Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
The eighteenth century in India has generally been described as a period of great turbulence, characterized by march and counter-march, rising and falling fortunes, and bewildering political intrigue. Many historians, focusing on this aspect, have dismissed the century as merely an unsavory hiatus between the collapse of the Mughal Empire and the rise of British domination. Yet there was more to the century than the march and counter-march of armies. The other aspect of the period was the emergence of strong successor states in Gujerat, Bengal, Oudhe, Malwa, Hyderabad, Mysore, and the Punjab. Recently, historians have begun exploring these successor states, looking both back towards the Mughal administrative and ideological heritage and forward towards their role as princely states in British India. There are also important issues within the century itself, such as the role of successor states in developing regional language and consciousness, and successor states as channels of economic and social mobility.
The research for this study was carried out in Poona during 1969–71 with the support of a Fulbright-Hayes Language Fellowship. I wish to thank B.D. Apte, A.R. Kulkarni, J.H. Broomfield and M. Gluchkov for their support during the project.
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32 Note that I have put the Peshwa at the top of the hierarchy. In Malwa, this was strictly true, as the naib-subahdarship was bestowed on him. In other areas, particularly in the Deccan, the titular head, the Chatrapati, in Shivaji's line played the dominant role in selection of bureaucracy and overseeing the administration.Google Scholar
33 The whole data, as analyzed in Appendix I, yielded about fifty different names of Kamavisdars for the period 1738–1750.Google Scholar
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36 P.D.H.R. No. 190, Yadi (formal memorandum), 1745.Google Scholar
37 P.D.H.R. No. 197, Hisseb, 1745.Google Scholar
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39 P.D.H.R. No. 162, Hisseb, 1743. See also No. 161.Google Scholar
40 P.D.H.R. No. 123, Hisseb, 1743. In this rumal is a list of religious grantees and other inams.Google Scholar
41 P.D.H.R. No. 190, Rajamandal, 1752.Google Scholar
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48 This graph was constructed by dividing the data by government type and grouping into the years shown (1729–1733, 1734–36, etc.).Google Scholar
49 This conclusion was reached by making a new variable, rasad/jama. Then the data were grouped by year (1729–1736, 1737–40, 1741–44, etc.), and the mean found for each group.
50 The data were handled as in fns 48 and 49. The new variable was mahal mazkur/ jama.
51 This graph was constructed by merely dividing the data by government type, then further dividing it into groups of years. The mean garrison strength was then computed for each group of years for each government type. Note that this graph does not ‘prove’ anything; the drop in garrison troop strength after 1750 could be explained by missing data, or even drawing off of garrisons for duty elsewhere. Nevertheless, the amount collected was rising, so local disruption was lessening.Google Scholar
52 Here, I divided the data into groups of years, and calculated the mean rate of interest for each group of years.
53 These conclusions from the Maratha material fit well with the history of Dost Muhammad Khan, another military adventurer operating in Malwa in the opening decades of the eighteenth century. He succeeded in setting up a small state in southeast Malwa. The fullest history of his activities is in a recent unpublished dissertation. Maihotra, O. P., ‘History of Bhopal State from its Foundationup to 1819 A.D.’ (Vikram University, Ujjain, 1968).Google Scholar