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⁴ The chief suspects are cultural impediments, political sins of commission (market interference), political sins of omission (failure to provide capital-friendly institutions), and demographically-based equilibrium traps. See previous notes, plus Myers, Ramon H., ‘How Did the Modern Chinese Economy Develop?’ JAS 50, 3 (1991): 604–28;Google ScholarFeuerwerker, Albert, ‘The State and the Economy in Late Imperial China,’ Theory and Society 13, 3 (1984): 297–326;Google ScholarRowe, William T. in Zunz, Olivier (ed.), Reliving the Past (Chapel Hill, NC, 1985), 236–96;Google ScholarElvin, Mark, The Pattern of the Chinese Past (Stanford, 1973);Google ScholarRaychaudhuri, Tapan in Raychaudhuri, and Habib, Irfan (eds), The Cambridge Economic History of India, I (Cambridge, 1982), 261–307, esp. 295;Google ScholarKathirithamby-Wells, Jeyamalar in Reid, Anthony (ed.), Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era (Ithaca, NY, 1993), 123–48;Google ScholarSmith, Thomas C., Native Sources of Japanese Industrialization, 1750–1920 (Berkeley, 1988).Google Scholar

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⁶ Jones, , Miracle. Cf. his later argument for sustained growth in Song China and Tokugawa Japan, Growth Recurring (Oxford, 1988).Google ScholarPubMed

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⁶⁷ Beaune, Ideology, esp. pt I, and 323, focusing on the pre–1450 era, but arguing that the French royal religion maintained its peasant hold through 1789; Ladurie, French State, 276–83.Google ScholarSimilar arguments appear in Krynen, , Idéal du prince, 269–77;Google ScholarYardeni, , Conscience nationale, 43–56.Google Scholar

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⁶⁹ Greenfeld, Nationalism, ch. 2. On conceptualization of political space, Paul, Alliès, L'invention du territoire (Grenoble, 1980).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See Inscriptions 848–1076 in Chas. Duroiselle, , A List of Inscriptions Found in Burma, I (Rangoon, 1921); Lieberman, Cycles, chs 2, 5.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Cf. CHJ, IV, 89–95, 596–659; Ooms, Tokugawa Ideology.Google Scholar

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⁸⁰ This typology I have developed from Kuznets, , Modern Economic Growth (New Haven, 1966), esp. 490–509; Feuerwerker, ‘Address,’ 760–62;Google ScholarMokyr, Joel, The Lever of Riches (New York, 1990), 3–16;Google ScholarHuang, Philip C.C., ‘A Reply to Ramon Myers,’ JAS 50, 3 (1991): 629–33; idem, Peasant Family, esp. 11–18; Subrahmanyam, Merchants, 2–7; Frank and Gills, World System, 81–114, 149–51. On protoindustrialization, see Wigen, ‘Geographic Imagination,’ 13–15.Google Scholar

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⁸² Reid, Age of Commerce, II, ch. 5; Rieber, Alfred J., Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia (Chapel Hill, NC, 1982).Google Scholar

⁸³ Abu-Lughod, Hegemony, ch. 11. Arguments for European precocity appear in Chaunu, Pierre, L'expansion européenne du XIIIe au XVe siècle (Paris, 1969), 335–39 (cf. Adas, Machines, 21); Mann, Sources, I, 373–413, 504 (esp. 377–9), which sees a superior European economic dynamic by 1000. Cf. Elvin, Pattern, pts 2, 3.Google Scholar See too O'Brien's, Patrick modest quantification of the impact of overseas trade, ‘European Economic Development: The Contribution of the Periphery,’ The Economic History Review 35, 1 (1982): 1–18.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Bray, , The Rice Economies (Berkeley, 1986), esp. 1–7, 198–217.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Jones, , Miracle, 226–7 and passim.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ibid., 15–21, 226–7.

⁸⁷ Brenner in Aston and Philpin, Brenner Debate; Root, , Peasants and King in Burgundy(Berkeley, 1987); Jones, Miracle; Pipes, Old Regime; Hall, Powers and Liberties; Mann, Sources; North and Thomas, Western World. Not all a re explicitly comparative within Europe, much less Eurasia.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Yamamura, in Hall, John W. et al. (eds), Japan Before Tokugawa (Princeton, 1981), 327–72.Google ScholarCf. Masahide, Bito in CHJ, IV, 373–8.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ See references to Asian dynamism, supra and infra.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Feuerwerker, ‘State and t he Economy.’ Without attempting East-West comparisons, Hoffman, Philip T., Growth in a Traditional Society: The French Countryside 1450–1815 (Princeton, 1996), also sees expansion resulting more from favorable political and trade openings than from peculiar cultural features or property rights.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Rozman, , Urban Networks in Russia, 1750–1800, and Premodern Periodization (Princeton, 1976), esp. 33–40, 84.Google ScholarCf. Ladurie, Emmanuel Le Roy (ed.), Histoire de la France urbaine, III (Paris, 1981), esp. 287–389;Google ScholarJurgen Schneider in Fischer, et al. , World Economy, 15–36. On commercial vigor and specialization in our six areas, see previous notes, plus Lieberman, ‘Secular Trends’ Hong Lysa, Thailand;Google ScholarThanh-Nha, Nguyen, Tableau économique du Vietnam aux XVII et XVIII siècles (Paris, 1970);Google ScholarChaunu, Pierre and Gascon, Richard, Histoire économique et social de la France, I, 1 (Paris, 1977);Google ScholarHickey, Daniel, ‘Innovation and Obstacles to Growth in the Agriculture of Early Modern France,’ French Historical Studies 15, 2 (1987): 208–40;Google ScholarVries, Jan de, The Economy of Europe in an Age of Crisis, 1600–1750 (Cambridge, 1976);Google ScholarKahan, Arcadius, The Plow, the Hammer, and the Knout (Chicago, 1985);Google ScholarBlum, Jerome, Lord and Peasant in Russia (Princeton, 1961); Totman, Early Modem Japan, chs 5, 8, 12–13, 20–1;Google ScholarMorris-Suzuki, Tessa, The Technological Transformation of Japan (Cambridge, 1994).Google Scholar

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⁹³ For theoretical discussions of the relation between demographic growth and economic change, and for divergent case studies, see Simon, Julian L., The Economics of Population Growth (Princeton, 1977), ch. 2;Google ScholarBoserup, Ester, Population and Technological Change (Chicago, 1981), 3–9, 76–7, 94–7;Google ScholarPostan, M.M., Hatcher, John, Ladurie, Emmanuel Le Roy, and Bois, Guy in Aston and Philpin, Brenner Debate; Mokyr, Lever, 4–6;Google ScholarSkinner, G. William, ‘Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China,’JAS 24, 1 (1964): 3–43 and 24, 2 (1965): 195–228;Google ScholarLadurie, Emmanuel Le Roy, The French Peasantry 1450–1660 (Berkeley, 1987), chs 1–4; and Japanese data in previous notes.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Figures from Hallam, Elizabeth, Capetian France, 987–1328 (London, 1980), 286–8; Ladurie, Peasantry, 8–10, 23, 101, 402–6;Google ScholarBraudel, Fernand, The Identity of France, II (New York, 1990), 156–80;Google ScholarCollins, , State, 181;Google ScholarHellie, , Enserfment, 304–5 (I extrapolate from Miliukov); Blum, Lord, 17, 120, 278; Totman, Before Perry, 128; idem, Early Modern Japan, 140, 251, 467; Lieberman, ‘Secular Trends,’ 11–12; Reid, Age of Commerce, I, 14;Google ScholarSternstein, Larry, ‘The Growth of the Population of the World's Pre-eminent “Primate City”,’ JSEAS 15, 1 (1984): 45; Li Tana, ‘Inner Region’; Woodside, Vietnam, 158–9;Google ScholarMcEvedy, Colin and Jones, Richard, Atlas of World Population History (London, 1978).Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ Previous notes, plus Nguyen, Tableau, 47–107; Ishii, Yoneo (ed.), Thailand: A Rice-Growing Society (Honolulu, 1978), chs 1–3;Google ScholarTakaya, Yoshikazu, Agricultural Development of a Tropical Delta (Honolulu, 1987), chs 1, 4;Google ScholarKeiji, Nagahara and Yamamura, Kozo, ‘Shaping the Process of Unification,’ JJS 14, 1 (1988): 77–109; Mokyr, Lever, chs 4, 5; Ladurie, La France urbaine, III, 3 4 6–8 9;Google ScholarMiskimin, Harry A., The Economy of Later Renaissance Europe 1460–1600 (Cambridge, 1977), chs 3–6;Google ScholarMoulin, Annie, Peasantry and Society in France since 1789 (Cambridge, 1991), 8–11.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Totman, , Early Modern Japan, 148; 7 3–9, 141–8.Google ScholarSee too the revisionist view of 17th century trade, Innes, Robert L.,‘The Door Ajar’ (PhD, Univ. of Michigan, 1988).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Reid, , Age of Commerce, I, II; Lieberman, ‘Local Integration.’Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Collins, , State, 179–83, 219–20.Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ Barrett, Ward in Tracy, James D. (ed.), The Rise of Merchant Empires (Cambridge, 1990), 224–54, esp. Fig. 7·1 and Table 7·3;Google Scholar Frederic Mauro in ibid., 255–86; Flynn, Dennis O. and Giraldez, Arturo, ‘Born with a “Silver Spoon”: The Origin of World Trade in 1571,’ Journal of World History 6, 2 (1995): 201–21. See too Richards, Precious Metals, pt 3; Curtin, Cross-Cultural, chs 6–10.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁵ French, in Brater, James H. and French, (eds), Studies in Russian Historical Geography, I (London, 1983), 79, 19;Google ScholarSmith, R.E., Peasant Farming in Muscovy (Cambridge, 1977). 27–33. 109–25, 203–26.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁸ Barrett in Tracy, Merchant Empires, 246; Eastman, Family, Fields, 125–30 suggest that prior to 1700 at most 1/3 of China's imported silver derived from Europe or the New World. Japan was the chief external source to 1640, and large-scale inflows from Britain to China began only c. 1760. But none of these calculations allow for substantial, though ill quantified, domestic silver production or overland imports from mines in Burma and Vietnam. Cf. Goldstone, Revolution, 372–4. MainlandSoutheast Asia's reliance on European/New World silver may have been similar to that of China, but Tokugawa Japan obviously was far less dependent.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Vries, De, Economy, 128–46 passim.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Cf. the typology at Wigen, ‘Geographic Imagination,’ 12–13.Google Scholar

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¹²⁴ Cf. Stevens, , Soldiers on the Steppe (De Kalb, IL, 1995); Kahan, Plow, Hammer, chs 1, 2, 5; Blum, Lord, 247–68, 330–2;Google ScholarAvrich, Paul, Russian Rebels 1600–1800 (New York, 1972); Nguyen, Tableau, 111–82; Li Tana, ‘Inner Region,’ ch. 1; Lieberman, ‘Local Integration,’ 504–11; Ishii, Thailand, chs 1–3.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Berry, , this volume. One is reminded of the emphasis in Anderson, Imagined Communities, on print-capitalism as an agent of standardized national languages and identities.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ So too in Russia, although literacy was less common, by 1700 everyday Russian had begun to assert itself in literature at the expense of archaic Slavonicized forms, while the 18th century saw the first Russian dictionaries and the beginning of modern literary culture. On literary/linguistic developments, see Thu-ta, Maung, Sa-hso-daw-mya at-htok-pat-ti (Rangoon, 1971);Google ScholarTin, Pe Maung, Myan-ma sa-pei thamaing(Rangoon, 1955);Google ScholarAeusrivongse, Nidhi, ‘The Early Bangkok Period: Literary Change and Its Social Causes,’ Asian Studies Review 18, 1 (1994): 69–76;Google ScholarWenk, Klaus, Thai Literature: An Introduction (Bangkok, 1995), 6–67;Google ScholarDurand, Maurice M. and Huan, Nguyen Tran, An Introduction to Vietnamese Literature (New York, 1985), chs 1, 5–9;Google ScholarThong, Huynh Sanh, The Heritage of Vietnamese Poetry (New Haven, 1979), xxvii–xxxi;Google ScholarRuch, Barbara in Hall, John W. and Takeshi, Toyoda (eds), Japan in the Muromachi Age (Berkeley, 1977), 279–309;Google ScholarShively, Donald H. in CHJ, IV, 706–69; Reischauer and Craig, Japan, 35–8, 99–107;Google ScholarMiller, Roy Andrew, The Japanese Language (Chicago, 1967), ch. 3 (note that kana arose in the gth century); Rickard, French Language, chs 5, 6;Google ScholarHowarth, W.D., Life and Letters in France in the 17th Century (New York, 1965); Chartier, Cultural Uses, chs 5–7;Google ScholarRiasanovsky, Nicholas, A History of Russia (New York, 1984), 285–99, 349–60;Google ScholarMarker, Gary, Publishing, Printing and the Origins of Intellectual Life in Russia, 1700–1800 (Princeton, 1985), chs 5–7.Google Scholar

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¹³³ Vietnam, c. 1600–1778 is an exception in so far as imported guns helped the southern Nguyen regime to hold off the northern Trinh. On the other hand, the Nguyen advanced the Vietnamese ecumene in its broadest sense, and after 1801 guns and French-style citadels bolstered Nguyen efforts at centralization.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Roberts, , ‘The Military Revolution, 1560–1660,’ ch. 7 in Essays in Swedish History (London, 1953);Google Scholar plus Hale, J.R., War and Society in Renaissance Europe, 1450–1620 (New York, 1985);Google ScholarMcNeill, William H., The Pursuit of Power (Chicago, 1982); Parker, Military Revolution; Tilly, Coercion; Samuel Finer in Tilly, National States; Marshall Poe, ‘The Consequences of the Military Revolution in Muscovy in Comparative Perspective’(MS).Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁰ Berry, this volume. A similar argument appears in Akira, Hayami, ‘A Great Transformation,’ Bonner Zeitschrift fur Japanologie 8 (1976): 3–13; and Kozo Yamamura in Hall, Before Tokugawa, 327–72.Google Scholar

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¹⁴³ Jansen, , China in the Tokugawa World (Cambridge, MA, 1992), 76–88. Cf. Berry, this volume; and Harootunian, Seen and Unseen, 36–56, 186–96.Google ScholarHowell, David L., ‘Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State,’ PP, 142 (1994): 69–93 argues that after 1600 the categories ‘Ainu’ and ‘Japanese’ became more clearly delineated, but less through warfare than the political needs of the Matsumae domain within the Tokugawa system; and the impact on Japan at large appears to have been quite limited.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁵ Cf. Behrens, C.B.A., Society, Government and the Enlightenment (New York, 1985), 161–2.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁷ Totman, , Early Modern Japan, 168–83; Ooms, Tokugawa Ideology, analyzing what he terms Japan's first ‘fully closed ideology.’Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Of course, West European and Central/East European administrative philosophies also differed, as for example, in the latter's greater cameralist emphasis. Raeff, , The Well-Ordered Police State (New Haven, 1983), pt. 3;Google Scholaridem, Understanding Imperial Russia (Columbia, 1984), esp. 24–31; Behrens, Society, esp. 116–62.Google Scholar

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¹⁵⁸ Elias, , The Civilizing Process, 2 vols (New York, 1978, 1982), esp. I, ch. 1 and II, ch. 1; Ellery Schalk in Asch and Birke, Princes, Patronage, 245–63; Tsukahira, Feudal Control.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Sternstein, , ‘Primate City,’ 49; Koenig, Polity, 107–18.Google Scholar

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¹⁶² On disease and climate, previous notes. On bullion and commercial contraction, clearer in Europe than East Asia, Day, John, The Medieval Market Economy (Oxford, 1987);Google ScholarMiskimin, Harry A., The Economy of Early Renaissance Europe, 1300–1460 (Cambridge, 1960), 129–34; Blum, Lord, 57–73; Richards, Previous Metals, pts 1, 2.Google Scholar

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¹⁶⁴ Duby, , Middle Ages, 298, echoing R.I. Moore in this volume.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ See Lieberman, Cycles, 32–46, 285–6; Wyatt, Thailand, 86–98; Crummey, Formation, chs 6, 8;Google ScholarKliuchevsky, V.O., A Course in Russian History (Armonk, NY, 1994), ch. 1; Parker, Absolutism, 27–45.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ See sources for Table 1. China too saw an increase 1400–1600 off. 110%, Eastman, Family, Fields, 4.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Goldstone, , Revolution, 31–8, 63–169.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Ibid., 192–4, 274; Akin, Thai Society, 27–31, 172–3.

¹⁶⁹ Collins, , State, 3, 61–124 passim.Google Scholar

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¹⁷² 262%, 1700–1800. Gabriel Ardant in Tilly, Formation, 199.Google Scholar

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