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 591 n. 1.Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 242Google Scholar; Id., pt 8, ‘Report upon the District of Cadoe by Mr. Crawfurd’, 15 11 1812Google Scholar (henceforth: Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’), pp. 290–5.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Bastin, John, ‘Raffles' Ideas on the Land Rent System in Java and the Mackenzie Land Tenure Commission’, VKI, vol. 14 (1954), pp. 94–104. 118–19Google Scholar; and Day, Clive, The Policy and Administration of the Dutch in Java (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 180Google Scholar n. 3. Crawfurd's idea was to give the Bekel security of tenure in the hopes that they would cease to exploit.

⁵⁹ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 226.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Büchler, A. P., ‘Soerakarta vóór 63 jaren’, TNI, vol. 50 (1888) pt 2, p. 3Google Scholar. On the prang désa, see further van Kesteren, C. E., ‘Een bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van den Java-Oorlog’, De Indische Gids, vol. 9 (1887) pt 2, pp. 1268–9Google Scholar; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 226Google Scholar; and Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. LXX n. 212.Google Scholar

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⁶² IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, pp. 228, 230Google Scholar. The desire for office apparently attracted many rich Javanese to seek relatively low ranking positions as Mantri désa, see Winter, J. W., ‘Beknopte Beschrijving van het Hof Soerakarta in 1824’ (ed. Rouffaer, G. P.), BKI, vol. 54 (1902), p. 44Google Scholar. For some contemporary examples of taxfarm leases to Europeans dating from the period 1809–12, see BL Add. MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 181r–185r.

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⁶⁵ Anon., ‘De toestand van Bagelen’, pp. 78–80Google Scholar; and Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 21.Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ On Crawfurd's anti-Chinese sentiments, see de Haan, F., ‘Personalia der Periode van het Englesch Bestuur over Java 1811–1816’, BKI, vol. 92 (1935), p. 529Google Scholar; on his disparaging views of the Demang when compared to the Bekel, see IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, pp. 245–9Google Scholar; Pt 8, Id., ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 290–5Google Scholar; and above n. 58.

⁷¹ Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 19Google Scholar; Bastin, , Native Policies, p. 58Google Scholar; Carey, , ‘Changing Javenese Perceptions, pp. 32–41Google Scholar; Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe naar de uitkomsten der Statistieke opname en andere officiele Bescheiden bewerkt door de afdeling Statistiek ter Algemeene Semtarie (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij, 1871), p. 78Google Scholar; and GKA 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, interview with Pangéran Mangkudiningrat II, 13 04 1830Google Scholar, who stated that the renting out of inhabited land (cacah), especially to the Chinese, should be absolutely forbidden.

⁷² Pabst, Van, ‘Beschrijving’, in De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, pp. 378–9.Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 222Google Scholar; Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 147Google Scholar. The leases usually covered two harvests in irrigated areas. For an account of the different arrangements in the Surabaya area where rent arrangements were negotiated by the village heads (Petinggi) on behalf of the ‘landowning’ cultivators, see Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 284–5.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 222.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 81–2, p. 146Google Scholar; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 221Google Scholar; and Breman, Jan, The Village on Java and the Early-Colonial Slate (Rotterdam: Comparative Asian Studies Programme (Erasmus University) Paper no. I, 1980Google Scholar), passim. The modern study which has perpetuated the myth about ‘shared poverty’ at the village level and the absence of social differentiation in Javanese agrarian society is, of course, Geertz's, CliffordAgricultural Involution. The Processes of Ecological Change in Indonesia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963).Google Scholar Based almost entirely on secondary sources, this brilliant essay was apparently published as an oeuvre à thèse to provoke thoughtful reaction and debate. Unfortunately, for the best part of two decades, it has exercised an influence out of proportion to its scholarly content. It is only now that primary research has begun to be carried out again on the impact of the cultivation systems on the Javanese peasant economy and village society in the nineteenth century by scholars such as Elson, Knight, Fernando, Breman, Van Niel and Husken that the flaws in Geertz's attractive thesis are at last being highlighted. See White, Benjamin, ‘“Agricultural Involution” and its Critics: Twenty Years after Clifford Geertz’ (The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, Working Papers Series no. 6, 02 1983), passim.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ S. Br. 2A, MacGillavry, Hendrik (?), ‘Statistieke Beschrijving der Residentie Soerakarta’, 1832.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ On the different classes in Bagelèn villages at this time, see Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, pp. 3668Google Scholar, who enumerated the following groups: (1) kuli baku (sikep), ‘landowning’ farmers who had their own houses, yards and shares in the common village ricefields (sawah kongsèn); (2) pondhok tèmpèl, farmers who had their own houses which were usually situated in the yards of the kuli baku (sikep);, (3) ngindhung, farmers who had their own houses and yards, and were subject to the commercial taxes (bedrijf pacht) raised on the weaving of cotton, but had no share in the common village ricefields; (4) pondhok slusup, farmers who lived with the kuli baku (sikep) but who did not receive food from him and thus preserved some degree of independence; (5) rayat (numpang/bujang), landless labourers who lived with the kuli baku (sikep) and were fed and clothed by him. On the social groups in Javanese villages in the latter part of the nineteenth century, see Onghokham, , ‘The Residency of Madiun: Pryayi and Peasant in the Nineteenth Century’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Yale University, 1975), pp. 167–71, p. 198Google Scholar. I have gained many insights from Dr Onghokham's interesting (but sadly unpublished) thesis and I hereby acknowledge my considerable debt to him.

⁸⁰ On the steady decline in Java's population from the 1670s to the 1750s on account of the turbulent political situation (36 years of which witnessed major military campaigns in Central and East Java), see Ricklefs, , ‘Statistical Evidence’, pp. 24–8.Google Scholar

⁸¹ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 73Google Scholar; S. Br. 2A, MacGillavry, (?), ‘Statistieke Beschrijving Soerakarta’, 1832Google Scholar; and Soeripto, . Onlwikkelingsgang der Vorstenlandsche Wetboeken (Leiden: Eduard IJdo, 1929). p. 159Google Scholar, referring to art. 44 of the Javanese agrarian law code (Angger Sepuluh) (codified 4 Oct. 1818) which allowed farmers conditional possession (gadhanipun siti) or usufruct of lands which they had cleared and which were unclaimed by any original owners after three years. See also AN BGG, 17 Feb. 1841 no. 16, Mayor, J. F. T. (Surakarta) to Merkus, P. (Batavia), 11 02 1841Google Scholar containing an original copy of the Javanese law code on village policing and labour services (Angger Gunung, codified 12 10 1840Google Scholar), art. 60 of which laid down the procedure for claiming newly cleared land. A similar text from the Mangkunagaran in Surakarta (Pranatan Désa, codified 3 03 1855Google Scholar) can be found in Headley, Stephen C., ‘II n'y a plus de cendres. Description et histoire du finage d'un hameau Javanais’, unpublished thése doctorale de troisième cycle (EHESS, Paris, 1979), pp. 202–10Google Scholar. Art. 11 of this latter code allowed for the non-payment of labour services for the space of three harvests (ajot) after the land had begun to be cleared.

⁸² Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, p. 368.Google Scholar

⁸³ Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806Google Scholar; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, p. 283Google Scholar, who reckoned that there were between 20,000 and 30,000 porters on the roads of Kedhu alone, a province which in 1822 had a total population of about 324,000, see Schneither 92, ‘Statistieke der Reidentie Kadoe’, 1822.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 243Google Scholar n. 36; and for a fascinating description of the connections between impoverished Yogya noblemen and criminal elements in the late nineteenth century, see Groneman, J., Een Kètjoegeschiedenis. Vorstenlandsche Toestanden II (Dordrecht: J. P. Revers, 1887).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 243Google Scholar n. 36; and Suryo, Djoko, ‘Social and Economic Life in Rural Semarang under Colonial Rule in the Later 19th Century’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Monash University, 1982), pp. 265–77.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Fasseur, Cees, ‘Organisatie en Sociaal-Economische Betekenis van dc Gouvernements-Suikerkultuur in Enkele Residcnties op Java omstreeks 1850’, BKI, vol. 133 (1977), pp. 267–8Google Scholar; and Elson, R. E., ‘The Cultivation System and “Agricultural Involution”’ (Melbourne: Monash University Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Working Paper No. 14, 1978), p. 28.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ S. Br. 2A, MacGillavry, (?), ‘Statistieke Beschrijving Soerakarta’, 1832Google Scholar; Onghokham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, pp. 167ffGoogle Scholar; and on the communal possession of land in 19th century Javanese villages, see Kanō, , ‘Land Tenure System and Desa Community’, pp. 15–21Google Scholar, who based his research on Bergsma, W. B. (ed.), Eindresumé van het bij Gouvernementsbesluit dd. 10 Juni 1876 no. 2 bevolen Onderzoek naar de rechten van den Inlander op den Grand op Java en Madoera, 3 vols (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij, 1876–1896).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, pp. 367–8Google Scholar; Onghekham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, pp. 169–70, 185–8Google Scholar; and on the role of the provincial priyayi in the eastern mancanagara provinces, see Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, pp. 19–20Google Scholar. The special position and influence of the provincial élite in south-western Bagelèn known as the kénthol, descendants of erstwhile priyayi gunung (magistrates/police officials) should also be noted here, see Hugenholtz, , loc. cit.Google Scholar; Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, pp. 355–356Google Scholar; and Prånåhadikoesoema, Soekardan, ‘De Kénṭol der Desa Kréndétan’, Djåwå vol. 19 (1939), pp. 153–60.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Onghokham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, pp. 186–7.Google Scholar

⁹¹ On the frequent turn-over in apanage holders, see Carey, (ed.), The Archive of Yogyakarta. Vol. II: Documents relating to Economic and Agrarian Affairs (Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy, 1988, forthcoming).Google Scholar

⁹² Onghokham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, p. 170, 186Google Scholar quoting Bergsma, (ed.), EindresuméGoogle Scholar. According to reports in the Eindresumé concerning Banyumas in the pre-1825 period, the tax (pajeg) liability of the sikep would usually be estimated on the basis of the number of his ‘dependants’ (rayat), the latter including both kin and non-kin members (i.e. ngindhung and numpang) of his extended household, see Kanō, , ‘Land Tenure System and the Desa Community’, p. 20.Google Scholar

⁹³ For a full report on this robbery, see Dj. Br. 23, Lt. Driessen, W. (Commander of the Yogya garrison) to Engelhard, P. (Resident of Yogyakarta), 14 11 1808Google Scholar. The comparative value of the silver ducatoon (both milled and unmilled) against the late 18th century Dutch guilder (Generaliteits gulden) and pound sterling have been taken from Stockdale, J. J., Sketches, Civil and Military of the Island of Java and its Immediate Dependencies (London: J. J. Stockdale, 1812), pp. 102–3Google Scholar, which gives a list of the exchange rate quotations in Batavia. I have based my comparison on the slightly higher value milled (rather than unmilled) ducatoon. Present-day values have been estimated by comparing the equivalent purchasing power of money in relation to rice in the early 19th century and in 1984: one kilogram of best quality, polished white rice which today sells for about 325 Indonesian Rupiah in the main Yogya market (Pasar Beringharjo) could be purchased for about ten cents before the Java War. For a discussion of the copper and silver cash which was often buried by a peasant owner to be occasionally delved up and spread out in the sun (Jav. ‘jemur’) in front of his dwelling as a way of displaying his wealth, see Blussé, Leonard, ‘Trojan Horse of Lead: The picis on Early 17th Century Java’, in van Anrooij, Francien et al. (eds), Between People and Statistics. Essays on Modern Indonesian History Presented to P. Creutzberg (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1979), p. 41.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Dj. Br. 23, Lt. Driessen, W. to Engelhard, P., 14 11 1808.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, p. 368Google Scholar. On the kénthol, see above n. 89.

⁹⁶ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 221Google Scholar. On the loose institutional structure of Javanese villages and the lack of communal organization in the pre-Java War period, see further Kanō, , ‘Land Tenure System and the Desa Community’, pp. 34–5Google Scholar. On the endemic insecurity in rural areas, especially in Kedhu where the villages were usually surrounded by stone walls, see Carey, (ed. & trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLIII, p. LXVIII n. 181, p. 243, n. 36.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ See Breman, Jan, The Village on Java and the Early-Colonial State, pp. 38–9 and passim.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 31, Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, ‘Notices of the Arrangement of the Native Administration or Government & Magistracy of Java as continued under the Dutch Government from ancient times’, 08 1812, p. 299Google Scholar. According to Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4. ‘Sultan's County’, p. 67Google Scholar), the average size of ricefields in Mataram were between fifty and sixty square feet.

⁹⁹ Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806Google Scholar, where Waterloo (Resident of Yogyakarta, 1803–08) remarked that villages with enterprising village heads (Lurah) were usually the most prosperous.

¹⁰⁰ On the great problems of irrigation in southern Bagelèn, where Surakarta and Yogyakarta lands were closely intermingled, see Kollmann, , ‘Bagelen’, p. 354Google Scholar. Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 67Google Scholar) suggested that these difficulties might have been compounded by the fact that cultivators usually chose their own time for planting in irrigated areas, a practice dictated by the system of making separate rent agreements with landlords (see above Section II). Karl Wittfogel's most important work is his Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas (Leipzig: Verlag C. L. Hirschfeld, 1931Google Scholar), a book which is much more balanced than his Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977Google Scholar) with its overemphasis on hydraulic systems. It should be stressed that the hydraulic works described by Wittfogel were not primarily irrigation channels for local ricefield production but complex systems for flood control of gigantic rivers like the Huangho (Yellow River), systems which no individuals or communities could establish on their own. Although even here, it must be said, he greatly over-exaggerated the role of the Chinese state in the establishment and maintenance of these vast constructions, see Chi, Ch'ao-ting, Key Economic Areas in Chinese History as Revealed in the Development of Public Works for Water Control (London: Allen & Unwin, 1936Google Scholar); and Elvin, Mark, ‘On Water Control and Management during the Ming and Ch'ing Periods’, Ch'ing-Shih wen-ti, vol. 3 no. 3 (11 1975), pp. 82–103.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ AvJ, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 29 12 1804Google Scholar. Waterloo was particularly impressed by the transformation of the wooded area of the Jambu hills on the Kedhu-Semarang border into ‘magnificent’ sawah (irrigated riceland), see Dj. Br. 38, Id. to Id., 31 Jan. 1808; and further vAE (aanwinsten, 1900) 235Google Scholar, ‘Speculatieve Memorie over zaken betreffende het bestuur van Java's Noord Oost Kust’, 05 1808Google Scholar; and Anon., Lettres de Java ou Journal d'un voyage dans cette île en 1822 (Paris: privately printed, 1822), p. 111Google Scholar. Many new ricefields had also been laid out in the adjacent province of Grobogan close to the Dutch-controlled north-east coast, and this region had become a major rice supplier for the pasisir, see Dj. Br. 22, Wiese, G. W. (Yogyakarta) to Daendels, H. W. (Batavia/Bogor), 12 09 1809Google Scholar; and the rice production figures given in Raffles, , History, vol. II, pp. 268–9.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806Google Scholar. Apart from the trade in rice to Yogya, many cloth merchants from Bagelèn also passed through the tollgate at Gamping on their way to the Sultan's capital, see Dj. Br. 27, Sing, Tan Jin (Kapitan Cina of Yogyakarta) to Moorrees, J. W. (Yogyakarta), 22 05 1810Google Scholar. On the large amount of recently opened up sawah in the vicinity of Yogyakarta, see IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 146Google Scholar. For the royal initiatives taken by the first two Yogya rulers in encouraging the establishment of new ricefields in areas adjacent to the court by building stone dams in the main rivers and the appointment of supervisory irrigation officials (Mantri Jurusawah), see dJ vol. XII, p. 260Google Scholar, Van Overstraten, P. G. (Semarang) to Alting, W. A. & Raden van Indië (Batavia), 25 04 1792Google Scholar; Dj. Br. 18, Valck, F. G., ‘Statistieke der Residentie Djokjokarta’, 1838, sub: ‘Werken in het Belang van den Landbouw en den Handel’Google Scholar; Dj. Br. 1, van Kempen, C. P. Brest, ‘Politieke Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over het jaar 1861’. 24 03 1862Google Scholar; and BL Add. MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f.239r, Piagem-Dalem (Letter of Appointment) of Demang Samaradirana as Mantri Jurusawah of Gamping, 18 Sapar A.J. 1734 (28 02 1807Google Scholar). Many of the second Sultan's (HB II, r. 1792–1810/1811–12/1826–28) royal retreats (pesanggrahan), which he built to the east and west of Yogyakarta also had small dams and irrigation channels attached to them, see Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang),28 02 1806.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Dj. Br. 45, van IJsseldijk, W. H. (Yogyakarta) to Van Overstraten, P. G. (Semarang), 15 01 1793Google Scholar containing a special report on the Dutch-leased pepper and indigo estates of Lowanu and Genthan in north-eastern Bagelèn and Pacitan on the south coast entitled, ‘Eerbiedige Bericht aangaande de Landen van Z. H. den Sulthan van Djojcjocarta’.

¹⁰⁴ Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806Google Scholar; and Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, pp. 242–3Google Scholar (on the irrigated area between Klathèn and Kalasan).

¹⁰⁵ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 272–3Google Scholar; and Baud 91, Clercq, P. le, ‘Copic-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823’, 30 03 1824, p. 17.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ MvK 3055, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke rapport betreffende de Residentie Djokjokarta’, 1836Google Scholar, mentioned that whereas nine-tenths of the available agricultural land in Mataram (present-day districts of Bantul and Slèman) were under cultivation, two-thirds of which were irrigated ricelands (sawah), only one-hundredth of the hilly limestone area of Gunung Kidul was farmed. Labour services (blandhong diensten) in the extensive Gunung Kidul teak forests also bore hard on the local inhabitants, many of whom migrated during the east monsoon rice harvest (May/June) to find seasonal work on the Mataram plain. Comparative figures for the cultivated and uncultivated areas in Yogyakarta shortly after the end of the Java War can be found in Dj. Br. 19¹¹, Report of Radèn Adipati Danureja IV. Feb. 1833:

By 1836. the total area of cultivated land had apparently risen to 9,900 jung, see MvK 3055, ‘Statistieke rapport’.

¹⁰⁷ Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806Google Scholar; and Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, p. 246Google Scholar. for references to the periodic floods (banjir) in the areas bordering on the great swamps of Rawa Tambakbaya and Rawa Wawar in western and eastern Bagelèn. On the location of these marshlands, see Map 2.

¹⁰⁸ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 148.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Onghokham, , ‘Residency of Madiun’, p. 200.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 121–2Google Scholar. On the use of other secondary crops (Jav. ‘palawija’), see Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 49.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 81–2, 110Google Scholar; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, pp. 75–7Google Scholar; and Baud 177. van Hogendorp, Willem, ‘Extract rapport over den toestand van Java, den particuliere eigendommen aldaar en den staat der zaken in de Residentie Kadoe’, n.d. (? 1827Google Scholar). On the orchards (pekarangan) and dry fields (tegalan) which were free of communal regulations and nearly always held in ‘heritable individual possession’, see further Kanō, , ‘Land Tenure System and the Desa Community in Nineteenth Century Java’, pp. 26–8, 32–4.Google Scholar

¹¹² IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 241.Google Scholar

¹¹³ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 275–7Google Scholar (on tobacco); and Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 132 (on indigo), and p. 134 (on cotton).Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806Google Scholar, who mentioned that the eight tollgates (bandar) in Mataram, which controlled the rice trade in that province (i.e. Kemlaka, Bantul, Gamping, Kadilangu, Brosot, Kalasan, Wates and Kretek), brought in 9,500 ronde realen (1 r.r. (Sp.D.) = 63–66 stuivers) annually; one unspecified tollgate in Kedhu (? Pasar Payaman) and subordinate markets yielded 2,800 r.r., and four tollgates in Pajang (Masaran, Serenan, Jatinom and Bayalali) together with the important market-cum-tollgate of Prambanan, a further 3,450 r.r. Thus a total of 15,750 r.r. (Dfl. 50,400) from the rice trade alone out of a total customs' farm of 56,000 r.r. (Dfl. 179,200) in 1805. See further Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, Appendix 3Google Scholar. According to Waterloo (loc. cit.), the Chinese tollgate keepers made most of their profits from the rice trade and would not dare to bid for the customs' farms in the principalities if rice ceased to be a dutiable item, an idea which had been proposed by some senior VOC officials as a way of bringing down rice prices on north coast markets during the poor harvests of the early 1800s.

¹¹⁵ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, p. 285Google Scholar; and Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, pp. 96–7.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808Google Scholar in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808Google Scholar; and Anon., ‘De toestand van Bagelen’, p. 68, p. 75.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808Google Scholar in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808Google Scholar. On bathik production in Central Java in the 19th century, see Rouffaer, G. P., De Voornaamste Industrieën der Inlandsche Bevolking van Java en Madoera ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1904), pp. 15–31Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808Google Scholar in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808Google Scholar; Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 132–3Google Scholar; and Thorn, W., Memoir of the Conquest of Java with the Subsequent Operations of the British Forces in The Oriental Archipelago (London: T. Egerton Military Library, 1815), p. 214.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ See (on cloth exports from Bagelèn to Eastern Indonesia), Dj. Br. 37, IIDanureja, Radèn Adipati (Yogyakarta) to Moorrees, J. W. (Yogyakarta), 16 05 1810Google Scholar; and Dj. Br. 61, d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta) to de Bruijn, J. (Semarang), 4 12 1818Google Scholar; and, for references to dispatches of cloth from Bagelèn and other weaving areas to Semarang for army uniforms, see S. Br. 23, Winter, J. W. (Tanggang/Karang Bolong) to Servatius, W. N. (Surakarta), 2 07 1808Google Scholar; Servatius, W. N. (Surakarta) to Daendels, H. W. (Batavia/Bogor), 5 07 1808Google Scholar; Engelhard, P. (Yogyakarta) to Id., 18 08 1808Google Scholar; De Graaf, , Geschiedenis, p. 364Google Scholar; and Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 180.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Dj. Br. 3, Valck, F. G., ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1836’, 31 03 1837Google Scholar; and Rouffaer, , Voornaamste Industrieën, p. 120.Google Scholar

¹²¹ dK 145. Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808Google Scholar in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808Google Scholar; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, p. 287Google Scholar; Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 124Google Scholar; and Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, p. 120.Google Scholar

¹²² MvK 3054, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke Rapport betreffende de Residentie Kadoe’, 1836, p. 38Google Scholar; and Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 166–7Google Scholar

¹²³ dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N., 22 03 1808Google Scholar, in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808Google Scholar. References to the purchases of European and Chinese goods by the Yogya court at this time can be found in BL Add. MS. 12341 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya kraton), f. 163r-164r, Report of Radèn Tumenggung Mangundipura and Radèn Tumenggung Mangundirja, 20 Rejeb, A.J. 1703 (23 Aug. 1777).

¹²⁴ Dj. Br. 27, Engelhard, P. (Yogyakarta) to Janssens, J. W. (Batavia), 12 07 1811Google Scholar, who referred to the melting down of copper coins from the Dutch-controlled Tawangsari mint near Surabaya and the minting of debased copper duit by artificers in Kutha Gedhé during the period of specie scarcity and rampant inflation just prior to the British invasion of Java (Aug. 1811). See further Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara’, VKI (forthcoming, 1986), ch. V.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ On the growing commercial importance of the Chinese in the principalities in the early 19th century, see Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 16ffGoogle Scholar; and above n. 114; and, on the Javanese-controlled local markets, see Dj. Br. 3, Valck, F. G., ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1836’, 31 03 1837Google Scholar; and MvK 3055, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke Rapport betreffende de Residentie Djokjokarta’ (1836).Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Ibid.

¹²⁷ Ibid.; and see also Dj. Br. 3, Valck, F. G., ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1833’, 30 11 1834Google Scholar (on the main market centres in the Yogya area post-1830 and the shift in trade from Yogya to Kutha Gedhé during the Java War); Dj. Br. 4, de Kock, A. H. W. Baron, ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over het jaar 1850’, 03 1851Google Scholar (on Kutha Gedhé); and Nakamura, Mitsuo, ‘The Crescent’, p. 64, 87–8, p. 222Google Scholar (on the immense wealth of the Kutha Gedhé ‘Ratu Dagang’ [‘merchant kings’] in the early part of the present century and their wide trading contacts).

¹²⁸ S. Br. 170, Tariff List for the tollgate of Panaraga (East Java), 1830.

¹²⁹ Dj. Br. 3, Valck, F. G., ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1836’, 31 03 1837.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 31, Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, ‘Notices of the Arrangement of the Native Administration or Government & Magistracy of Java as continued under the Dutch Government from Ancient Times’, 08 1812, p. 297Google Scholar; and (on the Kalang), see Bezemer, T. J. (ed.), Beknopte Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indië ('s-Gravenhage & Leiden: Nijhoff/Brill, 1921), p. 218Google Scholar; and Raffles, , History, vol I, pp. 327–9.Google Scholar

¹³¹ IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 31, Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, ‘Notices’, p. 297Google Scholar

¹³² Anon. (signed J. L. V.), ‘Bijdrage tot de kennis der residentie Madioen’, TNI vol. 17 no. 2 (1855), p. 11Google Scholar; and Guillot, Claude, ‘Le dluwang ou “papier javanais”’, Archipel 26 (1983). pp. 105–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³³ Carey, Peter (ed.), The British in Java, 1811–16: A Javanese Account (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1986), n. 227 of the babad.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Ibid., Canto LXII v. 3 of the babad.

¹³⁵ Dj. Br. 60, Besluit van den President en Raad van Finantiën, 13 01 1817Google Scholar no. 17 (on the phasing out of circulation of Balinese and Javanese copper duit); ibid., 13 Aug. 1817 no. 32 (on the circulation of false bank notes in the principalities); Dj. Br. 61, Proclamation of the Commissioners-General (signed Dozy, R.), 20 04 1818Google Scholar; and ibid., 25 June 1818 (on the decision to mint copper duit and double duit (Jav. ‘gobang’) at the Tawangsari mint); Dj. Br. 60, President Raad van Finanliën (Batavia) to van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta), 24 01 1817Google Scholar (on the regular monthly imports of 5,000 Java Rupees [7 J.R. = 30 stuivers] worth of copper duit and other coins from the north coast to Yogya); Dj. Br. 61, de Bruijn, F. (Semarang) to van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogya), 12 08 1818Google Scholar (on the dispatch of f. 1767.17 worth of Yogya duit which had been phased out of circulation); Dj. Br. 64, van Rouveld, R. H. Catcau (Surabaya) to van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta), 24 03 1821Google Scholar; and Dj. Br. 51 d'AboC, R. C. N. C, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta) to van Rouveld, R. H. Gateau (Surabaya), 10 04 1821Google Scholar (on the arrest of a Surabaya-born counterfeiter named Nala Garéng caught minting false money in Yogya and travelling under a forged passport).

¹³⁶ Baud 91, Clercq, P. le, ‘Copie-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823’, 30 03 1824, p. 6Google Scholar. The depreciation of the copper duit in relation to the silver Java Rupee (post-1826 Dutch guilder) from par to 122: 100 in 1823 is mentioned in Dj. Br. 53, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. van der (Batavia/Bogor), 1 01 1824Google Scholar. See also de Bree, L., Gedenkboek van de Javasche Bank (Weltevreden: G. H. Kolff, 1928), vol. I, p. 154Google Scholar, who noted that copper had virtually taken over the role of silver by the 1820's. In 1826 there was an official revaluation of copper duits in relation to Dutch guilders in connection with the coinage reform (see Note on Currency Values and Abbreviations), but this had little impact at the village level where transactions were now wholly in copper tender.

¹³⁷ On the contemporary exchange rates, see Stockdale, , Sketches, pp. 102–3Google Scholar; and Carey, (ed.), Archive, vol. I, Appendix IVGoogle Scholar. The amount of silver money in circulation in early 19th century Java is mentioned in Davidson, G. F., Trade and Travel in the Far East or Recollections of Twenty-one years passed in Java, Singapore, Australia and China (London: Madden & Malcolm, 1846), pp. 2–3Google Scholar (‘…silver money was as plentiful in Netherlands India in those days [i.e. pre Java War], as copper doits have since become…’.)

¹³⁸ dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 21 02 1808Google Scholar in Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’ (Yogyakarta), 4 04 1808Google Scholar. On the war booty taken by Daendels, in 01 1811Google Scholar and Raffles, in 06 1812Google Scholar, see Daendels, H. W., Staat der Nederlandsche Oostindische Bezittingen, onder het Bestuur van den Gouverneur-Generaal Herman Willem Daendels, Ridder, Luitenant-Generaal, &c. in de jaren 1808–1811 ('s-Gravenhage: Gebroeders van Cleef, 1814Google Scholar), Bijlage 2, Additionele Stukken no. 24; and Carey, (ed.), Archive, vol. I, p. 12 n. 4.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ See above Section III pp. 85–6.

¹⁴⁰ See above n. 66, esp. Bastin, , Native Policies, p. 58.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Raffles, , History, vol. II. Appendix L no. II, ‘Revenue Instructions’, clauses 86–9, pp. cclv–cclviGoogle Scholar, esp. clause 86 dealing with the severe conditions imposed on payments in kind by rice cultivators which was done, in Raffles's words, ‘chiefly with a view to discourage such species of payment, government wishing to receive as far as practicable, their revenues in money alone’; and clause 88, which stated that only unhusked rice (pari/beras) and not maize (or cassava) would be considered as an alternative revenue payment since cultivators, in most cases, hold some of each description of land (ie. sawah and dry fields (tegalan))’, and ‘this distinction will not be felt as a hardship’, an assumption which was much too optimistic for areas such as the dry central plain of Kedhu where maize fields abounded and a considerable part of the pre-1812 revenue payments were made in kind not money, see IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, p. 304.Google Scholar

¹⁴² KITLV H 503, van Sevenhoven, J. I., ‘Aanteekeningen gehouden op eene reis over Java van Batavia near de Oosthoek in…1812’ (6 04–2 08 1812) (ed. de Haan, F.), p. 74.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 10, Jourdan, H. G., ‘Report on Japan and Wirosobo’, 28 04 1813, p. 357Google Scholar; AN Kabinet, 13 09 1832Google Scholar no. 1599, de Sturler, J. E. (Banyumas) to Bosch, J. van den (Batavia/Bogor), 5 09 1832Google Scholar; Kern, R. A., ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden (Geschiedenis van de Afdeling Patjitan in de Eerste Helft der 19e Eeuw) met bijlage’, Tijdschrift van het Binnenlands Bestuur (Batavia), vol. 34 (1908), p. 165Google Scholar; and MvK 3054, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke Rapport betreffende de Residentie Djokjokarta’ (1836).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ See Rouffaer's, G. P. introduction to Winter's, J. W., ‘Beknopte Beschrijving van het Hof Soerakarta in 1824’, BKI, vol. 54 (1902), pp. 16–20.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Ibid., pp. 46–7. On wage rates for coolies in Central Java at this time which ranged between 10–20 cents (8–16 copper duit) a day in the principalities and 30 cents (25 copper duit) in Semarang, see Dj. Br. 30, Ainslie, D. (Yogyakarta) to Raffles, T. S. (Batavia/Bogor), 30 11 1815Google Scholar; KITLV H 530, Sevenhoven, Van, ‘Aanteekeningen’, pp. 49–50Google Scholar; Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 252Google Scholar n. 70; Anon., ‘Journal of an Excursion to the Native Provinces of Java in the Year 1828 During the War with Dipo Negoro’, Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia (Singapore), vol. 9 (1854), p. 158Google Scholar; and Dj. Br. 58, van Nes, J. F. W. (Yogyakarta) to Commissarissen ter regeling der Vorstenlanden (Surakarta), 3 06 1830Google Scholar. See also dK 145, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 22 03 1808Google Scholar, who reckoned that the annual savings of the poorer Javanese peasant households, after taxes had been paid on the rice harvest, only amounted to two ronde real (Dfl. 6.40).

¹⁴⁶ Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, pp. 47–8Google Scholar; and see further IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 148Google Scholar; and pt 5, Id., ‘Report upon the District of Pachitan’, 11 1812, pp. 169–70.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 110.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 49.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 79–81Google Scholar; and Baud 91, ‘Copie-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823’, 30 03 1824, p. 7Google Scholar, where the Dutch Resident of Kedhu, Pieter le Clercq (in office, 1821–25), remarked that, on the eve of the Java War, the standard of houses used by peasants in the region, indicated ‘very scanty and poor resources’.

¹⁵⁰ Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 81.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 48Google Scholar. Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 111Google Scholar, reckoned that the price of a buffalo in the ‘eastern districts’ was 12–16 Java Rupees (Dfl. 15–20); whereas Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 88Google Scholar) estimated the cost of smaller bullocks at between J.R. 8 and 20 (Dfl. 10–25) and the larger kind at between J.R. 50 and 80 (Dfl. 62–100).

¹⁵² Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 70Google Scholar; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 149Google Scholar; and pt 5, Id., ‘Report on Pacitan’, p. 169Google Scholar. The same marital ages were common for the two sexes in court circles, see dK 145, Waterloo, M., ‘Memorie van Overgave’, 4 04 1808Google Scholar. On the early marriages amongst young women in present-day Java, see Geertz, Hildred, The Javanese Family. A Study of Kinship and Socialization (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 56Google Scholar, who points out that girls are usually married after their first menstruation, especially if they have evinced a keen interest in the opposite sex, in order that they do not acquire a reputation for loose morals and thus diminish their chances of making a successful marriage.

¹⁵³ Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 353.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 149.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Ibid., p. 150; and IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 10, Jourdan, H. G., ‘Report on Japan and Wirosobo’, 28 04 1813, p. 349Google Scholar (on the frequency of divorces and unfaithfulness of women in the eastern outlying provinces).

¹⁵⁶ Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 70, 109.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Dj. Br. 19¹¹, de Stuers, F. V. H. A., (?), ‘Inleiding tot de geschiedenis van den oorlog op Java’, n.d., p. 37Google Scholar (on the education of village boys in Qur'ān repetition [turutan], Arabic prayers, and the study of Arabic letters [alip-alipan] from their seventh year); AN, Kabinet 1431, 19 09 1831Google Scholar, Secretary of Kedhu Residency (Magelang) to Bosch, J. van den (Batavia/Bogor), 29 09 1831Google Scholar (on the reluctance of parents to allow their children to remain long at local religious schools because they needed them for light agricultural duties); and Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 49Google Scholar, who asserted that most peasant families neglected the formal education of their children entirely and concentrated on giving them instruction in agriculture and weaving.

¹⁵⁸ Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 86Google Scholar; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, pp. 97–104Google Scholar; and Anon., Lettres de Java, p. 101.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 70Google Scholar; and for a modern view of the crucial role of children in the Javanese peasant economy, see White, Benjamin, ‘The Economic Importance of Children in a Javanese Village’, in Nag, Moni (ed.), Population and Social Organization (The Hague: Mouton, 1975), pp. 127–46.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, pp. 159–60.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Ricklefs, , ‘Statistical Evidence’, pp. 28–9Google Scholar; and see also IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 147Google Scholar (on the destructiveness of the Giyanti wars (1746–57) and the great increase in population since 1755).

¹⁶² Ricklefs, , ‘Statistical Evidence’, pp. 29–30Google Scholar; and see also Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806Google Scholar who estimated (on the conservative basis of five persons per cacah (‘household’)) that the population of the princely territories had risen from 905,000 in 1755 to 1.4 millions in 1806.

¹⁶³ See Peper, A., ‘Population Growth in Java in the 19th Century: A New Interpretation’, Population Studies, vol. 24 no. 1 (03 1970), pp. 71–84Google Scholar, who advances rather dubious theoretical figures for Java's demographic growth in 1800; Nitisastro, Widjojo, Population Trends in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970). pp. 1–26Google Scholar; and Boomgaard, Peter, ‘Bevolkingsgroei en welvaart op Java (1800–1942)’, in Kamerling, R. N. J. (ed.), Indonesië toen en nu (Amsterdam: Intermediar, 1980), pp. 35–52.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Baud 91, Clercq, P. le, ‘Copie-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823’, 30 03 1824, p. 3.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Ibid.; and Peper, Bram, Jumlah dan pertumbuhan penduduk asli di Jawa dalam abad kesembilanbelas. Suatu pandangan lain, khususnya mengenai masa 1800–1850 (trans. Suleman, M. Rasjad St.) (Jakarta: Bhratara, 1975), p. 13.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, p. 159Google Scholar. See also Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 62Google Scholar facing, Table no. II, ‘Table exhibiting the Population of Java and Madura, according to a Census taken by the British Government in the Year 1815’, which shows that the most densely populated areas in 1815 were Semarang, with 281 inhabitants per square mile, and Kedhu with 238.75. Yogyakarta and Surakarta, both with an estimated 147.50 people per square mile, came sixth in density of population after Pekalongan, Batavia and its Environs (Ommelanden), Cirebon, and Gresik. The average for Java as a whole, including the very sparsely populated Oosthoek (Pasuruan, Prabalingga and Banyuwangi) with an average of 33.66 inhabitants per square mile and the Priangan Highlands with an average of 24.33, was a little over one hundred souls.

¹⁶⁸ Ricklefs, , Mangkubumi, p. 159Google Scholar, who mentions that amongst the more important districts included in the central apanage regions (nagara agung) in 1773 were Kadhuwang, Banyumas, Pamerdèn and Pacitan. On Banyumas, see further Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, pp. 16–17 and below Section V.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ See Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 62 facing, Table no. II; and vol. II, p. 288Google Scholar facing, tables for ‘Population of the Territory of the Susuhúnan, 1815’ and ‘Population of the Territory of the Sultan, 1815’, which contain figures apparently confirming this imbalance. Thus, with nearly half the land area of the principalities in 1815, the eastern outlying areas (mancanagara) accounted for only about ten per cent of the population of Surakarta and just over seventeen per cent in Yogyakarta.

¹⁷⁰ Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 69.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ See Muller, M. J. E., ‘Kort verslag aangaande de cholera-morbus op Java’, VBG, vol. 13 (1832) pt 1, pp. 1–111Google Scholar; H. Schillet, ‘Eenige waarneming omtrent de cholera orientalis’, ibid., pt 2, pp. 113–82; Crawfurd, , A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 120–1Google Scholar, sub: ‘Diseases’ (where he stated erroneously that the first outbreak of Asiatic cholera occurred in Java in 1820 and not 1821); IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, , ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 146Google Scholar (on the lack of epidemics and pestilence in central Java); and Boomgaard, Peter, ‘Disease, death and disasters in Java, 1820–1880: a preliminary survey and analysis of changing patterns of morbidity and mortality’, paper prepared for the Conference on Disease, Death and Drugs in Modern Southeast Asia (ANU, Canberra, 05 1983), passim, esp. pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

¹⁷² Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 72Google Scholar; Boomgaard, , ‘Disease, death and disasters’, p. 5Google Scholar; and Baud 306, van IJsseldijk, W. H., ‘Nota voor den Prov. Res. den Majoor Nahuijs te Djocjocarta’, 22 10 1816Google Scholar in ‘Rapport van W. H. van IJsseldijk omtrent de Vorstenlanden’, 11 12 1816Google Scholar, in which the erstwhile Patih of Yogyakarta, Radèn Adipati Danureja I (in office, 1755–99), is quoted as having said that ‘too long a period of peace was just as disastrous as a time of warfare for the inhabitants of (south-central) Java and the (Javanese) people regard child deaths as a wise provision of Providence’.

¹⁷³ Boomgaard, , ‘Death, disease and disasters’, p. 5Google Scholar quoting van Hogendorp, W., ‘Redevoering der inëntinge tot de ingezetenen van Batavia na haare terug komste van Samarang; overhandigd door Mr. W. van Hogendorp’, VBG (1st printing), vol. 2 (1780) pt. 15, p. 209Google Scholar. On the sparse population of the Priangan Highlands at this time, see above n. 167.

¹⁷⁴ Boomgaard, , ‘Death, disease and disasters’, p. 5.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ See above ns. 156 and 172.

¹⁷⁶ Peper, , Jumlah dan pertumbuhan penduduk asli di Jawa, pp. 49–70Google Scholar; Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 78Google Scholar; and for Governor-General G. A. G. Ph. van der Capellen's (in office, 1816–26) decrees concernings smallpox vaccination in Indonesia (Reglemenlen op de uitoefening der koepokinenting in Nederlandsch-Indië), see AN, BGG in rade, 11 04 1820 and 19 04 1821 no. 16.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Dj. Br. 51 C, d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta) to President Road van Finantiën (Batavia), 26 06 1821Google Scholar; Soekanto, , Dua Raden Saleh. Dua Nasionalis dalam Abad ke-19. Suatu Halaman dari Sedjarah Nasional Indonesia (Djakarta: N. V. Pusaka Asli, 1951), p. 29Google Scholar (quoting a letter of February 1822 from Radèn Mas Muhamad Salèh, a son of Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala V of Semarang (died 1837), to the Governor-General, about the plight of the inhabitants of Kedhu who had been forced by famine to eat leaves and weeds). See further Winter, , ‘Beknopte Beschrijving’, p. 49Google Scholar; Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 122Google Scholar; and Dj. Br. 4, van Geer, W. C. E. Baron, ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over den jaar 1855’, 03 1856Google Scholar, on the types of foodstuffs, including malinjo (G. Gnemon L.), maize, beans (kacang) and yams (ubi), comsumed by Javanese at times of harvest failure and dearth. See also below n. 290.

¹⁷⁸ Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 99, 109Google Scholar; Peper, , Jumlah dan pertumbuhan penduduk asli di Jawa, pp. 42–3Google Scholar; and IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7. Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 237Google Scholar. On the poor harvests of the decades 1790–1810, which led to rice shortages in south-central Java but not famines, see below Section V p. 113).

¹⁷⁹ dJ XII, pp. 259–60, van Overstraten, P. G. (Semarang) to Alting, W. A. and Raden van Indië (Batavia), 25 04 1792Google Scholar (on suggestions made by Van Overstraten to HB II for a new cadastral survey and the greater assiduity of the Yogya inhabitants in opening out new lands); AN, Geheim Kommissoriaal, 23 09 1847Google Scholar La L¹⁰, f. 201r-202r, f.228r (Notes on conferences between Van Overstraten and PB IV, and Id. and HB II), 13 Aug. and 19 Aug. 1792 (relating the difficulties experienced by Van Overstraten in getting the rulers to agree to a new cadastral survey of the lands brought into cultivation since 1773); Java NOK 1, van Overstraten, P. G., ‘Memorie met derzelver bylaagen tot naricht van den Heer Johan Frederik Baron van Reede tot de Parkeler’, 13 10 1796Google Scholar, f. 1r-v; and Dj. Br. 38, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 31 01 1804Google Scholar (on the continuing refusal of the central Javanese rulers to countenance a new census). On the 1773 land register, see above n. 48. The total absence of any up-to-date land registers in the early 19th century is mentioned in IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 296–7Google Scholar; and see also Carey, (ed.), British in Java, n. 205 of the babad.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ For references to early 19th century attempts at map making and the compilation of accurate population statistics, see Chijs, J. A. van der (ed.), Nederlandsch-Indiseh Plakaalboek, 1602–1811, vol. XV ('s-Hage: M. Nijhoff, 1896), p. 1005Google Scholar (Daendels's, Besluit of 28 11 1809Google Scholar); Kemp, P. H. van der (ed.), Het Nederlandsch-Indisch Bestuur in 1817, lot het vertrek der Engelschen ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1913), p. 24Google Scholar; AN, BCG, 1 05 1817Google Scholar, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners-General (Batavia), 14 04 1817Google Scholar; AvJ, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. van der (Batavia/Bogor), 19 04 1823Google Scholar; and AvJ, Id. to Director of Military Academy (Semarang), 26 Oct. 1823 (on the great difficulty of carrying out a statistical survey of the Yogya region because of the juxtaposition of landholdings and because certain key maps of the sultanate had been sent away to Semarang prior to the British attack in June 1812). See also Dj. Br. 1, Bosch, A. J. P. H. D., ‘Politieke Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over het jaar 1865’, 03 1866Google Scholar, on the completion of the first accurate topographical map of Yogyakarta (‘Topographische Kaart der Residentie Djokjokarta’) by Wilsen, K. F.Google Scholar. For references to the European surveys of the enclave areas, see above nn. 143 and 146 (on Pacitan), n. 103 (on Lowanu and Pacitan), and below n. 190 (on Nanggulon).

¹⁸¹ See Carey, (ed.), British in Java, n. 205 of the babad.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Kumar, Ann, ‘Javanese Court Society and Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century: The Record of a Lady Soldier. Part I: The Religious, Social and Economic Life of the Court’, Indonesia no. 29 (04 1980), p. 36.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ For a Yogya example from the reign of Sultan Hamengkubuwana IV (1812–14), see Carey, (ed.), British in Java, Canto LIV V. 4–9, and n. 227 of the babad.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ See Ibid., n. 524 of the babad. For references to the abdi-Dalem priksa dhusun, see BL Add. MS. 12341 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 177r-v, Report of Radèn Ngabèhi Resawikrama, n.d.; f. 186r-v, Radèn Adipati Danureja II (Yogyakarta) to Sultan Hamengkubuwana II (Yogyakarta), n.d.; GKA, 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, Interview with Mas Tumenggung Sindujaya (Mantri papriksan negara), 13 04 1830Google Scholar; and Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, Bijlage I, p. 594Google Scholar, where seven Lurah priksa negara are mentioned amongst the Sultan's officials in c. 1820.

¹⁸⁵ See, for example, BL Add. MS. 14397 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 45r, Piagem-Dalen of Sultan Hamengkubuwana II (Yogyakarta) to Radèn Tumenggung Sasranegara (Yogya Bupati of Grobogan), 13 Rabingulawal A.J. 1734 (21 05 1807Google Scholar); ‘… sarta Sun patedhani lilinggih Kagunganingsun bumi, ing Carobogan cacah gawéné wong sèwu walung-atus, telung-puluh telu, saiki Sun trima urip cacah gawéning wong sèwu sèket, lan ing saben-saben taun Kagugunganingsun bumi kang mati, Yèn ana undhaké (u)tawa oraa, angunjukan uninga ing Panjenenganingsun.’

¹⁸⁶ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, , ‘Landed tenures’, p. 220Google Scholar. On the frequent distinction between ‘cacah gesang’ and ‘cacah pejah’ in royal land grants to Bupati in the eastern outlying areas (mancanagara wétan), see BL Add. MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 33v–41v, f. 125r–136r; and for some rarer references to the distinction in the core apanage areas (nagara agung), see BL Add. MS. 12341 (Crawfurd coll.), f. 230r–238v.

¹⁸⁷ Dj. Br. 45, van IJsseldijk, W. H. (Yogyakarta) to van Overstraten, P. G. (Semarang), 15 01 1793 (full reference above n. 103).Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Ibid. (on the ‘official’ 400 cacah figure for Yogyakarta and Surakarta landholdings in Pacitan); and Dj. Br. 63, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 29 10 1820.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 168Google Scholar; Carey, (ed.), The Archive of Yogyakarta. Vol. II: Documents relating to Economic and Agrarian Affairs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar; and Dj. Br. 43, ‘Register der landen van den Sultan opgemaakt te Semarang A° 1773’ (for the official list of Yogya landholdings (cacah) in the eastern mancanagara amounting to some 33,500 households). See also S. Br. 127. ‘Oostelijke Montjo Negorosche Landen’, Merkus, P., ‘Verslag’, 08 1830Google Scholar; and De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 162Google Scholar where the total population of both Surakarta and Yogyakarta areas in the eastern outlying provinces in 1830 is given as 304,700 souls, and the total number of tax paying families as 56,540.

¹⁹⁰ Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLI, p. LXIX n. 196Google Scholar; and on Nanggulon, see further Dj. Br 82, ‘Stukken betrekkelijk het aan het Gouvernement overgegaane land Nang-gulon gelegen bewesten de rivier Progo over 1833–1846’, 4 vols.Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, , ‘Report on Cadoe’, pp. 274, 278Google Scholar (on the more extensive use of dry crop fields in central Kedhu and the cultivation of mountain rice (gogo) at ever higher reaches of the volcanic foothills surrounding the province); AvJ, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 29 12 1804Google Scholar (on the pressure on available land in the Yogya area); Dj. Br. 81, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to IVDanureja, Radèn Adipati (Yogyakarta), 20 08 1824Google Scholar (on the encroachment of ricefields onto the main highway from Bréngkèlan to Lowanu because of local land shortages).

¹⁹² Boomgaard, , ‘Disease, death and disasters’, p. 4.Google Scholar

¹⁹³ Ibid., p. 4; AvJ, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 29 12 1804.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ AvJ, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 29 12 1804Google Scholar; Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLII, p. LXX n. 204.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ See Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 25–7, 36–41.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Dj. Br. 20, Berg, J. G. van den, ‘Memorie op het Hof van Djocjocarta, onder den Sultan Hamengcoeboena den tweede … aan zijn Successeur … M. Waterloo’, 11 08 1803Google Scholar.; Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593Google Scholar; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 5, Crawfurd, , ‘Report upon the District of Pachitan’, p. 179Google Scholar. One Majapahit rood was the equivalent at this time of 12 Rhenish feet or 3.767 metres, see Rouffer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 617.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593Google Scholar. On the term ‘pancas’, from the Javanese root ‘cas’ or ‘ecas’ (‘settlement’ or ‘decision’), see Gericke, J. F. C. and Roorda, T., Javaansch- Nederlandsch Handwoordenboek, ed. Vreede, A. C. and Gunning, J. G. H. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1901), vol. I, p. 275Google Scholarsub: ‘cas’, who also give the straightforward meaning, following Wilkens, J. A. (MS. Javanese dictionary) of ‘taking away a piece of village land’ (mancas bumi désa).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ Dj. Br. 20, Berg, Van den, ‘Memorie’, 11 08 1803Google Scholar; and on the second pancas which took place sometime during the administration of H. W. Daendels (1808–11), see van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys, Verzameling van officiële rapporten betreffende den Oorlog op Java in de jaren 1825–30, vol. I (Deventer: M. Ballot, 1835), p. 8Google Scholar n. 1; and S. Br. 55, van Sevenhoven, J. I., ‘Nota over de landverhuringen’, 16 03 1837.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ Dj. Br. 86, Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta) to Engelhard, N. (Semarang), 28 02 1806Google Scholar; Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593Google Scholar; and S. Br. 55, Sevenhoven, Van, ‘Nota over de land verhuringen’, 16 03 1837Google Scholar, who suggested a figure nearer forty per cent when he stated that 300 old size Yogya cacah had become 500 new size cacah after the two pancas revisions. The latter estimate may be exaggerated. According to Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, ‘Sultan's Country’, p. 120Google Scholar), 10,000 new size Yogya cacah were added to the Sultan's disposable apanage lands in the core territories, or about fifteen per cent of the number of Yogya core apanage cacah recorded in the 1773 census, see Dj. Br. 43, ‘Register der landen van den Sultan opgemaakt te Samarang A° 1773’. In the tribute (pajeg) returns of 1808, the second Sultan is recorded as having enjoyed an extra 20,000 ronde real (out of a total income from all sources of 164,905 ronde real) from the new royal domain grounds (bumi pamajegan pancasan) created by the pancas, see Kesteren, Van, ‘Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van den Java-Oorlog’, Bijlage III, p. 1315.Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ S. Br. 88¹¹, Thomson, H. (Rajawinangun) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 6 01 1823Google Scholar; Dj. Br. 51 C, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to van de Graaff, H. J. (Batavia/Bogor), 18 05 1821Google Scholar; MvK 3054, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke rapport betreffende de Residence Kadoe’, 1836, p. 29Google Scholar; and AN, BCG, 15 09 1844 no. 3.Google Scholar

²⁰¹ Dj. Br. 20, Berg, Van den, ‘Memorie’, 11 08 1803Google Scholar; Dj. Br. 49, Berg, J. G. van den (Surakarta) to Waterloo, M. (Yogyakarta), 26 09 1803Google Scholar; and Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593.Google Scholar

²⁰² GKA, 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, interview with Mas Tumenggung Malangnegara (Yogyakarta), 15 04 1830.Google Scholar

²⁰³ Carey, (ed.), Archive, vol. I, p. 21.Google Scholar

²⁰⁴ Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593.Google Scholar

²⁰⁵ See van Deventer, M. L. (ed.), Het Nederlandsch Gezag over Java en Onderhoorigheden sedert 1811. Vol. i: 1811–1820 ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1891), pp. 321–31.Google Scholar

²⁰⁶ Ibid., p. 100; Carey, P. B. R., ‘The Sepoy Conspiracy of 1815 in Java’, BKI, vol. 133 (1977), pp. 305, 319Google Scholar n. 80 Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593.Google Scholar

²⁰⁷ Carey, (ed.), British in Java, Canto XXIII v. 53 of the babad.Google Scholar

²⁰⁸ Ibid., Canto XXVI v. 6–8 of the babad; and Carey, (ed.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 245 n. 39.Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 593.Google Scholar

²¹⁰ Baud 306, van IJsseldijk, W. H., ‘Nota voor den Prov. Res. den Majoor Nahuijs te Djocjocarta’, 22 10 1816Google Scholar in ‘Rapport van W. H. van IJsseldijk omtrent de vorstenlanden’, 11 12 1816Google Scholar; NvB Portfolio 5 pt 2, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners-General (Batavia/Bogor), 20 08 1816Google Scholar. Van IJsseldijk had served as Resident of Yogyakarta from Sept. 1786 to Aug. 1798.

²¹¹ See above Section II.

²¹² Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar

²¹³ Ibid., pp. 16–17. The lands reserved for members of the Sunan's family were usually known as ‘bumi sentanan’, although in Banyumas the term ‘bumi pangrembe’ was more common. These latter were subdivided into ‘bumi pancang’ (the apanages of the princes of Surakarta) and ‘bumipangariwil’ (the apanages of the courtiers of Surakarta), see ibid., p. 26 n. 47; and De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vl. VI, p. 168.Google Scholar

²¹⁴ Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 17.Google Scholar

²¹⁵ See above Section II; and Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese perceptions’, p. 17.Google Scholar

²¹⁶ De Klerck, , Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 168 quoting P. H. van Lawick van Pabst.Google Scholar

²¹⁷ Hugenholtz, , ‘Traditional Javanese Society’, p. 19.Google Scholar

²¹⁸ Ibid.

²¹⁹ Ibid., pp. 19–20.

²²⁰ Ibid., p. 20. Another factor was the rapid turn-over of priyayi officials in the outlying provinces.

²²¹ See White, , ‘“Agricultural Involution” and its Critics’, p. 25Google Scholar; Knight, G., ‘Capitalism and Commodity Production in Java’, in Alavi, H. et al. (eds), Capitalism and Colonial Development (London: Groom Helm), p. 135. pp. 147–9Google Scholar; and Elson, , ‘The Cultivation System and “Agricultural Involution’”, p. 28Google Scholar. Elson's arguments are worked out more fully in his Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry: Impact and Change in an East Java Residency, 1830–1940 (Singapore: Oxford University Press in East Asia, 1985).Google Scholar

²²² See, for example, IOL Map Room MS. 24, Baker, G. P., ‘Memoir of a Survey in the Native Princes' Dominions of Java’, 25 11 1816, p. 94Google Scholar; and Carey, (ed.), British in Java, n. 238 of the babad.Google Scholar

²²³ MvK 4i32, van Pabst, P. H. Van Lawick, ‘Consideratiën op de Nota van den Heer MacGillavry’, 08 1826Google Scholar; KITLV H 788, Boutet, J. D. (Yogyakarta) to Boutet, L. (Nantes), n.d. (? 1831Google Scholar); Carey, , ‘Origins of the Java War’, p. 64.Google Scholar

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²²⁵ Bastin, John, ‘Raffles' Ideas on the Land Rent System in Java and the Mackenzie Land Tenure Commission’, VKI, vol. XIV (1954), p. 101Google Scholar (on the low annual land-rent fixed in 1812); Schneither 92, ‘Statistieke der Residentie Kadoe’, 1822Google Scholar (on tobacco prices); Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, p. 97Google Scholar (on tobacco prices); IOL Mack. Pr. 2, ‘Points of Enquiry—Circular of the Hon'ble (T. S. Raffles) the Lieut.^ṯ Governor (of Java)’ p. 198Google Scholar, Johnson, J. M. (Surakarta) to Raffles, T. S. (Batavia/Bogor), 04 1815 (on the freak bumper harvest of 1815).Google Scholar

²²⁶ Hogendorp 153¹ pt b, van Hogendorp, Willem, ‘Over den Staat van Java no. 2’, 1827Google Scholar, f. 2r-v (who reckoned that Kedhu was three times more heavily taxed than adjacent areas; in 1827 the land-rent had nearly doubled from the 1812 figure to J.R. 650,000, and, with other unspecified taxes, the total fiscal burden was over one million guilders [Dfl.]). On the collapse in cash crop prices in 1820–25, see Schneither 92, Clercq, P. le, ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1824’, 30 05 1825Google Scholar; Hogendorp 153¹, van Hogendorp, Willem, ‘Nota over de Residentie Kadoe’, 1827Google Scholar; MvK 3054, ‘Beschrijving en Statistieke rapport betreffende de Residentie Kadoe’, 1836, p. 26Google Scholar; and Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, pp. 97, pp. 108–9Google Scholar which give the following prices (expressed in Java Rupees [J.R.], post-1826 Dutch guilders [Dfl.])

²²⁷ Schneither 92, ‘Statistieke der Residentie Kadoe’, 1822Google Scholar (referring to BCG, 5 01 1819Google Scholar no. 19 which introduced the tax on pager coffee); Hogendorp 153¹ pt. b, van Hogendorp, Willem, ‘Over den Staat van Java no. 2’, 1827Google Scholar, f. 3r-v (on the burdensomeness of the tax for the local population, and the striking difference between the flourishing state of the privately planted pager coffee and the neglect of the government coffee estates which had been laid out on common village land).

²²⁸ Statistiek, Afdeling, De Residentie Kadoe, p. 15, p. 89Google Scholar; Schneither 92, ‘Statistieke der Residentie Kadoe’, 1822Google Scholar; Id., Clercq, P. le, ‘Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1824’, 30 05 1825.Google Scholar

²²⁹ Ibid.; and see above Section V p. 113.

²³⁰ Soekanto, , Dua Raden Saleh, p. 29Google Scholar; Carey, , ‘Origins of the Java War’, p. 65Google Scholar (on the revolt instigated by the Yogya prince, Pangéran Dipasana, in Feb. 1822).

²³¹ Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 266 n. 123.Google Scholar

²³² Ibid., p. 260 n. 106.

²³³ See above Section IV p. 89; and Section V p. 112.

²³⁴ NvB Portfolio 5 pt 11, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners General (Batavia/Bogor), 15 09 1817.Google Scholar

²³⁵ AN, BGG, 26 12 1817Google Scholar no. 18; Dj. Br. 62A, BCG, 7 01 1819Google Scholar no. 5; BGG in rade, 25 01 1819Google Scholar no. 11 (appointing C. F. Enger as Opziener in Pacitan); Kern, , ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden’, p. 166Google Scholar; AvJ, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to van der Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. (Batavia/Bogor), 2 09 1822.Google Scholar

²³⁶ Kern, , ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden’, p. 164Google Scholar; Dj. Br. 64, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 31 12 1821.Google Scholar

²³⁷ Kern, , ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden’, pp. 162, 173–4Google Scholar; Dj Br. 64, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 30 04 1821.Google Scholar

²³⁸ Dj. Br. 64, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 30 05 1821Google Scholar; Id. to Id., 2 June 1821; Id. to Id., 16 June 1821; Id. to Id., 30 June 1821; Id. to Id., 31 Oct. 1821; Id. to Id., 5 Nov. 1821.

²³⁹ Dj. Br. 64, Enger, C. F. (Pacitan) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 30 11 1821.Google Scholar

²⁴⁰ Kern, , ‘Uit Oude Bescheiden’, p. 166, p. 173Google Scholar; AvJ, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to van der Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. (Batavia/Bogor), 2 09 1822Google Scholar (on the decline in population in Pacitan where numbers fell from 20,896 in Feb. 1819 to 18,735 in Feb. 1821); Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 293 n. 243.Google Scholar

²⁴¹ Dj. Br. 67, Wormer, J. (Opziener Pacitan) to Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta), 1 07 1824.Google Scholar

²⁴² Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 294Google Scholar n. 243; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, pp. 576–8.Google Scholar

²⁴³ Section V passim; and Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, p. 27.Google Scholar

²⁴⁴ Ibid., pp. 16–41.

²⁴⁵ Ibid., pp. 35–6; and Appendix 3.

²⁴⁶ Ibid., pp. 32–5; and Appendix 3 n. 7.

²⁴⁷ Ibid., p. 33 n. 155.

²⁴⁸ Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLII, LXX n. 201.Google Scholar

²⁴⁹ Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, p. 27.Google Scholar

²⁵⁰ Ibid., p. 39.

²⁵¹ Dj. Br. 59, Sing, Gan Hiang (Bantul) to Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta), 9 11 1824.Google Scholar

²⁵² Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 36–40.Google Scholar

²⁵³ Ibid., p. 40

²⁵⁴ Ibid., p. 40. n. 190.

²⁵⁵ Ibid., pp. 40–1.

²⁵⁶ Ibid., pp. 33–5; Wiselius, J. A. B., De Opium in Nederlandsch- en in Britisch-Indië, oeconomisch, critisch, historisch ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1886), p. 6Google Scholar; Raffles, , History, vol. I, pp. 102–3Google Scholar; and Rush, James R., ‘Opium Farms in Nineteenth-Century Java: Institutional Continuity and Change in a Colonial Society, 1860–1910’, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Yale University, 1977), p. 20.Google Scholar

²⁵⁷ Carey, ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, p. 35.Google Scholar

²⁵⁸ Diehl, F. W., ‘The Opium-Tax Farm on Java, 1813–1914: A Quest for Revenue by Government and Chinese Tax Farmers’, Paper presented to the Conference on Indonesian Economic History in the Dutch Colonial Period (ANU, Canberra, 16–18 12 1983), pp. 4–5Google Scholar, who reckoned that the Dutch colonial administration made a profit of Dfl. 17.6 million in the period 1827–33, almost enough to have covered the cost of the Java War (1825–30). The Chinese opium farmers were reckoned to have been able to make almost as much again from the retail trade, see Diehl, , op. cit., p. 5Google Scholar; and Hassclman, J. J., ‘Nota omtrent de opium-pacht op Java en Madoera’, Handelingen en Geschriften fan ket Indisch Genootschap. vol. V (1858), pp. 25.Google Scholar

²⁵⁹ On Nahuys van Burgst (born Amsterdam, 1782—died Breda, 1858), see his autobiography, Herinneringen uit het Openbare en Bijzondere Leven (1799–1858) van Mr. H. G. Baron Nahuys van Burgst ('s-Hertogenbosch: Gebroeders Muller, 1858Google Scholar); Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, p. 58Google Scholar; Hogendorp, Van (ed.), Willem van Hogendorp, pp. 165–6Google Scholar; and Houben, , ‘Afstand van Gebied’, pp. 36–41Google Scholar. His private papers are in the Dept. of Western MSS. of the Leiden University Library (coll. no. BPL 616), see Wap, J. J. F., ‘Bronnen voor de taal-, land- en volkenkunde van Neêrlandsch Indië’, BKI, vol. 11 (1864), pp. 179–91Google Scholar

²⁶⁰ NvB Portfolio 9 pt 3, van Burgst, Nahuys, ‘Onlusten op Java’. 04 1826Google Scholar; Id., Herinneringen, pp. 131ffGoogle Scholar, Id. (ed.), Verzameling van officiële rapporten, vol. I, pp. 303ffGoogle Scholar; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, p. 71Google Scholar; Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 628.Google Scholar

²⁶¹ This critic was the President of the Board of Finances (Raad van Finantiën), H. J. van de Graaff (d. 1826), one of Governor-General Van der Capellen's closest advisers. For his criticisms, see NvB Portfolio 5 pt 11, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners-General (Batavia/Bogor), 15 09 1817Google Scholar; and vAE (aanwinsten 1941) 20, Van de Graaff, (Batavia) to Fabius, J. (Holland), 26 07 1823.Google Scholar

²⁶² vAE (aanwinsten 1941) 20, van de Graaff, H. J. (Batavia) to Fabius, J. (Holland), 26 07 1823.Google Scholar

²⁶³ MvK 2778, BGG in rade, 23 05 1823Google Scholar no. 7 (printed in Staatsblad van Nederlandsch-Indië no. 17 [1823]); Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, Bijlage IXGoogle Scholar; der Kemp, Van, ‘Economische Oorzaken’, pp. 16–38 (esp. p. 26).Google Scholar

²⁶⁴ Van der Kemp, , ‘Economische Oorzaken’, pp. 16–38.Google Scholar

²⁶⁵ Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, p. 40Google Scholar n. 191; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. I, Bijlagen V & VI.Google Scholar

²⁶⁶ Ibid.

²⁶⁷ Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, pp. 627–633.Google Scholar

²⁶⁸ S. Br. 88¹¹, Thomson, H. (Rajawinangun) to d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta), 13 12 1822Google Scholar; Id. to Id., 6 Jan. 1823; KITLV H 699g (Rouffaer coll.) AvJ (section on landrent), p. 76, Id. to Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta), n.d. (c. 07 1823Google Scholar). where he noted that ‘those lands [at Rajawinangun] which were given to me in rent for the cultivation of indigo are so intermixed with those of other Javanese (farmers), that my crops have been injured by the cultivation of their fields lying contiguous to mine (author's italics)’.

²⁶⁹ Rouffaer, , ‘Vorstenlanden’, p. 631Google Scholar. Labour services (kerigan) on the coffee estates for villagers who were not employed by the estate owner as day labourers, took place on a two day a week basis with one day being paid (at the rate of 7½ cents (6 copper duit) per villager, and 15 cents (12 copper duit) per overseer (mandur)), and one day unpaid, see S. Br. 91¹, van Vlissingen, C. (Opziener Kembang Arum), ‘Verdeeling der navolgende koffij tuinen van het land Kembang Arum onder de bevolking van genoemd land’, 14 05 1825Google Scholar; von Winckelman, C. (Surakarta) to MacGillavry, H. (Surakarta), 22 04 1825Google Scholar. On the other labour service demanded by estate owners, see Dj. Br. 51 C, van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Yogyakarta) to van de Graaff, H. J. (Batavia), 18 05 1821Google Scholar. For a comparison with daily wages for coolies, see above n. 145.

²⁷⁰ GKA, 20 Sept. 1830 no. 56k, ‘Verbaal’, interviews with Raden Adipati Danureja IV (in office, 1813–47; and Pangéran Prabuningrat (ex Raden Tumenggung Wiranegara), 21 April 1830 (on the Europeans); and Carey, , ‘Changing Javanese Perceptions’, pp. 40–1 (on the Chinese).Google Scholar

²⁷¹ Ibid.

²⁷² van Nes, J. F. W., ‘Verhandeling over de waarschijnlijke oorzaken, die aanleiding tot de onlusten van 1825 en de volgende jaren in de vorstenlanden gegeven hebben’, TNI vol. 6 no. 4 (1844), p. 142Google Scholar;S. Br. 131, ‘Minuut-verbaal van het verhandelde door de Kommissie belast met de verevening der zaken der verhuurde landerijen in de Res. Soerakarta en Djocjocarta’ (henceforth: ‘Minuut-Verbaal verhuurde landerijen’), entry of 3 02 1824Google Scholar; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. II, p. 273.Google Scholar

²⁷³ On the poor wage rates and conditions for day labourers (bujang) working in the coffee estates, see Louw, , De Java-Oorlog van 1825–30 vol. II (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij & 's-Hage; M. Nijhoff, 1897), pp. 269–74 (esp. p. 274Google Scholar); S. Br. 170, Commissioners (Surakarta) to van der Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. (Batavia/Bogor), 24 10 1824Google Scholar; S. Br. 88¹¹, ‘Report on Rajawinangun’, 10 1823Google Scholar (stating that the monthly rate for bujang was 4 Java Rupees or about 13 cents a day with no meals being provided); and S. Br. 91¹, von Winckelman, C. (Surakarta) to MacGillavry, H. (Surakarta), 22 04 1825Google Scholar (stating that bujang were paid 10 duit (2½ cents) for every hundred coffee trees they cleaned and weeded (about a day's work), and were given a rice meal twice a day). For comparative wage rates of porters and coolies at this time, see above n. 145.

²⁷⁴ S. Br. 131. ‘Minuut-Verbaal verhuurde landerijen’, entry of 1 08 1824Google Scholar; Louw, , Java-Oorlog, vol. II, p. 274Google Scholar; Hogendorp 153¹, van Hogendorp, W., ‘Over den Staat van Java no. 2’ (Kedhu, 1827).Google Scholar

²⁷⁵ S. Br. 131, ‘Minuut-verbaal verhuurde landerijen’. entry of 1 08 1824Google Scholar; Veth, P. J., Java, Geographische, Ethnologisch, Historisch (2nd rev. edn.Haarlem: De Erven F. Bohn, 1898), p. 349.Google Scholar

²⁷⁶ On these attacks, see, for example, Dj. Br. 52, Smissaert, A. H. (Yogyakarta) to van der Capellen, G. A. G. Ph. (Batavia/Bogor), 5 09 1825Google Scholar; and S. Br. 88¹, Id. to MacGillavry, H. (Surakarta), 6 09 1823.Google Scholar

²⁷⁷ On the numerous robber (kampak) bands armed with pikes, muskets, axes (bijlen) and clubs which operated in the Mt Merapi area in 1820, see Dj. Br. 51 B, d'Abo, R. C. N. (Yogyakarta) to van Burgst, H. G. Nahuys (Surakarta). 23 06 1820Google Scholar; Id. to Id. 27 July 1820; and for the description of an axe attack on a European's house in Yogakarta in 1819, see S. Br. 131, ‘Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo, 1816–1819’, entry of 8 02 1819.Google Scholar

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²⁷⁹ See the passages from the Reksapustaka (Mangkunagaran) MS. of the Serat Cabolang (c. 1815) transliterated in KITLV Or. 471, pt. 4, pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

²⁸⁰ See Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara and the Making of the Java War’ (forthcoming, 1986), Chap. IX.Google Scholar

²⁸¹ This was Sampurna, Kyai Iman (‘The Sage of Perfect Faith’Google Scholar) who lived for a long time in the forests of Lodhaya near Blitar, see S. Br. 131, ‘Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo, 1816–1819’, entries of 11 02 and 17 02 1819Google Scholar; and Dj. Br. 4, ‘Dagregister van de Res. Soerakarta, 1819’ (signed Lippe, H. F. [Asst.-Res. Surakarta], 31 12 1819Google Scholar), entries of 5, 26 Jan., 15, 17, 19, 20, 22 Feb., 4, 7, 8 11, 23 March, and 4 May 1819.

²⁸² The original pégon (Javanese written in Arabic script) copy of Kyai Iman Sampurna's prophetic script (with a partial Dutch trans, by J. W. Winter), can be found in S. Br. 131, ‘Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo, 1819’, entry of 17 02 1819.Google Scholar

²⁸³ Ibid.; on the connections between the title ‘Ratu Paneteg Panatagama’ and the Ratu Adil, see Carey, Peter, ‘The Cultural Ecology of Early Nineteenth Century Java: Pangeran Dipanagara, a Case Study’ (Singapore: ISEAS Occasional Paper no. 24, 12 1974), p. 29Google Scholar; and Id. (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLV, 241 n. 30.Google Scholar

²⁸⁴ Boomgaard, , ‘Disease, death and disasters’, p. 13.Google Scholar

²⁸⁵ van Burgst, Nahuys, Herinneringen, pp. 123–4.Google Scholar

²⁸⁶ Muller, , ‘Kort verslag aangaande de cholera-morbus op Java’, pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

²⁸⁷ Ibid., p. 3.

²⁸⁸ Ibid., pp. 4–6; the figure of seven per cent has been reached by comparing the number of reported deaths in this area with the population figures given in Raffles, , History, vol. I, p. 62Google Scholar, Table no. II facing (British Government Census of 1815) which gives a total population of 710,657 for the districts of Gresik, Surabaya, Pasuruan, Bangkalan, Pamekasan, Sumenep and Banyuwangi. It should be noted that we are dealing here with reported deaths, the actual numbers who succumbed were probably very much higher possibly amounting to about ten per cent of the total population of Java (4.5–5 millions) at this time, see Chevalier, L. (ed.), Societé d'Histoire de la Révolution de '48 (La Roche-sur-Yon: Imprimerie Centrale de l'Ouest, 1958), p. xiv.Google Scholar

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²⁹⁰ S. Br. 170, ‘Handelingen van den Resident van Soerakarta voor het jaar 1821’, entry of 20 06 1821Google Scholar referring to a letter of instruction from the Resident of Surakarta to local inhabitants urging them not to observe the fast during Puwasa because of the cholera epidemic, and encouraging farmers to plant potatoes and root crops because of the rice shortage. See further above Section IV n. 177.

²⁹¹ See above n. 279.

²⁹² Carey, , ‘Cultural Ecology’, passimGoogle Scholar; Carey, , ‘Pangéran Dipanagara and the Making of the Java War’ (forthcoming, 1986), Chap. X.Google Scholar

²⁹³ Anon. (ed.), ‘Aanteekeningen van den Gouverneur-Generaal van der Capellen over den Opstand van Dipo Negoroin 1825’. TNI, vol. 22 pt 2 (1860), p. 363Google Scholar (entry of 24 July); Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 283 n. 201.Google Scholar

²⁹⁴ Carey, (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 287 n. 218; and above Section I p. 65.Google Scholar

²⁹⁵ Geertz, , Agricultural Involution, p. 82.Google Scholar