¹ See, for instance, ‘Shōsekai, ’ Mampō ichiran, 168 (25 02 1888), in NKZ, I: 434–6.Google Scholar This piece begins with a quotation from Confucius to demonstrate how perspective can make something as huge as China seem very small. The next step is to show that the Trans-Siberian Railroad does just that, and the consequences for Asia will be devastating. Because China is helpless before the Russians, Japan will have to assume a doubly difficult role.

² This summary of statecraft thought is drawn from Chang, Hao, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Intellectual Transition in China, 1890–1907 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), 7–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wakeman, Frederic Jr., The Fall of Imperial China (New York: The Free Press, 1975). 32–3, 167Google Scholar; Jones, Susan Mann and Kuhn, Philip A., ‘Dynastic Decline and the Roots of Rebellion,’ in The Cambridge History of China, Volume 10: Late Ch'ing, 1800–1911, Part1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 149–54Google Scholar; Kuhn, ‘The Taiping Rebellion,’ in ibid., 281–5; and Kuhn, , ‘Local Self-Government Under the Republic: Problems of Control, Autonomy, and Mobilization,’ in Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China, ed. by Wakeman, Frederic and Grant, Carolyn (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 257–98.Google Scholar

³ Yen-wu, Ku, ‘Chün-hsien lun,’ in Ku Yen-wu wen, ed. by Ching-kuo, T'ang (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1969), 1.Google Scholar On the history of feng-chien/chün-hsien theory, see Yang's, L. S. excellent essay, ‘Ming Local Administration,’ in Chinese Government in Ming Times: Seven Studies, ed. by Hucker, Charles O. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), esp. 1–10.Google Scholar

⁴ Shinaron, in NKZ, V:295.Google Scholar Here Naitō referred specifically to Ku Yen-wu, Huang Tsung-hsi, and Feng Kuei-fen.

⁵ ‘Iwayuru Nihon no tenshoku,’ in NKZ, II: 127Google Scholar; ’Chōsen no keiei,’ Nijūroku seiki, 7 (25 08 1894), 30.Google Scholar

⁶ NKZ, II:128–9, 131.Google Scholar

⁷ ‘Chosen no keiei,’ 31Google Scholar; NKZ, II: 129–30.Google Scholar

⁸ NKZ, II: 133–4.Google Scholar ‘If [one nation] seeks to subjugate a foreign state and make the people and that state happy and prosperous, and, being unexpectedly frustrated, fails to understand [that people] thoroughly, then the devastation, destruction, and bloodshed caused [by the conquering nation] will reach unbearable evil.’ NKZ, II: 134.Google Scholar

⁹ NKZ, II:134–5Google Scholar; King Wen's good government is an allusion to Mencius, ‘li-lou,’ shang, 7.4, see Osamu, Kanaya (trans.), Mōshi (Shintei Chūgoku katen sen 5) (Tokyo: Asahi shimbunsha, 1975), 226–7.Google Scholar

¹⁰ NKZ, II: 135.Google Scholar

¹¹ Michiyo, Naka, Shina tsūshi, trans. from Kambun by Sei, Wada, 3 vols (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1975), I:31Google Scholar; Taisuke, Mitamura, Naitō Konan (Tokyo: Chūō kōron, 1972), 161–2.Google Scholar

¹² Ukichi, Taguchi, Teiken Taguchi Ukichi zenshū (Tokyo: Ōshima Hideo, 1927–1929), II:286–7.Google Scholar

¹³ ‘Chisei okusetsu,’ Ōsaka asahi shimbun (1–2 11 1894), in NKZ, I: 117–24.Google Scholar

¹⁴ He cites the writings of Chao I, Chi Tung (late Ming to early Ch'ing), Ku Tsu-yii (1631-92), and Chang Huang (1627-1708).

¹⁵ ‘Nihon no tenshoku to gakusha,’ Ōsaka asahi shimbun (9–10 11 1894)Google Scholar, in NKZ, I: 126.Google Scholar

¹⁶ NKZ, I:132, 128–32.Google Scholar

¹⁷ ‘Hisenron,’ YCH (23–24 12 1898)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:213–15.Google Scholar

¹⁸ ‘Judōteki gaikō,’ Nijūroku seiki, 16 (11 08 1895), 3–5.Google Scholar

¹⁹ ‘Itō kō wa shusshi no nin ni tekisezu,’ Nijūroku seiki, 19 (11 02 1896), 6.Google Scholar

²⁰ ‘Nichi-Ro kyōtei jōyaku tanomubeki ka,’ Nijūroku seiki, 20 (11 05 1896), 11–12.Google Scholar

²¹ ‘Doku Sōshi,’ Ōsaka asahi shimbun (28 February and 1 March 1896)Google Scholar, in NKZ, VI: 166–72, quotations from 172.Google Scholar

²² Another interesting essay of this genre, entitled ‘Pekinjō no enkaku’ (not in NKZ), appeared in December 1895. It delineated in extraordinary detail the Peking area of China from earliest times through the Ch'ing, with a catalogue of all its changes in name. Why would Naitō take the time in the midst of all his work to do the research necessary for such an article? Assuming an allegorical motive, the penname Naitō used, ‘Gayūsei,’ suggests a direction of analysis. While ‘sei’ (Ch., ‘sheng’) means a student or young person, ‘gayū’ (Ch., ‘wo-yu’) means to daydream happily while looking at travel books and maps as if one were on the road. The defeat of China was still relatively fresh in late 1895, and there is the implication here that Peking might once again change its name and become part of the Japanese map. Entry on ‘gayū,’ in Dai Kan-Wa jiten, ed. Tetsuju, Morohashi (Tokyo: Taishūkan shoten, 1957–1960), 9:388.Google Scholar‘Pekinjō no enkaku,’ Taiyō, I, 12 (5 12 1895), 2291–6.Google Scholar

²³ Tamaki, Ogawa,‘Naitō Konan no gakumon to sono shōgai,’ in Nihon no meichō: Naitō Konan, ed. Tamaki, Ogawa (Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha, 1971), 31–2.Google Scholar

²⁴ Mitamura, , 172–3.Google Scholar

²⁵ Shokatsu bukō, in NKZ, I:142.Google Scholar Also, Chu-ku Liang's early life closely resembled Naitō's own. Both men lost their mothers at a young age; both had one older and one younger brother, a single sister, and a stepmother. The home in which Naitō lived during his normal school years is described as similar to Chu-ku Liang's ‘grass hut’ (ts'ao-lu). In his own introductory notes to the text, Naitō pointed out that as Chu-ko Liang at age twenty-seven responded to Liu Pei's request and ended his self-imposed seclusion, Naitō himself obversely had at age twenty-seven ‘returned’ to the cultural homeland of Japan in Nara and visited Kamakura. NKZ, I:146–7.Google Scholar My other sources on Chu-ko Liang are: Chi-lin ta-hsüeh shih-hsi Chu-ko Liang pien-hsieh tsu, Chu-ko Liang (Peking: Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1976)Google Scholar; Chu-ko Liang yü wu-hou tz'u pien-hsieh tsu, Chu-ko Liang yü wu-hou tz'u (Peking: Wen-wu ch'u-pan she, 1977)Google Scholar; Hisayuki, Miyakawa, Shokatsu Kōmei Sangokushi to sono jidai (Tokyo: Tōgensha, 1966)Google Scholar; and Chi-nung, Yao, I-tai ch'i-ts' ai Chu-ko Liang ku-shih (Hong Kong: Wen-hua shu-sha, n.d.)Google Scholar

²⁶ NKZ, I:151–64.Google Scholar

²⁷ NKZ, I:164–206.Google Scholar On this meeting, see Yoshio, Kawakatsu, Gi-Shin-Nambokuchō: Sōdai na bunretsu jidai (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1974), 152–3Google Scholar; Takashi, Okazaki, Gi-Shin-Namboku-chō no sekai (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1977), 41Google Scholar; and Chu-ko Liang, 18–19.Google Scholar

²⁸ NKZ, I:194–6.Google Scholar

²⁹ NKZ, I: 145–7Google Scholar Naitō's initial plan for Shokatsu bukō called for a second part on the latter half of Chu-ko's life, but he unfortunately never wrote it.

³⁰ Nagasawa Etsu, ‘Jo,’ to Shokatsu bukō, in NKZ, I:143.Google Scholar Naitō quotation, NKZ, I:146.Google Scholar

³¹ On Naitō's association with the Matsukata-Ōkuma cabinet, see Shunjirō, Aoe, Ryū no seiza: Naitō Konan no Ajia-teki shōgai (Tokyo: Asahi shimbunsha, 1966), 148, 152–5Google Scholar; Mitamura, , 164–6Google Scholar; and Teters, Barbara, ‘Press Freedom and the 26th Century Affair in Meiji Japan,’ Modern Asian Studies, 6.3 (1973), 337–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³² ‘Taiwan shubitai no shissoku ni tsuite,’ Ōsaka asahi shimbun (4 September 1896)Google Scholar, in Ruishu dashu, in NKZ, I:406–8.Google Scholar

³³ NKZ, II:383–4.Google Scholar

³⁴ ‘Ifū izoku no issaku,’ TN (27 July 1897)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:388–9.Google Scholar

³⁵ ‘Hentsū naki isshi dōjin,’ TN (31 July 1897) in NKZ, I:394.Google Scholar

³⁶ NKZ, II:395.Google Scholar

³⁷ ‘Kōtsū kikan kakudai no kyūmu,’ TN ( 1, 3 August 1897), in NKZ, II:398; see also NKZ, II:397, 399–400.Google Scholar

³⁸ ‘Taiwan seiji no ōme teki,’ TN (5 August 1897), in NKZ, II:401–3, quote on 402.Google Scholar

³⁹ NKZ, II:408.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ ‘Taiwan shisei no kakushin,’ TN (29 August 1897), in NKZ, II:410–11Google Scholar; ‘Nogi Sōtoku no sekinin,’ TN (31 August 1897)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:412–13; ‘Sone shin kyokuchō o mukau,’ TN (16 October 1897)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:415–16; ‘Danjite kore o okonaeba, kijin mo kore o saku,’ TN (17 April 1898), in NKZ, II440.Google Scholar

⁴¹ ‘Meiji sanjūichi nen no Taiwan,’ TN (4 January 1898), in NKZ, II:417–20Google Scholar; ‘Shin tōrōsha no seijō o okudan su,’ TN (30 March 1898)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:421–13; ‘Danjite kore o.…,’ in NKZ, II:439–41.Google Scholar

⁴² The seven parts of the essay, entitled ‘Kakushin zatsuji’ and all in TN, are: ‘Kanri tōta’ (2 04 1898), in NKZ, II:424–5Google Scholar; ‘Chihō gyōsei no sōshiki’ (3 04 1898), in NKZ, II:426–7Google Scholar; ‘Imin ni taisuru sochi’ (5 04 1898), in NKZ, II:427–30Google Scholar, quotes on 428, 430; ‘Shihō seido’ (6 04 1898), in NKZ, II:430–1Google Scholar; ‘Zaisei no sōkaku (jō)’ (8 04 1898), in NKZ, II:432–4Google Scholar; ‘Zaisei no sōkaku (ka)’ (10 04 1898), in NKZ, II:434–6Google Scholar; and ‘Sōhi buhan no hōryaku’ (12 04 1898), in NKZ, II:436–8.Google Scholar

⁴³ ‘Kokutō sonja no tayori,’ letters of 7, 8, 9 January 1898, published in TN (18 April 1898)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:464–9Google Scholar; ‘Ten o aoide warai, chi ni fushite naku,’ letter of 22 January 1898, in TN (3 02 1898), NKZ, II:472–5Google Scholar; and ‘Aoide ten ni warai, fushite chi ni naku,’ letter published in TN (26 02 1898), in NKZ, II:476–7.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ ‘Warai naki shōtoku,’ letter published in TN (10 03 1898), in NKZ, II:483.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ NKZ, II:474.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Mitamura, 179, adamantly claims that Naitō was ‘editor-in-chief’ (shuhitsu) of YCH. Naitō's chronological biography states only that in ‘May [he] became an editorial writer (ronsetsu kisha) for Yorozu chōhō,’ NKZ, XIV:622. Aoe, 197–8, makes the strongest case for the view that Naitō was not chief editor by arguing that, if he had been, Yorozu would have certainly paid for his 1899 trip to China, proclaimed it loudly, and congratulated him in print, all of which they did not do. Aoe shows that Naitō arranged the trip through Sakakida Seibee, a friend of Hatakeyama Rokyū and a Diet member from Akita, and Nakamura Mokkō, and old friend of Naito's.

⁴⁷ On ch'ing-i, see Eastman, Lloyd, Throne and Mandarins: China's Search for a Policy during the Sino-French Controversy, 1880–1885 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 16–29Google Scholar; Eastman, , ‘Ch'ing-i and Chinese Policy formation during the Nineteenth Century,’ Journal of Asian Studies, 24.4 (1965), 595–611CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cohen, Paul, ‘Ch'ing China: Confrontation with the West, 1860–1900,’ in Modern East Asia: Essays in interpretation, ed. by Crowley, James (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1970), 49–52.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ ‘Shinkoku kaikaku no fūki,’ YCH (11 09 1898), in NKZ, II:517–19Google Scholar, quote on 519. Yamane Yukio cites this article without reference to its author as evidence for the Japanese public's viewpoint on the 1898 reform movement, in ‘Bojutsu hempō to Nihon: Kō Yūi no “Meiji ishin” ha'aku o chūshin ni shite,’ in his Ronshū: Kindai Chūgoku to Nihon (Tokyo: Yamakawa shuppansha, 1976), 23, 26.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ NKZ, II:519–22, quote on p. 521.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ ‘Shina kaikaku setsu no ni jiki,’ YCH (27, 29, 30 10 1898), in NKZ, II:232.Google Scholar Kitayama Yasuo refers to this piece as Naitō's earliest essay on the 1898 reform movement, but ‘Shinkoku kaikaku no fūki’ clearly was. Yasuo, Kitayama, Chūgoku kakumei no rekishi teki kenkyū, (Kyoto: Minerva shobō, 1972), 80.Google Scholar

⁵¹ NKZ, II:232.Google Scholar

⁵² NKZ, II:233.Google Scholar

⁵³ NKZ, II:234.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ ‘Shina kaikaku josei no ichi shudan,’ ō-A jiron, 5 (10 02 1899), in NKZ, IV:423–7.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ ‘Shina kaikaku setsu no ni jiki,’ in NKZ, II:235.Google Scholar Tou Wu and Ch'en Fan, both Latter Han high-ranking military officials and leaders of the anti-eunuch ch'ing-i group, were said to have risen up to destroy the eunuch cliques at court but were defeated and killed in A.D. 168; later, however, Yüan Shao (d. 202) accomplished the original aims of the group. Similarly, Li Hsün and Cheng Chu of the T'ang had planned an attack on some corrupt officials but were killed, and later Chu Wen attained their aims. Information on Latter Han from Kawakatsu, 99–103; information on the T'ang from Morohashi, 10:327.

⁵⁶ NKZ, II:235.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ ‘Kō Yūi ra o ikan suru ka,’ Nihonjin, 80 (5 12 1898), in NKZ, IV:419–20.Google Scholar On Chu Shun-shui, see Ching, Julia, ‘The Practical Learning of Chu Shun-shui ( 1600–1682),’ in Principle and Practicality: Essays in Neo-Confucianism and Practical Learning, ed. deBary, Wm. T. and Bloom, Irene (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979), 189–229.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ ‘Ryō Keichō ga Seihenro no yomu,’ YCH(10–11 12 1898), in NKZ, II:538.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Quoted in NKZ, II:542.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ NKZ, II:542–43.Google Scholar See also Kitayama, , 81–2.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See, for example, ‘Shinkoku kaikaku no fūki imada moekasezu,’ YCH (9–10 02 1899), in NKZ, II:558–62.Google Scholar

⁶² From the title of his diaries, Enzan sosui (The mountains of North China and the rivers of South China) and ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku’ (1899 record of the footprints of a white bird [which walks over the mud after the falling of snow]), one might assume that Naitō's sole aim on this trip was historical sight-seeing, which is incorrect. The ‘kōsō’ in ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku’ comes from a poem by Su Shih, see Shinjigen, ed. by Tamaki, Ogawa, Taiichirō, Nishi, and Tadashi, Akazuka (Tokyo: Kakugawa shoten, 1977), 1083.Google Scholar See also Sukema, Ojima, ‘Konan sensei no Enzan sosui,’ Shinagaku, VII.3 (07 1934) 533–4Google Scholar; and Toratarō, Shinomura, ‘Naitō Konan Enzan sosui,’ Sōbun, 59 (03 1968), frontispiece.Google Scholar

⁶³ EZSS, in NKZ, II:19–22, quote on p. 22Google Scholar; ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku,’ in NKZ, VI:327Google Scholar; and Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Naitō Konan ki: Kogai kōsō kiryaku (jō),’ Kokusai seikei jijō, 21 (10 1956), 115.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ EZSS, in NKZ, II:28–30Google Scholar; ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku,’ in NKZ, VI:328Google Scholar; Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Yu-Shin shoki no chū ni kaete,’ Naitō Konan zenshū geppō, XIII (12 1973), 6–7Google Scholar; Tamaki, Ogawa (ed.), Nihon no meichi: Naitō Konan, 446 n8Google Scholar; and Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Naitō Konan ki …,’ 115, 122.Google Scholar On the history of Kuo-wen-pao, see Shih, Wang, Yen Fu chuan (Shanghai: Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1957), 52–5, 59.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ EZSS, in NKZ, II:29–34Google Scholar, quotes on 32, 33, 33, 34, respectively. In a letter to his wife, one of seventeen cards and letters he wrote her during the eleven-week trip, he described Yen, Wang, and Fang as the ‘highest rank of Chinese scholars.’ Letter, 16 September 1899, in NKZ, XIV:393.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ EZSS, in NKZ, II:34, 57–8Google Scholar; ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku,’ in NKZ, VI:328–30Google Scholar; letters to his wife dated 25 September and 30 September 1899, in NKZ, XIV:393–5Google Scholar; Ogawa, 446; and Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Yū-Shin …,’ 6–7.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ EZSS, in NKZ, II:58–9Google Scholar, quotes on 59; Ogawa, 362–3.

⁶⁸ EZSS, in NKZ, II:60–1Google Scholar, quote on 60. Perhaps the title, Bankoku shiki, should be translated as ‘Records of the grand historian of the world’ if Okamoto consciously patterned shiki (Ch., shih-chi) on Ssu-ma Ch'ien. Naitō knew both authors personally. Okamoto had travelled to China twice in the early Meiji years to visit Confucius's birthplace, and in 1899 was working for a translation bureau, the Zenrin yakushokan, with the approval of the Chinese ambassador to Tokyo, Li Sheng-to. Naka was a Landsmann of Naitō's from Nambu domain in Akita prefecture and is considered one of the founders of modern Japanese sinology.

⁶⁹ EZSS, in NKZ, II:61–3, quotes on 61, 62.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ EZSS, in NKZ, II:64Google Scholar; ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku,’ in NKZ, VI:331Google Scholar; Naitō Shigenobu, ‘Naitō Konan ki…,’ 124; and Naitō Shigenobu, ‘Yū-Shin …,’ 7–8.Google Scholar The next year, 1900, Wen travelled to Japan and met with Naitō (and through him with many of the other luminaries of Japanese sinology, such as Shiratori Kurakichi, Naka Michiyo, and Kuwabara Jitsuzō) many times. Naitō arranged for Wen to present Naka with the Mongolian language text of the Secret History of the Mongols which Naka then translated into Japanese as Chingisu han jitsuroku. Naka explicitly thanked Naitō for this service in the introduction to Chingisu han jitsuroku (Tokyo: Dai Nihon zusho, 1907), 1–3.Google Scholar Wen's reminiscences of his time in Japan, the Tung-yu jih-chi, was recently published in Taiwan. See T'ing-shih, Wen, Wen T'ing-shih ch'üan-chi (Taipei: Ta-hua yin-shu-kuan, 1969), I: ‘jih-chi san-chi,’ 35–68Google Scholar. See also a fascinating article by Kiichirō, Kanda, ‘Naitō Konan to Bun Teishiki,’ Tosho, 360 (08 1979), 32–7.Google Scholar

⁷¹ EZSS, in NKZ, II:65.Google Scholar

⁷² EZSS, in NKZ, II:65–7Google Scholar, quotes on 65, 66; letter to his wife, 14 October 1899, in NKZ, XIV:395.Google Scholar Naitō appended that section (‘pa-kuan’) of the Kuan-tzu to the EZSS, see NKZ, II: 110.Google Scholar

⁷³ EZSS, in NKZ, II:69–73, 101Google Scholar, quote on 101; ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku,’ in NKZ, VI:332–5Google Scholar; Ogawa, , 368Google Scholar; Naitō Shigenobu, ‘Naitō Konan ki…,’ 124Google Scholar; and Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Naitō Konan ki: Kogai kōsō kiryaku (ka),’ Kokusai seikei jijō, 23 (09 1957), 88.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ EZSS, in NKZ, II:101Google Scholar; Ogawa, , 369.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ EZSS, in NKZ, II:101Google Scholar; Ogawa, , 369.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ EZSS, in NKZ, II:102Google Scholar; Ogawa, , 370.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ EZSS, in NKZ, II:102–3Google Scholar; quote on 103; Ogawa, , 370.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ EZSS, in NKZ, II:103–4Google Scholar; Ogawa, , 370–1.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ EZSS, in NKZ, II:103Google Scholar;Ogawa, , 371–2.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ EZSS, in NKZ, II:104–5Google Scholar, quotes on 105; Ogawa, , 372–3.Google Scholar

⁸¹ EZSS, in NKZ, II: 105–6Google Scholar; Ogawa, , 373–4.Google Scholar In his own memoirs, Lo does not mention this 1899 meeting with Naitō, although he does mention other meetings with Naitō and numerous other Japanese. For a Chinese, Lo's Japanophilia has rarely been approached. For his admiration of Japan, see Chen-yū, Lo, Lo Hsüeh-t' ang hsien-sheng ch'üan-chi hsü-pien, ts'e, 2 (Taipei: Wen-hua ch'u-pan kung-ssu, 1969), passim.Google Scholar

⁸² Shigenobu, Naitō,. ‘Naitō Konan ki’ … (ka),’ 88Google Scholar; Jansen, Marius, The Japanese and Sun Yat-sen (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954), 86, 87.Google Scholar This incident was described by Miyazaki in his famous diary, Sanjüsan nen no yume, soon to appear in an English translation by Marius Jansen and Etō Shinkichi.

⁸³ EZSS, in NKZ, II:106–7, quotes on 107Google Scholar; Ogawa, , 374–6.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ ‘Shinajin to inu,’in NKZ, II: 111Google Scholar; see also Minoru, Takeuchi, ‘Meiji Kangakusha no Chūgoku kikō,’ in his Nihonjin ni totte no Chūgoku zō (Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1966), 268–9.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ ‘lchi dai konsei,’ in NKZ, II: 113.Google Scholar Lest one think this the arrogant impressions of a Japanese imperialist, compare it with the 1919 comment of Li Ta-chao, founder of the Chinese Communist Party: ‘Boring, desiccated, dirty, dilatory, inconvenient, uneconomical, unhealthy, and devoid of amusement: this is the content of life among the residents of Peking.’ Ta-chao, Li, ‘Pei-ching shih-min ying-kai yao-ch'iu te hsin sheng-huo,’ Hsin sheng-huo, 5 (21 09 1919)Google Scholar, in Li Ta-chao hsüan-chi (Peking: Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1962), 239. I am indebted to David Strand for bringing this essay to my attention.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ ‘Fūkei no gaijin,’ ‘Kōjo no engeki,’ ‘Pu-shii ta [pu-shih t'a], ‘Shinajin to tokugaku,’ in NKZ, II: 120, 117–20, 122–3, 125–6, respectively.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ ‘Tōyō mondai no kōkyū ni tsuite,’ YCH (14 08 1899 draft), NKZ, II:136–7Google Scholar; ‘Shina kaikaku no nan'i,’ YCH (27 08 1899 draft), in NKZ, II:138–9, quote on 139.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ ‘Shinkoku ni okeru senkan kyoryūchi,’ YCH (8–9 12 1899 draft), in NKZ, II:140–3.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ ‘Shinkoku ni okeru ryōjikan,’ YCH (4, 13 01 1899 drafts), in NKZ, II:146–50, quote on 148.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ ‘Shina no naika kōro,’ YCH (30 January 1900 draft)Google Scholar, ‘Shina ryūgakusei no kantaku,’ YCH (26 February 1900 draft)Google Scholar, ‘Shina mondai to Nankin Pekin,’ YCH (3 03 1900 draft), in NKZ, II:151–6.Google Scholar

⁹¹ ‘Kongo no Shina kansatsusha,’ YCH (20 03 1900 draft), in NKZ, II:159–61.Google Scholar

⁹² ‘Shina chōsa no ichi hōmen (seiji gakujutsu no chōsa),’ Nihonjin (20 03 1900 draft), in NKZ, II: 162–4.Google Scholar

⁹³ NKZ, II: 164–5.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ ‘Dokusho ni kansuru hōjin no hei, fuku: Kangaku no monkei’ (03 1900), in NKZ II: 166–9.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Wang, Y. C., Chinese Intellectuals and the West, 1872–1949 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1966), 52–3Google Scholar; and Jansen, Marius, ‘Japan and the Chinese Revolution of 1911,’ in The Cambridge History of China, Volume II: Late Ch'ing, 1800–1911, Part 2, ed. by Fairbank, John K. and Liu, Kwang-ching (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 349.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Shina jōkoshi, in NKZ, X: 10.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ ‘China and Japan Hug and Make Up,’ Time, 112 (6 11 1978), 56.Google Scholar