¹ Kikuta, Kazuo, ‘Kane no naru oka no zengo: shichinen kan no hōsō o kaerimite’, Bungei shunjū, vol. 30, no. 9, 1952, pp. 156–157Google Scholar. The name of CIE's radio division changed over time as the Radio Section, Radio Unit, and Radio Branch.

² On the CIE-guided introduction of the copies of American quiz shows to Japanese broadcasting, see Jung, Ji Hee, ‘Playing with new rules: radio quiz shows and the reorientation of the Japanese under the US occupation, 1945–1952’, Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, vol. 34, no. 4, 2014, pp. 568–585CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ A review of radio programmes published in Literary Spring and Autumn declared ‘the intention of the government to educate the people through radio programmes’ to be unsatisfactory because listeners could ‘easily find this intention in such programmes’. The review pointed out that a similar tendency to disseminate government intentions through radio had been seen during the war in the programmes controlled by the Information Bureau (Jōhōkyoku). ‘Brief review of recent radio programs, Bungei shunju [sic], June 1948’, Folder 2, Box 5235, Records of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Record Group 331, National Archives at College Park, Maryland (hereafter RG 331).

⁴ CIE's radio division guided NHK in relation to programme production and the broadcasting process. All programmes had to be submitted for pre-production censorship until 1947 and then for post-production censorship thereafter until 1949. Regarding GHQ/SCAP's radio guidance and censorship in general, see Mayo, Marlene, ‘The war of words continues: American radio guidance in occupied Japan’, in The occupation of Japan: arts and culture, (ed.) Burkman, Thomas W. (Norfolk: The General Douglas MacArthur Foundation, 1988)Google Scholar; and Smulyan, Susan, ‘Now it can be told: the influence of the United States occupation on Japanese radio’, in Radio reader: essays in the cultural history of radio, (eds) Hilmes, Michele and Loviglio, Jason (New York: Routledge, 2002)Google Scholar. On the pre-war and wartime state control of Japanese media, including radio broadcasting, and wartime media propaganda, see Kasza, Gregory J., The state and the mass media in Japan, 1918–1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kushner, Burak, The thought war: Japanese imperial propaganda (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2006)Google Scholar. For an informative account of the trans-war continuities in the state censorship, although it focuses on print media, see Abel, Johnathan E., Redacted: the archives of censorship in tranwar Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012)Google Scholar.

⁵ ‘Rajio ga kagayaita jidai’, Asahi shinbun, 22 January 1996.

⁶ As a Japanese broadcasting genre, drama remains a relatively understudied in English-language scholarship. For a valuable recent study on early Japanese radio drama, see Yasar, Kerim, Electrified voices: how the telephone, phonograph, and radio shaped modern Japan, 1868–1945 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2018), pp. 154–191Google Scholar.

⁷ ‘Statistics on letters from listeners (Feb), Hoso Bunka Kenkyujo geppo [sic]’, Folder 2, Box 5235, RG 331.

⁸ ‘Radio criticism: hour for information unnecessary, Sekai nippo [sic], 2 June 1948’, Folder 2, Box 5235, RG 331.

⁹ ‘Radio organ magazine opinion survey on “what the public wants from BCJ broadcasts”, Hoso [sic], 1 July 1949’, Folder 4, Box 5320, RG 331. Many information programmes did retain their wartime titles and formats.

¹⁰ Father Flanagan's visit took place from April to June of 1947. The Radio Unit developed the plan for the drama, often called a ‘child-welfare programme’ in the early stages of its production, in April 1947 or earlier. The synopsis for 52 episodes, which in retrospect may be considered the first season of the show, presented the theme of the whole project in the most definitive way and came out around late May 1947. ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 16 April 1947’, ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 23 April 1947’, and ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 21 May 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.

¹¹ Although I decided not to explore it in this article because of space limitations, Father Flanagan's visit helps locate Bell Hill in the global context of the rising Cold War. At the request of the War Department, Flanagan visited several strategically important areas under US purview including Germany, Japan, Korea, and the Philippines. He organized rehabilitation programmes for war orphans in these areas, while advertising the image of the United States of America as a benevolent and friendly helping hand, until his unexpected death in Germany on 15 May 1948, which cut short what I would call the ‘global Boys Town project’.

¹² ‘Weekly report of the Radio Branch for the period of 29 December 1950 to 4 January 1951’, Folder 26, Box 5597, RG 331.

¹³ To this end, Kikuta's script was subject to the occupation's screening and the Radio Unit held ‘script conferences’ to bring ‘weaknesses or omissions’ to his attention. ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 7 May 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.

¹⁴ ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 16 July 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.

¹⁵ ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 1 October 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.

¹⁶ ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 9 July 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.

¹⁷ This is an observation made by Udoyama Manji, NHK producer of Bell Hill. Kokubun Ichitarō et al., ‘Zadankai Kane no naru oka’, Kyōiku, no. 11, 1948, pp. 10–11.

¹⁸ Hatayama, Hiroshi, ‘Kane no naru oka kara sanjūnen’, Ushio, no. 219, 1977, pp. 156–157Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Kikuta, Kazuo, ‘“Kane no naru oka” kara: mishiranu S-ko e no tegami’, Fujin kōron, vol. 32, no. 4, 1948, p. 44Google Scholar.

²⁰ ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 10 September 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.

²¹ Kitagawa, Kenzō, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, Minshūshi kenkyū, no. 71, 2006, pp. 27–43Google Scholar; Henmi, Masa'aki, ‘Haisen chokugo no Nihon ni okeru furōji-sensō koji no rekishi’, Hokkaidō Daigaku Daigakuin Kyōikugaku Kenkyūin kiyō, no. 103, 2007, pp. 11–53Google Scholar and ‘Dai Niji Sekai Taisen go no Nihon ni okeru furōji-sensō koji no reki’, Nohon no kyōikushi: Kyōikushi Gakkai kiyō, no. 37, 1994, pp. 99–115; Takahashi, Toshikazu, ‘Rajio dorama “Kane no naru koa” to sensai koji: sengo no jidō fukushi no tenkai’, Jidō shinri, vol. 71, no. 18, 2017, pp. 7–12Google Scholar.

²² Yoneyama points out that US Cold-War governmentality stressed the biopolitical inclusion of occupied populations and postcolonial nations rather than territorial takeover or coercion in the post-war context of the Cold War and global decolonization, while violence and injustice remained its constitutive means to an end. See Yoneyama, Lisa, Cold War ruins: transpacific critique of American justice and Japanese war crimes (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016), pp. 50–52Google Scholar.

²³ Tanaka, Stefan, New times in modern Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), pp. 179–192Google Scholar; Ambaras, David R., Bad youth: juvenile delinquency and the politics of everyday life in modern Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Ward, Max M., Thought crime: ideology and state power in interwar Japan (Durham: Duke University Press, 2019)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Kikuta, Kazuo, Shibai tsukuri yonjūnen (Tokyo: Nohon Tosho Sentā, 1999), pp. 245–246Google Scholar.

²⁵ Kikuta, ‘Kane no naru oka no zengo’, p. 159.

²⁶ Kikuta, Kazuo et al. , ‘“Kane no naru oka” zadankai’, Shōnen jidai, vol. 1, no. 1, 1949, p. 44Google Scholar.

²⁷ Kikuta, Kazuo et al. , ‘Zadankai “Kane no naru oka” no mondai wa nani ka’, Fujin kōron, vol. 32, 1949, p. 22Google Scholar.

²⁸ Kitagawa, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, p. 29.

²⁹ Kikuta et al., ‘Zadankai “Kane no naru oka” no mondai wa nani ka’, p. 22. Tsujimura posited that the post-war phenomenon of juvenile vagrants was the product of war. Social critic Nii Itaru also regarded the poor social conditions of the early post-war years as responsible for the increase in juvenile vagrants; Kitagawa, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, p. 27.

³⁰ As quoted in Kitagawa, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, pp. 28, 30–31.

³¹ As quoted in Henmi, ‘Haisen chokugo no Nihon ni okeru furōji-sensō koji no rekishi’, p. 15; and Kitagawa, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, p. 29.

³² Kikuta et al., ‘Zadankai “Kane no naru oka” no mondai wa nani ka’, p. 22.

³³ See Kikuta et al., ‘“Kane no naru oka” zadankai’, p. 44.

³⁴ Kikuta et al., ‘Zadankai “Kane no naru oka” no mondai wa nani ka’, p. 20. Tsujimura reasoned that the hyper-visibility of juvenile vagrants considering their actual number was partly attributable to the fact that they were particularly crowded in easily noticeable urban locations such as train stations, amusement quarters, parks, and black markets. See p. 22.

³⁵ ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for the week ending 24 December 1947’, Folder 5, Box 5318, RG 331.

³⁶ See Nii Itaru's comment. Kikuta et al., ‘Zadankai “Kane no naru oka” no mondai wa nani ka’, p. 22. In the roundtable discussion, Kikuta publicly displayed his limited sympathy for vagrant children as of September 1948, for contemporaries believed that many of them were not war-displaced children, but runaways from home who chose to be on the street even though they had parents and other guardians. He admitted his pessimism over these children's rehabilitation. See p. 23.

³⁷ For a critical account of the rise of a progressive, humanistic model for dealing with juvenile delinquency as integral to the American liberal capitalist political economy and welfare-state system from the nineteenth century onward, see Platt, Anthony M., The child savers: the invention of delinquency (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969)Google Scholar. For the British case, see Bailey, Victor, Delinquency and citizenship: reclaiming the young offender, 1914–1948 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar. On child saving as an important site of citizenship debates in the Canadian context, refer to Chen, Xiaobei, Tending the gardens of citizenship: child saving in Toronto, 1880s–1920s (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Ambaras, Bad youth. Ambaras traces the discursive formation of juvenile delinquency as a social problem in modern Japan.

³⁹ For example, see ‘Nihon no shōrai wa kodomo o dō atsukau ka ni yotte kimaru’, Jidō kenkyū, vol. 1, no. 1, 1948, pp. 7–11. It featured replies of key figures from various fields to the call for attention to child welfare as a pressing matter for Japan's future.

⁴⁰ Dower, John, War without mercy: race and power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986), pp. 293–317Google Scholar. For a valuable account of the role of the national character studies, in recreating the images of the Japanese as easily guidable, see Yoneyama, Lisa, ‘Habits of knowing cultural differences: Chrysanthemum and the sword in the U.S. liberal multiculturalism’, Topoi, vol. 18, no. 1, 1999, pp. 71–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In particular, Ruth Benedict's Chrysanthemum and the sword was frequently taken as a manual for occupation personnel.

⁴¹ Yoneyama, Cold War ruins, pp. 21, 51, 81–107; Hollinger, David A. (ed.), The humanities and the dynamics of inclusion since World War II (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Yamamoto, Tadashi, Iriye, Akira, and Iokibe, Makoto (eds), Philanthropy and reconciliation: rebuilding postwar U.S.-Japan relations (Washington, DC: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2006)Google Scholar.

⁴² On Japan as a ‘biopolitical space of American governmentality’, see Yoneyama, Cold War ruins, pp. 21, 234, n. 48.

⁴³ For the English translation of the original synopsis submitted to the Radio Unit, see ‘Weekly report of Radio Unit for week ending 21 May 1947’. For a synopsis published in Japanese, see Kikuta, Kazuo, ‘“Kane no naru oka” no arasuji’, Kurasu, vol. 3, no. 5, 1948, pp. 8–15Google Scholar. For published scripts, refer to Kikuta, Kazuo, Kane no naru oka dai 1-hen Ryūta no maki (Tokyo: Rajio Shinbunsha Shuppanbu, 1948)Google Scholar; and Kane no naru oka dai 2-hen Shinshū no maki (Tokyo: Rajio Shinbunsha Shuppanbu, 1948).

⁴⁴ Foucault defines it as ‘a matrix of practical reason’ that permits ‘individuals to effect by their own means, or with help of others, a certain number of operations on their own bodies and souls, thoughts, conduct, and way of being, so as to transform themselves in order to attain a certain state of happiness, purity, wisdom, perfection, or immortality’. Foucault, Michel, ‘Technologies of the self’, in Ethics: subjectivity and truth, (ed.) Rabinow, Paul (New York: The New Press, 1997), p. 225Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 1-hen Ryūta no maki, pp. 47–49.

⁴⁶ Ibid., pp. 140–145.

⁴⁷ Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 2-hen Shinshū no maki, pp. 32–42. For the quotes, see pp. 40–41.

⁴⁸ Kokubun et al., ‘Zadankai Kane no naru oka’, p. 14.

⁴⁹ Foucault, Michel, Security, territory, population: lectures at the Collège de France, 1977–78, (ed.) Senellart, Michel and (trans.) Burchell, Graham (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 115–170Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Foucault, Michel, ‘The subject and power’, in Michel Foucault, beyond structuralism and hermeneutics, (eds and trans.) Dreyfus, Hubert L. and Rabinow, Paul (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 221Google Scholar. The ‘conduct of conduct’ appears on pp. 389, 400, n. 134 of Foucault, Security, territory, population.

⁵¹ Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 2-hen Shinshū no maki, pp. 171–175. For the quote, see p. 172.

⁵² Foucault, ‘Technologies of the self’, p. 225.

⁵³ For example, D'Aoust, Anne-Marie, ‘In the name of love: marriage migration, governmentality, and technologies of love’, International Political Sociology, vol. 7, no. 3, 2013, pp. 258–274CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Harding, Jennifer and Pribram, E. Deidre, ‘The power of feeling: locating emotions in culture’, European Journal of Cultural Studies, vol. 5, no. 4, 2002, pp. 413–415CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Heaney, Jonathan G., ‘Emotions and power: reconciling conceptual twins’, Journal of Political Power, vol. 4, no. 2, 2011, pp. 259–277CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁴ Foucault, ‘Technologies of the self’, p. 225. For an insightful study on empathy in this regard, see Lobb, Andrea, ‘Technologies of the other: renewing “empathy” between Foucault and psychoanalysis’, Foucault Studies, no. 20, 2015, pp. 218–235CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ Mary Louise Pratt uses the concept of anticonquest to explain how seemingly reciprocal discourses of human and cultural contacts actually became an ideological apparatus for the US colonization of South America. See her inspiring work, Imperial eyes: studies in travel writing and transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 7, 39, 78, 80Google Scholar. For a valuable account of the role of sentimental drama in American colonialism in the Philippines, see Rafael, Vincent, White love and other events in Filipino history (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000), pp. 19–51Google Scholar. On the relationship between the sentimental mode and imperial designs and operations in the eighteenth century, see Festa, Lynn, Sentimental figures of empire in eighteenth-century Britain and France (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006)Google Scholar. On American sentimental novels and slavery, refer to Fisher, Philip, Hard facts: setting and form in the American novel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 87–127Google Scholar. In order to see how sentimentalism was related to educational reforms, slavery, class, and gender in the nineteenth-century United States of America, refer to Samuels, Shirley, The culture of sentiment: race, gender, and sentimentality in nineteenth-century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992)Google Scholar. Christina Klein demonstrates that sentimentalism offered a crucial means for the designers and producers of American middlebrow culture to support the US hegemonic project in Asia during the early post-war period. Klein, Christina, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the middlebrow imagination, 1945–1961 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), especially pp. 13–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁶ Although sentimentalism cannot be reduced to a colonialist representational strategy, it manifests itself in colonial settings as a technology of power in perhaps the most typical ways. For studies proposing that the US occupation of Japan should be approached as a neocolonial project or that the United States of America's strong presence in the Asia-Pacific region in the post-war era should be viewed as a new form of imperialism, see Dower, John, Embracing defeat: Japan in the wake of World War II (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1999), pp. 203–224Google Scholar; Koikari, Mire, Cold War encounters in US-occupied Okinawa: women, militarized domesticity, and transnationalism in East Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Koikari, Mire, Pedagogy of democracy: feminism and the Cold War in the US occupation of Japan (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Takeuchi, Michiko, ‘“Pan-pan girls” performing and resisting neocolonialism(s) in the Pacific theater: U.S. military prostitution in occupied Japan, 1945–1952’, in Over there: living with the U.S. military empire from World War II to the present, (eds) Höhn, Maria and Moon, Seungsook (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), pp. 78–108Google Scholar; Schueller, Malini Johar, Campaigns of knowledge: U.S. pedagogies of colonialism and occupation in the Philippines and Japan (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2019)Google Scholar; Yoneyama, Cold War ruins; Fujitani, Takashi, Race for empire: Koreans as Japanese and Japanese as Americans during World War II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 1-hen Ryūta no maki, pp. 117–118.

⁵⁸ Ibid., pp. 40–53. The quotes are from pp. 44–46.

⁵⁹ Ibid., pp. 58–72, 82–107, 112–113, 123–147. The quote appears on pp. 98–99, 104.

⁶⁰ Refer to the scene in which Ryūta swears to Shūhei that he will ‘become a good child’, assuring his emotional connection to Shūhei. Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 2-hen Shinshū no maki, p. 13.

⁶¹ For a useful account of losing sentimental connections as a traumatic experience, see Klein, Cold War Orientalism, p. 14.

⁶² Kikuta, Kane no naru oka dai 2-hen Shinshū no maki, pp. 40–41.

⁶³ I use the term ‘subjectivity’ in a Foucauldian sense, and it should be distinguished from the liberal notion of ‘shutaisei’ (individual autonomy), which is often translated into English as ‘subjectivity’. On post-war Japanese intellectuals’ debates on shutaisei, see Koschmann, J. Victor, Revolution and subjectivity in postwar Japan (The University of Chicago Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Yoron Chōsa Kenkyūjo, Kodomotachi wa ‘Kane no naru oka’ o dō mite iru ka (Tokyo: Yoron Chōsa Kenkyūjo, 1948). This survey was translated into English and reported to the occupation's radio personnel. A copy of this survey and its English translation are stored in Folder 11, Box 5894, RG 331.

⁶⁵ Kikuta et al., ‘Hōsō “Kane no naru oka” zadankai arasuji’, Kurasu, vol. 3, no. 5, 1948, p. 14.

⁶⁶ Ibid., p. 15.

⁶⁷ Kikuta et al., ‘Kane no naru oka zadankai’, p. 48. Udoyama Manji also happily cited this case when he needed to defend Bell Hill against criticisms that the show was a bad influence on children. ‘Ninki hōsō o tantōsha ni kiku: Kane no naru oka no maki’, Tsūshin bunka shinpō, no. 219, 12 May 1948.

⁶⁸ Sano, Mitsuo, ‘Kane no naru oka’, Asahi janāru, vol. 15, no. 1, 1973, p. 135Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Kikuta, ‘“Kane no naru oka” kara’, p. 44.

⁷⁰ As quoted in Kitagawa, ‘Sengo Nihon no sensō koji to furōji’, p. 35.

⁷¹ Sano, ‘Kane no naru oka’, pp. 135–136.

⁷² Ibid., p. 137.

⁷³ ‘Shisetsu “Kane no naru oka”: moto kyōshi Yanagino-san no itonami’, Nankai taimuzu, 30 March 1949, p. 2.

⁷⁴ Contemporary accounts use several different terms for the institution, such as a nursing home for war orphans (sensai koji yōgo shisetsu), a detention centre for juvenile delinquents (furyō shōnen shūyōjo), and a detention centre for orphans and juvenile vagrants (koji furōji shūyōjo), which demonstrates that orphans, juvenile vagrants, and juvenile delinquents were often used interchangeably in the early post-war context.

⁷⁵ As quoted in Sano, ‘Kane no naru oka’, pp. 136–137. Shinagawa's memoir entitled Hikari no naka o ayumu kora (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1958) recounts the details of how he and the boys built the community.

⁷⁶ For the details of how Shinagawa and the boys met, decided to leave the institution and built their new home, refer to Hayafune, Chiyo, ‘“Kane no naru oka” ni tachite: sensai koji no yume o hagukunda “Shōnen no Ie”’, Ushio, no. 64, 1965, pp. 286–298Google Scholar. ‘Our oath’ appears on pp. 289–290.

⁷⁷ Ibid., pp. 289–290, 298.

⁷⁸ Ibid., pp. 288, 298.

⁷⁹ On exhaustion and despair in the wake of war, see Dower, Embracing defeat, pp. 87–120.

⁸⁰ As quoted in Kaneko, Akira, ‘Seron wa waku Kaneno naru oka: Kikuta Kazuo no hōsōgeki to sono mondai sanpi ryōron da ga genjitsu no shakai wa?’, Satadē nyūsu, vol. 2, no. 29, 1948, p. 16Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Hatayama, ‘Kane no naru oka kara sanjūnen’, pp. 155, 157, 160.

⁸² I confined the scope of this article to Japan and its colonies. For inspiring studies that deal with this issue in the context of trans-war transpacific, see Fujitani, Race for empire; Schueller, Campaigns of knowledge.

⁸³ Tanaka, New times in modern Japan, pp. 179–190. For the quotes, see pp. 180, 182.

⁸⁴ Ambaras, Bad youth. On the trans-war continuities, see pp. 7, 193–198.

⁸⁵ Ibid., pp. 95–129. For the quote, see p. 109; Tanaka, New times in modern Japan, pp. 182–190, especially p. 183; Donzelot, Jaques, The policing of families, (trans.) Hurley, Robert (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Johns Hopkins Paperbacks edition, 1997), pp. 96–168, especially pp. 103, 145Google Scholar. By this term, Donzelot refers to a series of concentric circles around the child such as family, technicians, and social guardians.

⁸⁶ Ward, Thought crime, pp. 51–56, 180–184. I found the Introduction, Chapters 2, 4, and 5, and the Conclusion especially relevant.

⁸⁷ I am grateful to one of the anonymous reviewers for encouraging me to consider this point.

⁸⁸ It may help situate Bell Hill in a longer history of the use of liberal rehabilitative subjects in trans-war transpacific mass culture to analyse it together with the American film Boys Town (Norman Taurog, 1938) and the colonial Korean film Chip ŏmnŭn ch’ŏnsa (Homeless angels, Ie naki tenshi in Japanese, Ch'oe In-gyu, 1941).