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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
In the early decades of this century, Naitō Konan (1866–1934) became Japan's leading authority on Chinese history and contemporary Chinese affairs. His early education in Kangaku (Chinese studies) had emphasized the Neo-Confucian tradition of jitsugaku or the practical application of learning, a broad trend in Japan then and one subscribed to by Naitō's family. Thus, before his arrival in Tokyo in late 1887, Naitō was already deeply concerned with China. He also possessed a kind of Kangaku assumption that China and Japan were linked culturally, and by extension their contemporary fates before the West were linked. The jitsugaku underpinning to Naitō's thought spurred him to seek out solutions for China's ills (and Japan's) on the basis of his knowledge of the past.
1 See, for instance, ‘Shōsekai, ’ Mampō ichiran, 168 (25 02 1888), in NKZ, I: 434–6.Google Scholar This piece begins with a quotation from Confucius to demonstrate how perspective can make something as huge as China seem very small. The next step is to show that the Trans-Siberian Railroad does just that, and the consequences for Asia will be devastating. Because China is helpless before the Russians, Japan will have to assume a doubly difficult role.
2 This summary of statecraft thought is drawn from Chang, Hao, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Intellectual Transition in China, 1890–1907 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), 7–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wakeman, Frederic Jr., The Fall of Imperial China (New York: The Free Press, 1975). 32–3, 167Google Scholar; Jones, Susan Mann and Kuhn, Philip A., ‘Dynastic Decline and the Roots of Rebellion,’ in The Cambridge History of China, Volume 10: Late Ch'ing, 1800–1911, Part1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 149–54Google Scholar; Kuhn, ‘The Taiping Rebellion,’ in ibid., 281–5; and Kuhn, , ‘Local Self-Government Under the Republic: Problems of Control, Autonomy, and Mobilization,’ in Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China, ed. by Wakeman, Frederic and Grant, Carolyn (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 257–98.Google Scholar
3 Yen-wu, Ku, ‘Chün-hsien lun,’ in Ku Yen-wu wen, ed. by Ching-kuo, T'ang (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1969), 1.Google Scholar On the history of feng-chien/chün-hsien theory, see Yang's, L. S. excellent essay, ‘Ming Local Administration,’ in Chinese Government in Ming Times: Seven Studies, ed. by Hucker, Charles O. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), esp. 1–10.Google Scholar
4 Shinaron, in NKZ, V:295.Google Scholar Here Naitō referred specifically to Ku Yen-wu, Huang Tsung-hsi, and Feng Kuei-fen.
5 ‘Iwayuru Nihon no tenshoku,’ in NKZ, II: 127Google Scholar; ’Chōsen no keiei,’ Nijūroku seiki, 7 (25 08 1894), 30.Google Scholar
6 NKZ, II:128–9, 131.Google Scholar
7 ‘Chosen no keiei,’ 31Google Scholar; NKZ, II: 129–30.Google Scholar
8 NKZ, II: 133–4.Google Scholar ‘If [one nation] seeks to subjugate a foreign state and make the people and that state happy and prosperous, and, being unexpectedly frustrated, fails to understand [that people] thoroughly, then the devastation, destruction, and bloodshed caused [by the conquering nation] will reach unbearable evil.’ NKZ, II: 134.Google Scholar
9 NKZ, II:134–5Google Scholar; King Wen's good government is an allusion to Mencius, ‘li-lou,’ shang, 7.4, see Osamu, Kanaya (trans.), Mōshi (Shintei Chūgoku katen sen 5) (Tokyo: Asahi shimbunsha, 1975), 226–7.Google Scholar
10 NKZ, II: 135.Google Scholar
11 Michiyo, Naka, Shina tsūshi, trans. from Kambun by Sei, Wada, 3 vols (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1975), I:31Google Scholar; Taisuke, Mitamura, Naitō Konan (Tokyo: Chūō kōron, 1972), 161–2.Google Scholar
12 Ukichi, Taguchi, Teiken Taguchi Ukichi zenshū (Tokyo: Ōshima Hideo, 1927–1929), II:286–7.Google Scholar
13 ‘Chisei okusetsu,’ Ōsaka asahi shimbun (1–2 11 1894), in NKZ, I: 117–24.Google Scholar
14 He cites the writings of Chao I, Chi Tung (late Ming to early Ch'ing), Ku Tsu-yii (1631-92), and Chang Huang (1627-1708).
15 ‘Nihon no tenshoku to gakusha,’ Ōsaka asahi shimbun (9–10 11 1894)Google Scholar, in NKZ, I: 126.Google Scholar
16 NKZ, I:132, 128–32.Google Scholar
17 ‘Hisenron,’ YCH (23–24 12 1898)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:213–15.Google Scholar
18 ‘Judōteki gaikō,’ Nijūroku seiki, 16 (11 08 1895), 3–5.Google Scholar
19 ‘Itō kō wa shusshi no nin ni tekisezu,’ Nijūroku seiki, 19 (11 02 1896), 6.Google Scholar
20 ‘Nichi-Ro kyōtei jōyaku tanomubeki ka,’ Nijūroku seiki, 20 (11 05 1896), 11–12.Google Scholar
21 ‘Doku Sōshi,’ Ōsaka asahi shimbun (28 February and 1 March 1896)Google Scholar, in NKZ, VI: 166–72, quotations from 172.Google Scholar
22 Another interesting essay of this genre, entitled ‘Pekinjō no enkaku’ (not in NKZ), appeared in December 1895. It delineated in extraordinary detail the Peking area of China from earliest times through the Ch'ing, with a catalogue of all its changes in name. Why would Naitō take the time in the midst of all his work to do the research necessary for such an article? Assuming an allegorical motive, the penname Naitō used, ‘Gayūsei,’ suggests a direction of analysis. While ‘sei’ (Ch., ‘sheng’) means a student or young person, ‘gayū’ (Ch., ‘wo-yu’) means to daydream happily while looking at travel books and maps as if one were on the road. The defeat of China was still relatively fresh in late 1895, and there is the implication here that Peking might once again change its name and become part of the Japanese map. Entry on ‘gayū,’ in Dai Kan-Wa jiten, ed. Tetsuju, Morohashi (Tokyo: Taishūkan shoten, 1957–1960), 9:388.Google Scholar‘Pekinjō no enkaku,’ Taiyō, I, 12 (5 12 1895), 2291–6.Google Scholar
23 Tamaki, Ogawa,‘Naitō Konan no gakumon to sono shōgai,’ in Nihon no meichō: Naitō Konan, ed. Tamaki, Ogawa (Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha, 1971), 31–2.Google Scholar
24 Mitamura, , 172–3.Google Scholar
25 Shokatsu bukō, in NKZ, I:142.Google Scholar Also, Chu-ku Liang's early life closely resembled Naitō's own. Both men lost their mothers at a young age; both had one older and one younger brother, a single sister, and a stepmother. The home in which Naitō lived during his normal school years is described as similar to Chu-ku Liang's ‘grass hut’ (ts'ao-lu). In his own introductory notes to the text, Naitō pointed out that as Chu-ko Liang at age twenty-seven responded to Liu Pei's request and ended his self-imposed seclusion, Naitō himself obversely had at age twenty-seven ‘returned’ to the cultural homeland of Japan in Nara and visited Kamakura. NKZ, I:146–7.Google Scholar My other sources on Chu-ko Liang are: Chi-lin ta-hsüeh shih-hsi Chu-ko Liang pien-hsieh tsu, Chu-ko Liang (Peking: Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1976)Google Scholar; Chu-ko Liang yü wu-hou tz'u pien-hsieh tsu, Chu-ko Liang yü wu-hou tz'u (Peking: Wen-wu ch'u-pan she, 1977)Google Scholar; Hisayuki, Miyakawa, Shokatsu Kōmei Sangokushi to sono jidai (Tokyo: Tōgensha, 1966)Google Scholar; and Chi-nung, Yao, I-tai ch'i-ts' ai Chu-ko Liang ku-shih (Hong Kong: Wen-hua shu-sha, n.d.)Google Scholar
26 NKZ, I:151–64.Google Scholar
27 NKZ, I:164–206.Google Scholar On this meeting, see Yoshio, Kawakatsu, Gi-Shin-Nambokuchō: Sōdai na bunretsu jidai (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1974), 152–3Google Scholar; Takashi, Okazaki, Gi-Shin-Namboku-chō no sekai (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1977), 41Google Scholar; and Chu-ko Liang, 18–19.Google Scholar
28 NKZ, I:194–6.Google Scholar
29 NKZ, I: 145–7Google Scholar Naitō's initial plan for Shokatsu bukō called for a second part on the latter half of Chu-ko's life, but he unfortunately never wrote it.
30 Nagasawa Etsu, ‘Jo,’ to Shokatsu bukō, in NKZ, I:143.Google Scholar Naitō quotation, NKZ, I:146.Google Scholar
31 On Naitō's association with the Matsukata-Ōkuma cabinet, see Shunjirō, Aoe, Ryū no seiza: Naitō Konan no Ajia-teki shōgai (Tokyo: Asahi shimbunsha, 1966), 148, 152–5Google Scholar; Mitamura, , 164–6Google Scholar; and Teters, Barbara, ‘Press Freedom and the 26th Century Affair in Meiji Japan,’ Modern Asian Studies, 6.3 (1973), 337–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
32 ‘Taiwan shubitai no shissoku ni tsuite,’ Ōsaka asahi shimbun (4 September 1896)Google Scholar, in Ruishu dashu, in NKZ, I:406–8.Google Scholar
33 NKZ, II:383–4.Google Scholar
34 ‘Ifū izoku no issaku,’ TN (27 July 1897)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:388–9.Google Scholar
35 ‘Hentsū naki isshi dōjin,’ TN (31 July 1897) in NKZ, I:394.Google Scholar
36 NKZ, II:395.Google Scholar
37 ‘Kōtsū kikan kakudai no kyūmu,’ TN ( 1, 3 August 1897), in NKZ, II:398; see also NKZ, II:397, 399–400.Google Scholar
38 ‘Taiwan seiji no ōme teki,’ TN (5 August 1897), in NKZ, II:401–3, quote on 402.Google Scholar
39 NKZ, II:408.Google Scholar
40 ‘Taiwan shisei no kakushin,’ TN (29 August 1897), in NKZ, II:410–11Google Scholar; ‘Nogi Sōtoku no sekinin,’ TN (31 August 1897)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:412–13; ‘Sone shin kyokuchō o mukau,’ TN (16 October 1897)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:415–16; ‘Danjite kore o okonaeba, kijin mo kore o saku,’ TN (17 April 1898), in NKZ, II440.Google Scholar
41 ‘Meiji sanjūichi nen no Taiwan,’ TN (4 January 1898), in NKZ, II:417–20Google Scholar; ‘Shin tōrōsha no seijō o okudan su,’ TN (30 March 1898)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:421–13; ‘Danjite kore o.…,’ in NKZ, II:439–41.Google Scholar
42 The seven parts of the essay, entitled ‘Kakushin zatsuji’ and all in TN, are: ‘Kanri tōta’ (2 04 1898), in NKZ, II:424–5Google Scholar; ‘Chihō gyōsei no sōshiki’ (3 04 1898), in NKZ, II:426–7Google Scholar; ‘Imin ni taisuru sochi’ (5 04 1898), in NKZ, II:427–30Google Scholar, quotes on 428, 430; ‘Shihō seido’ (6 04 1898), in NKZ, II:430–1Google Scholar; ‘Zaisei no sōkaku (jō)’ (8 04 1898), in NKZ, II:432–4Google Scholar; ‘Zaisei no sōkaku (ka)’ (10 04 1898), in NKZ, II:434–6Google Scholar; and ‘Sōhi buhan no hōryaku’ (12 04 1898), in NKZ, II:436–8.Google Scholar
43 ‘Kokutō sonja no tayori,’ letters of 7, 8, 9 January 1898, published in TN (18 April 1898)Google Scholar, in NKZ, II:464–9Google Scholar; ‘Ten o aoide warai, chi ni fushite naku,’ letter of 22 January 1898, in TN (3 02 1898), NKZ, II:472–5Google Scholar; and ‘Aoide ten ni warai, fushite chi ni naku,’ letter published in TN (26 02 1898), in NKZ, II:476–7.Google Scholar
44 ‘Warai naki shōtoku,’ letter published in TN (10 03 1898), in NKZ, II:483.Google Scholar
45 NKZ, II:474.Google Scholar
46 Mitamura, 179, adamantly claims that Naitō was ‘editor-in-chief’ (shuhitsu) of YCH. Naitō's chronological biography states only that in ‘May [he] became an editorial writer (ronsetsu kisha) for Yorozu chōhō,’ NKZ, XIV:622. Aoe, 197–8, makes the strongest case for the view that Naitō was not chief editor by arguing that, if he had been, Yorozu would have certainly paid for his 1899 trip to China, proclaimed it loudly, and congratulated him in print, all of which they did not do. Aoe shows that Naitō arranged the trip through Sakakida Seibee, a friend of Hatakeyama Rokyū and a Diet member from Akita, and Nakamura Mokkō, and old friend of Naito's.
47 On ch'ing-i, see Eastman, Lloyd, Throne and Mandarins: China's Search for a Policy during the Sino-French Controversy, 1880–1885 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 16–29Google Scholar; Eastman, , ‘Ch'ing-i and Chinese Policy formation during the Nineteenth Century,’ Journal of Asian Studies, 24.4 (1965), 595–611CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cohen, Paul, ‘Ch'ing China: Confrontation with the West, 1860–1900,’ in Modern East Asia: Essays in interpretation, ed. by Crowley, James (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1970), 49–52.Google Scholar
48 ‘Shinkoku kaikaku no fūki,’ YCH (11 09 1898), in NKZ, II:517–19Google Scholar, quote on 519. Yamane Yukio cites this article without reference to its author as evidence for the Japanese public's viewpoint on the 1898 reform movement, in ‘Bojutsu hempō to Nihon: Kō Yūi no “Meiji ishin” ha'aku o chūshin ni shite,’ in his Ronshū: Kindai Chūgoku to Nihon (Tokyo: Yamakawa shuppansha, 1976), 23, 26.Google Scholar
49 NKZ, II:519–22, quote on p. 521.Google Scholar
50 ‘Shina kaikaku setsu no ni jiki,’ YCH (27, 29, 30 10 1898), in NKZ, II:232.Google Scholar Kitayama Yasuo refers to this piece as Naitō's earliest essay on the 1898 reform movement, but ‘Shinkoku kaikaku no fūki’ clearly was. Yasuo, Kitayama, Chūgoku kakumei no rekishi teki kenkyū, (Kyoto: Minerva shobō, 1972), 80.Google Scholar
51 NKZ, II:232.Google Scholar
52 NKZ, II:233.Google Scholar
53 NKZ, II:234.Google Scholar
54 ‘Shina kaikaku josei no ichi shudan,’ ō-A jiron, 5 (10 02 1899), in NKZ, IV:423–7.Google Scholar
55 ‘Shina kaikaku setsu no ni jiki,’ in NKZ, II:235.Google Scholar Tou Wu and Ch'en Fan, both Latter Han high-ranking military officials and leaders of the anti-eunuch ch'ing-i group, were said to have risen up to destroy the eunuch cliques at court but were defeated and killed in A.D. 168; later, however, Yüan Shao (d. 202) accomplished the original aims of the group. Similarly, Li Hsün and Cheng Chu of the T'ang had planned an attack on some corrupt officials but were killed, and later Chu Wen attained their aims. Information on Latter Han from Kawakatsu, 99–103; information on the T'ang from Morohashi, 10:327.
56 NKZ, II:235.Google Scholar
57 ‘Kō Yūi ra o ikan suru ka,’ Nihonjin, 80 (5 12 1898), in NKZ, IV:419–20.Google Scholar On Chu Shun-shui, see Ching, Julia, ‘The Practical Learning of Chu Shun-shui ( 1600–1682),’ in Principle and Practicality: Essays in Neo-Confucianism and Practical Learning, ed. deBary, Wm. T. and Bloom, Irene (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979), 189–229.Google Scholar
58 ‘Ryō Keichō ga Seihenro no yomu,’ YCH(10–11 12 1898), in NKZ, II:538.Google Scholar
59 Quoted in NKZ, II:542.Google Scholar
60 NKZ, II:542–43.Google Scholar See also Kitayama, , 81–2.Google Scholar
61 See, for example, ‘Shinkoku kaikaku no fūki imada moekasezu,’ YCH (9–10 02 1899), in NKZ, II:558–62.Google Scholar
62 From the title of his diaries, Enzan sosui (The mountains of North China and the rivers of South China) and ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku’ (1899 record of the footprints of a white bird [which walks over the mud after the falling of snow]), one might assume that Naitō's sole aim on this trip was historical sight-seeing, which is incorrect. The ‘kōsō’ in ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku’ comes from a poem by Su Shih, see Shinjigen, ed. by Tamaki, Ogawa, Taiichirō, Nishi, and Tadashi, Akazuka (Tokyo: Kakugawa shoten, 1977), 1083.Google Scholar See also Sukema, Ojima, ‘Konan sensei no Enzan sosui,’ Shinagaku, VII.3 (07 1934) 533–4Google Scholar; and Toratarō, Shinomura, ‘Naitō Konan Enzan sosui,’ Sōbun, 59 (03 1968), frontispiece.Google Scholar
63 EZSS, in NKZ, II:19–22, quote on p. 22Google Scholar; ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku,’ in NKZ, VI:327Google Scholar; and Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Naitō Konan ki: Kogai kōsō kiryaku (jō),’ Kokusai seikei jijō, 21 (10 1956), 115.Google Scholar
64 EZSS, in NKZ, II:28–30Google Scholar; ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku,’ in NKZ, VI:328Google Scholar; Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Yu-Shin shoki no chū ni kaete,’ Naitō Konan zenshū geppō, XIII (12 1973), 6–7Google Scholar; Tamaki, Ogawa (ed.), Nihon no meichi: Naitō Konan, 446 n8Google Scholar; and Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Naitō Konan ki …,’ 115, 122.Google Scholar On the history of Kuo-wen-pao, see Shih, Wang, Yen Fu chuan (Shanghai: Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1957), 52–5, 59.Google Scholar
65 EZSS, in NKZ, II:29–34Google Scholar, quotes on 32, 33, 33, 34, respectively. In a letter to his wife, one of seventeen cards and letters he wrote her during the eleven-week trip, he described Yen, Wang, and Fang as the ‘highest rank of Chinese scholars.’ Letter, 16 September 1899, in NKZ, XIV:393.Google Scholar
66 EZSS, in NKZ, II:34, 57–8Google Scholar; ‘Kogai kōsō kiryaku,’ in NKZ, VI:328–30Google Scholar; letters to his wife dated 25 September and 30 September 1899, in NKZ, XIV:393–5Google Scholar; Ogawa, 446; and Shigenobu, Naitō, ‘Yū-Shin …,’ 6–7.Google Scholar
67 EZSS, in NKZ, II:58–9Google Scholar, quotes on 59; Ogawa, 362–3.
68 EZSS, in NKZ, II:60–1Google Scholar, quote on 60. Perhaps the title, Bankoku shiki, should be translated as ‘Records of the grand historian of the world’ if Okamoto consciously patterned shiki (Ch., shih-chi) on Ssu-ma Ch'ien. Naitō knew both authors personally. Okamoto had travelled to China twice in the early Meiji years to visit Confucius's birthplace, and in 1899 was working for a translation bureau, the Zenrin yakushokan, with the approval of the Chinese ambassador to Tokyo, Li Sheng-to. Naka was a Landsmann of Naitō's from Nambu domain in Akita prefecture and is considered one of the founders of modern Japanese sinology.
69 EZSS, in NKZ, II:61–3, quotes on 61, 62.Google Scholar
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85 ‘lchi dai konsei,’ in NKZ, II: 113.Google Scholar Lest one think this the arrogant impressions of a Japanese imperialist, compare it with the 1919 comment of Li Ta-chao, founder of the Chinese Communist Party: ‘Boring, desiccated, dirty, dilatory, inconvenient, uneconomical, unhealthy, and devoid of amusement: this is the content of life among the residents of Peking.’ Ta-chao, Li, ‘Pei-ching shih-min ying-kai yao-ch'iu te hsin sheng-huo,’ Hsin sheng-huo, 5 (21 09 1919)Google Scholar, in Li Ta-chao hsüan-chi (Peking: Jen-min ch'u-pan she, 1962), 239. I am indebted to David Strand for bringing this essay to my attention.Google Scholar
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