¹ See Thomaz, L. F. F. R., ‘Les Portugais dans les mers de l'Archipel au XVIe siècle’, Archipel, 18 (1979), pp. 105–25;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Thomaz, L. F. F. R., ‘Malucoe Malaca’, in A viagem de Fernão de Magalhães e a questão das Molucas, Actas do II Colóquio Luso-Espanhol de Historia Ultramarina (Lisbon, 1975), pp. 29–48.Google Scholar See also van Leur, J. C., Indonesian Trade and Society (The Hague, 1955), passim;Google Scholar and Meilink-Roelofsz, M. A. P., Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630 (The Hague, 1962), passim.Google Scholar

² Pires, Tomé, Suma Oriental, trans. and ed. Armando, Cortesao, 2 vols, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, LXXXIX (1944), I, p. 204.Google Scholar

³ Most sixteenth-century sources say that Halmahera also produced cloves but these probably grew wild and were of little commercial importance. By the beginning of the seventeenth century clove production had extended to Ambon and its surrounding islands and to western Seram. See Richard, Z. Leirissa, ‘Local Potentates and the Competition for Cloves in Early Seventeenth-century Ternate (North Moluccos)’, in Proceeding of the VIIth IAHA Conference, 2 vols(Bangkok,1975), I, pp. 310–12.Google Scholar The História das Ilhas de Maluco (1561) says: ‘It is also not true that only in these five islands are there cloves because on Gomoconora and Jeilolo and on the islet of Yres and on Mitara and in Pulau Cavalle they are to be found; though not enough to be of any account; also on another island of Amboyno called Lacide, where the Javanese go to collect them in exchange for artillery and munitions’Google Scholar (de Sá, A. B., Documentação para a história das missōes do Padroado Portugués do Oriente. Ser. 2, Insulindia, 5 vols (Lisbon, 1954–58, III, p. 362).Google Scholar

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⁶ Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 206.Google Scholar

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⁹ Garcia, da Orta, Colóquios dos simples e drogas e cousas medicinais da India, ed. Conde, de Ficalho, 2 vols (Lisbon, 1891), II, pp. 81 and 365.Google Scholar See also Conde, de Ficaiho, Garcia da Orta e o seu tempo (Lisbon, 1886). Orta was private doctor to Martim Affonso de Sousa, Governor of India from 1542 to 1545, and accompanied him to India in 1534.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Relação dos feitos eroicos em armas que Sancho de Vasconcelosfe fez nas partes de Amboyno e Maluco, in Sá, Documentação, IV, p. 193.Google Scholar

¹¹ O Estado da India e aonde tem o seu principio, Add. MSS. Brit. Mus. Papeis tocantes a Portugal, Documentação Ultramarina Portuguesa (Lisbon, 1960), I, p. 234.Google Scholar

¹² Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 206.Google ScholarVan, Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, p. 122, citing Dutch sources, says there were three crops a year.Google Scholar

¹³ Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 206;Google ScholarMeilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade and European Influence, p. 96.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Leur, Van, Indonesian Trade and Society, p. 128.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 206. It may be noted here that the Bandanese language (all sixteenth-century sources agree that the Bandanese spoke a single language) belongs to a different group (Ambon-Timor) to those spoken in the Moluccas (North and South Halmahera and Sula-Bacan). Of these groups of languages all are Malayo-Polynesian, save North Halmahera, which is Papuan.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ibid., I, p. 207.

¹⁷ Schrieke, B., Indonesian Sociological Studies (The Hague, 1955), pt 1, p. 24.Google Scholar

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²² Apostolado de Francisco Xavier nas Molucas, 1614, Bk III, ch. 2,Google Scholar in Sá, , Documentação, II, p. 477.Google Scholar

²³ Phelan, J. L., The Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses (University of Wisconsin Press, 1959), pp. 9, 15–18 and 22.Google Scholar See also Cushner, N. P., Landed Estates in the Colonial Philippines, Yale University Monograph Series no. 20 (1976), pp. 7–9;Google Scholar and Reid, Anthony, ‘Trade and state power in 16th and 17th century Southeast Asia’ in Proceedings of the VIIth IAHA Conference(Bangkok,1979), I, p. 400.Google Scholar

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²⁷ Padre Pedro Mascarenhas to the Padre Provincial, Moluccas, 1562, in ibid., II, p. 437.

²⁸ Schrieke, , Indonesian Sociological Studies, p. 228.Google Scholar

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³⁰ The islanders of Waigeo paid an annual tribute of birds of paradise, tortoiseshell or sago to the Sultan of Tidore as late as the mid-nineteenth century. Wallace, A. R., The Malay Archipelago, 7th edn (London, 1880), pp. 529–30.Google Scholar

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³³ Jourdain, John, The Journal of John Jourdain 1608–1617, ed. SirWilliam, Foster, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, XVI (1905), pp. 328–9. Richard Hunt had accompanied David Middleton's expedition and presumably gone with him to Banda, where he remained as factor. My italics.Google Scholar

³⁴ Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 206;Google ScholarTrindade, Frei Paulo Padre da, Conquista espiritual do Oriente…, ed. Lopes, Fr.Felix OFM, 3 vols (Lisbon, 1962–1967), I, p. 45.Google Scholar

³⁵ Perhaps the Javanese whom Barros says was the wife of the first Moslem ruler of Ternate (Barros, , Da Asia, III, I, p. 580).Google Scholar

³⁶ Barbosa, , An Account of the Countries…, II, 120, p. 203.Google Scholar

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³⁸ Hence the Dutch hongitochten, the naval patrols sent round the islands to destroy and burn unlicensed trees after the Treaty of Batavia in 1652.

³⁹ Up to 100, according to Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 214.Google Scholar See also Castanheda, , Historia do descobrimento…, 6, XI, p. 168.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Rebello, Gabriel, Informação das cousas de Maluco, 1559, III, pp. 381–6.Google Scholar See also Horridge, G. Adrian, The Design of Planked Boats of the Moluccas, Maritime Monographs and Reports, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, 38 (1978).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Barbosa, , An Account of the Countries…, II, 119, p. 199.Google Scholar

⁴² Castenheda, , Historia do descobrimento …, 6, XI, p. 26.Google Scholar

⁴³ Descrição sumaria das Molucas e de Banda, December, 1529, in Sá, Documentação, IV, p. 17.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Pires, , Suma Oriental, II, p. 207.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Castenheda, , Historia de descobrimento …, 6, XI, pp. 26 and 169.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Pires, , Suma Oriental, II, p. 265.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ António de Brito to the King, Ternate, , 11 02 1523, in Sá, Documentação, I, p. 155.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 212.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Descrição sumaria…, in Sá, Documentação, IV, p. 17.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Begin ende voortgangh van de Vereenigde Nederlandsche Geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie…, ed. Isaac, Commelin, 2 vols (Amsterdam, 1646), II, p. 82.Google Scholar

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⁵² de Paiva, AntÓnio to Joao de Albuquerque OFM, Bishop of Goa, Goa, 11 1545.Google Scholar In SJ, H. Jacobs, ‘The First Locally Demonstrable Christianity in Celebes 1544’, Studia, 17 04, 1966.Google Scholar

⁵³ Barbosa, , An Account of the Countries…, II, 121, pp. 204–5.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ In English these coins were known as class or cash. The word derives from Tamil Kasu (Sanskrit: karsha) and was used especially to denote the Chinese coins le and Zien, made of an alloy of copper and lead with a square hole in the centre. 1000 of these coins made 120 reis or 1 tael and 140 weighed 1 arratel of 160z. See John, Saris, The voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan 1613, ed. SirSatow, Ernest M., Hakluyt, Society, 2nd series, V (1900), p. 213.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 202.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid., p. 203.

⁵⁷ Afonso Lopes da Costa to the King, Malacca, 20 08 1518, in Sá, , Documentação, I, pp. 103–4.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Barbosa, , An Account of the Countries…, II, 118, pp. 196–8.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ From ‘Kalinga’. The Malay Keling was used to designate Indian merchants from the Coromandel coast settled in Malacca (Portuguese: Quelim).

⁶⁰ Pires, , Suma Oriental, II, p. 447.Google Scholar

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⁶² Meilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade and European Influence, pp. 95–6.Google Scholar

⁶³ Wagner, F. A., Indonesia: The Art of an Island Group (London, 1959), pp. 175–82.Google Scholar

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⁶⁵ Wolters, O. W., Early Indonesian Commerce (Cornell University Press, 1967), p. 26.Google Scholar See also Meilink-Roelofsz, , Asian Trade and European Influence, p. 99;Google Scholar and Barros, , Da Asia, III, 5, p. 135.Google Scholar In 1545 Pero de Faria reckoned the annual consumption ofcloves in China was only 20 bahars (Thomaz, , ‘Maluco e Malaca’, p. 46).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Grace, Wong, A Comment on the Tributary Trade between China and Southeast Asia… Southeast Asian Ceramic Society, Transaction no. 7.Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ Pires, , Suma Oriental, I, p. 206. The weight of the bahar in Banda was 550 lbs, in the Moluccas 600 lbs and in Malacca 530–540 lbs. The Portuguese generally reckoned 32 new arratels or pounds of 16 ounces to the arroba, 4 arrobas to the quintal and 4 quintals to the bahar.Google Scholar

⁷¹ António de Brito to the King, Ternate, 28 02, 1525, in Sá, , Documentação, I, pp. 194–5.Google Scholar

⁷² Descriçāo sumaria…,Google Scholar in ibid., IV, p. 16. The same figures are given in Informação a El-Rei sobre o comercio da pimenta e do cravo, s.d., in ibid., I, pp. 338–9.

⁷³ Barbosa, , An Account of the Countries…, II, 118, pp. 196–8.Google Scholar

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⁷⁶ Thomaz, , ‘Maluco e Malaca’, p. 44Google Scholar See also Pigafetta, , Magellan's Voyage, p. 121. Pigafetta describes how he and his companions traded with the King of Ternate and obtained a bahar of cloves each for two cubits of fairly good red cloth, 35 glasses, 15 axes, 25 pieces of linen, 150 knives, 50 pairs of scissors, 40 caps, ten ells of Gujerat cloth etc.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Descrição sumaria…,Google Scholar In Sá, , Documentação, IV, p. 16.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ See Boxer, C. R. and Manguin, P. Y., ‘Miguel Roxo de Brito's Narrative of his Voyage to the Raja Empat, May 1581-November 1582’, Archipel, 18 (1979), p. 178 n. 13.Google Scholar For a detailed description of the making of sago in Seram, see Wallace, , The Malay Archipelago, pp. 377–81.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Urdaneta, , Narrative of the Voyage to Malucos, p. 85.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Rebello, , Informação…,Google Scholar in Sá, , Documentação, III, p. 395.Google Scholar

⁸² Trindade, , Con quista espiritual do Oriente, I, p. 45.Google Scholar

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⁸⁴ Rebello, , Informaçāo,Google Scholar in ibid., III, p. 356.

⁸⁵ I.e. manuko dewata (divine bird). The modern Indonesian is burung dewata or cenderawasih.

⁸⁶ Transylvanus, Maximilianus, De Moluccis insulis, ed. Carlos, Quirino (Manila, 1969), pp. 126–7.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Wallace, , The Malay Archipelago, pp. 549–53.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ ibid., pp. 371–2. See also Boxer, and Manguin, , ‘Miguel Roxo de Brito's Narrative’, p. 180 n. 14.Google Scholar

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⁹² Depoimento de Diogo Brandão em o processo das Molucas, Tomar, , 25 08 1533,Google Scholaribid., I, p. 176.

⁹³ Antonio de Brito to the King, Ternate, 11 02 1523, ibid., I, p. 153.

⁹⁴ Rui Gago to the King, Moluccas, 15 02 1523, ibid., I, p. 162.

⁹⁵ See Thomaz, , ‘Maluco e Malaca’, p. 43.Google Scholar

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⁹⁷ The Borneo route was believed to be more ancient than the Banda route. Jorge de Albuquerque writes of discovering ‘the ancient navigation… to go and return in the same time as it takes to go to Banda and back’. He adds that there were pilots who knew the route and ‘from the information I have from the Maquaceres, which is an island near the port of Ambon, it seems to me an easy matter to find the route’. Jorge, de Albuquerque to the King, Malacca, 8 01 1515, in Documentação, Sá, I, pp. 76–80.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ de Brito, Antonio to the King, Ternate, 11 02 1523,Google Scholaribid., I, p. 153.

⁹⁹ de Ataide, Tristao to the King, Moluccas, 20 02 1534,Google Scholaribid., IV, pp. 435–6.

¹⁰⁰ Irmao Fernao do Souro to his brethren of the Colegio de Santo Antao, Lisbon, Moluccas, 15 02 1563, ibid., III, pp. 24–5. Some scholars have asserted that the Portuguese set up feitorias in the Banda Islands comparable to those established on Ambon (see, for example, Diffie, B. W. and Winius, G. D., Foundations of the Portuguese Empire 1415–1580 (University of Minnesota Press and Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 370). Winius describes the Portuguese settlements on Lontor and Neira as feitorias. But there is insufficient evidence from Portuguese sources to sustain this view. The establishment of a right to trade by agreement with local rulers and the erection of a padrao did not invariably lead to the setting up of a feitoria or the appointment of a feitor. This of course is not to deny that some Portuguese settled in the islands and traded there.Google ScholarAbdurachman, R. Paramita in her excellent essay ‘Moluccan Responses to the First Intrusions of the West’ (in Haryati, Soebadio and Carine, A. du Marchie Sarvaas (eds.), Dynamics of Indonesian history (Amsterdam, 1978), p. 173)Google Scholar cites the donation (doacao) of D.Joao III in 1531 to Kaichili Daroes, a Ternatan agent or Rimelaha, of tenure of all the land in Banda as an indication that the Portuguese Crown exercised some kind of suzerainty over the Banda Islands which made it possible to bestow them in this way on a faithful ally as a reward for his services. But there is no evidence that the orang kaya ever recognized any authority of the Portuguese Crown over them or their land and it seems unlikely therefore that the doacao was ever more than a symbolic offering by the King of Portugal of something which was not in any real sense his to donate.

¹⁰¹ Relação dos feitos eroicos…, ch. 91,Google Scholar in Sá, , Documentação, IV, pp. 435–6 and 451.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Padre Baltasar Dias to his brethren in Portugal, Malacca, , 19 11 1556,Google Scholaribid., II, p. 270. A decree of the First Provincial Council of Goa in 1567 ordains that no priest should be received in Bengal, Peru, China, Moluccas, Banda, Sunda or other places where there is no Portuguese fortress, even if he has dismissory letters from the bishop of that place, unless they expressly mention how he is to govern it. (Da reformação das cousas da Igreja (Goa, 1567),Google Scholaribid., III, p. 190.)

¹⁰³ Urdaneta, , Narrative of the Voyage to Malucos, pp. 78–9.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁵ Thomaz, , ‘Maluco e Malaca’, p. 43.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁹ Floris, Peter, Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe. 1611–1615, ed. Moreland, W. H., Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, LXXIV (1934), p. 88.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ An excellent account of the subjugation of the Banda Islands is in Hall, D. G. E., A Histoiy of South East Asia, 3rd edn (London, 1968), pp. 307–9.Google Scholar See also Reid, , ‘Trade and State Power’, pp. 400–1;Google ScholarVlekke, B. H. M., Nusantara. A history of Indonesia (Brussels, 1943), pp. 124–41;Google Scholarvan, Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, pp. 182–4;Google Scholar and Arasaratnam, S., ‘Monopoly and Free Trade in Dutch-Asian Commercial Policy: Debate and Controversy within the VOC’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, IV, No. 1 (03, 1973), pp. 1–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹¹ Schrieke, , Indonesian Sociological Studies, p. 35.Google Scholar