¹ Vittinghoff, Natascha, ‘Unity vs. Uniformity: Liang Qichao and the Invention of a “New Journalism” for China’, Late Imperial China, 23:1 (June 2002), p. 93 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Vittinghoff, Natascha, ‘Readers, Publishers and Officials in the Contest for a Public Voice and the Rise of a Modern Press in Late Qing China (1860–1880)’, T'oung Pao, 87:4–5 (2001), pp. 447–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Gentz, Natascha, ‘Useful Knowledge and Appropriate Communication: The Field of Journalistic Production in Late Nineteenth Century China’, in Wagner, Rudolph G. (ed.), Joining the Global Public Word, Image, and City in Early Chinese Newspapers, 1870–1910 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2008), p. 82 Google Scholar.

⁴ Mittler, Barbara, A Newspaper for China? Power, Identity, and Change in Shanghai's News Media, 1872–1912 (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Judge, Joan, Print and Politics: ‘Shibao’ and the Culture of Reform in Late Qing China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

⁶ These were summaries and not complete translations of articles, and were entitled ‘Summary of the “Kwang-Pao”’ or ‘Extracts From the “Kwang-Pao”’. One summary, on 3 July 1889, overlapped with an original newspaper, and was found to be accurate except for one inserted line that was not present in the Guangbao. Given the potential for distortion, references to any suspected inserted opinions by Daily Press editors have been excluded.

⁷ The following original copies have been found in Sun Zhongshan Library of Guangdong Province: 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30 November 1887 and 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7 December 1887; Shanghai Library: 13, 19, 20 September 1887; and National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, 3 July 1889 (Manuscript 7417).

⁸ For more on Kuang's dictionaries, see Jia, Si, ‘Kuang Qizhao yu 1868 nian “zidian jicheng” chu ban (Kuang Qizhao and His First Edition 1868 Dictionary)’, Guangdong shehui kexue (Social Sciences in Guangdong), 1 (2013), pp. 149–58Google Scholar, and Jia, Si, ‘The Genealogy of Dictionaries: Producers, Literary Audience, and the Circulation of English Texts in the Treaty Port of Shanghai’, Sino-Platonic Papers, 151 (June 2005), pp. 18–26 Google Scholar.

⁹ Kuang's attendance at the Government School, where he studied under Frederick Stewart for six years, is mentioned in Kwang Ki-Chaou, ‘The Chinese in America’, BANC MSS P-N 2, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, p. 1. This is a transcribed interview with Kuang by Hubert H. Bancroft. See also DP, 10 February 1883. The curriculum at the Government School is described in Bickley, Gillian, The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836–1889) (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997), pp. 81, 105–11Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For more on Kuang's background, see Uchida, Keeichi, ‘Kuang Qizhao no yashagao kara no mēru (Email from Kuang Qizhao's Great Great Grandchild)’, Wakumon, 19 (2010), pp. 131–46Google Scholar. See also Zhenhuan, Zou, ‘Wanqing fanyi chubanshi shang de Kuang Qizhao (Kuang Qizhao's Position in the History of Translation and Publishing in the Late Qing)’, Dongfang Fanyi (East Journal of Translation), 5 (2011), pp. 29–37 Google Scholar, and Chan, Bruce A., ‘A Forgotten Qing Era Progressive: Kwong Ki Chiu—Lexicographer, Interpreter, Textbook Author, Newspaper Publisher’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, 53 (2013), pp. 227–61Google Scholar. This article clarifies issues in Chan's article related to Kuang's alleged Christianity, date of death, and number of wives.

¹¹ Wang Tao wrote the Chinese preface in FCB: see Wang Tao, Preface, FCB, pp. xi–v. Huang Sheng was a staff member of the Chinese Educational Mission (‘CEM’) school for part of the same time that Kuang was in Hartford, initially accompanying the second detachment of CEM students to the USA. See Rhoads, Edward J. M., Stepping Forth into the World (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2011), p. 40 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Twichell writes that Huang Sheng was forced to leave CEM in 1879 for San Francisco because of his conversion to Christianity. See Joseph Twichell, 27 September 1879, Joseph H. Twichell Personal Journal (1874–1916), Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University [hereafter Twichell Journal].

¹² Kuang describes his early role in the CEM in Kwang, ‘The Chinese in America’, p. 1. For more on CEM, see Rhoads, Stepping Forth into the World, pp. 1–222.

¹³ Gentz, ‘Useful Knowledge and Appropriate Communication’, pp. 60–62, 95–96. On p. 96, Gentz notes that the Desk Hong List of 1875 lists Kwong Tsun Fuk (Kuang Quanfu) as the manager of the newspaper, a name that Kuang used to publish his first dictionary. See Fuk, Kwong Tsun, English and Chinese Lexicon: Compiled in Part from Those of Morrison, Medhurst and Williams (Hong Kong: De Souza, 1868)Google Scholar. Court testimony by Scott Gill, the Huibao's foreign editor, clearly shows that Kuang was in control of the newspaper. ‘Law Reports: H. B. M. Supreme Court: Before Sir Edmund Hornby, Chief Judge: Fan Tsiang Chi v. H. Scott Gill: Action for Libel in the “Wui-pau,” a native newspaper’, NCH, 18 February 1875, p. 151. See also Xinwenxue da cidian (Big Dictionary of Journalism) (Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1993), p. 693.

¹⁴ ‘The “Hwei-Pao” On Railways’, NCH, 29 August 1874, p. 229.

¹⁵ Vittinghoff, ‘Readers, Publishers and Officials’, pp. 395–97.

¹⁶ Hanqi, Fang, Zhongguo xinwen shiye tongshi (A General History of Chinese Journalism) (Beijing: Zhongguo Renmin Daxue chubanshe, 1992), Vol. 1, p. 512 Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Vittinghoff, ‘Readers, Publishers, and Officials’, p. 444.

¹⁸ Hanqi, Fang, A History of Journalism in China, Vol. 1, translated by Caren H. Y. Ng (Singapore: Silkroad Press, 2013), p. 111 Google Scholar.

¹⁹ ‘The “Hwei-pau” on Commerce’, n.p., n.d. Clipping found as enclosure 2 to British Consulate to T. F. Wade, 28 July 1874, no. 68, Foreign Office Archives, Great Britain [hereafter FO] 228/540.

²⁰ ‘The “Hwei-Pao” On Railways’, NCH, 29 August 1874, pp. 227–29. The newspaper worried that foreigners would benefit as they would finance the railroads, and the construction materials would be imported. Pong, David, ‘Confucian Patriotism and the Destruction of the Woosung Railway’, Modern Asian Studies, 7:4 (1973), pp. 647–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar, explains that opposition to the railroad was due to nationalism, not conservatism.

²¹ ‘Further Remarks on the Japanese in Formosa [From The “Hui Pao” of 18^th July, 1874]’, n.p., n.d. Clipping found as enclosure 1 to Shanghai British Consulate to T. F. Wade, 4 August 1874, no. 77, FO 228/541.

²² Fang, History of Journalism, Vol. 1, p. 111.

²³ Ibid., p. 118.

²⁴ ‘Change of management of “Huipao” newspaper’, Shanghai British Consulate to T. F. Wade, 1 September 1874, no. 95, FO 228/541.

²⁵ Britton, Roswell Sessoms, The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800–1912 (Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, Limited, 1933 Google Scholar; Taibei: Ch'eng-wen Publishing Company, 1966, reprint), p. 72.

²⁶ The name was changed from Huibao 匯報 to Huibao 彙報. Gentz, ‘Useful Knowledge and Appropriate Communication’, p. 63.

²⁷ In ‘Fan Tsiang Chi v. Scott Gill.: Action for Libel in the “Wui-pau, a native newspaper’’, NCH, 18 February 1875, p. 151, Scott Gill testified in court that Kuang had asked Gill to be a foreign editor in May 1874. In ‘Change of management of “Huipao” newspaper’, Shanghai British Consulate to T. F. Wade, 1 September 1874, no. 95, FO 228/541, the consulate notes that Gill was promoted to the top management role.

²⁸ ‘From the Flowery Land’, San Francisco Bulletin, 21 October 1874.

²⁹ ‘Kwong Ki Pays His Respects to the President’, San Francisco Bulletin, 16 November 1874.

³⁰ In Kwong to Babcock, 16 November 1874, Orville E. Babcock Papers, MS Babcock, Folder 240, Box 4, Newberry Library, Chicago [hereafter Babcock Papers], Kuang writes about the places he has visited or intended to visit. He states that China is considering purchasing ‘Iron Clad or Steam Rams’ and would like to know what ‘rifles the U.S. troops’ use. In a follow-up letter—Kwong to Babcock, 15 March 1875, Babcock Papers—he asks Babcock to give his ‘best respects to Mrs. Babcock, His Excellency President, General [Montgomery C.] Meigs, Secretaries of Navy [George Maxwell Robeson] & War [William W. Belknap]’, suggesting he may have met these individuals on his initial trip.

³¹ ‘Official Visit’, National Republican, 18 November 1874.

³² ‘Passengers Sailed’, New York Times, 27 November 1874, and ‘Arrival of Passengers’, The Anglo-American Times, 12 December 1874, p. 29. It is not clear if the newspapers were mistaken in assigning this title to Kuang or if it was a temporary title. According to the Royal Archives, Windsor Castle, there is no record that Queen Victoria ever met with Kuang. Not much more is known about the trip. It is likely that Kuang was continuing his mission to look for weapons and, perhaps, inspecting schools.

³³ ‘Passengers Outward’, The London and China Telegraph [hereafter LCT], 21 December 1874.

³⁴ In Kwong to Babcock, 15 March 1875, Babcock Papers, Kuang reveals that by the time he arrived in Shanghai, he had already learned he was to return to the USA. In October, he accompanied the fourth detachment of CEM students to the USA. See ‘The Educational Mission to China’, NCH, 14 October 1875.

³⁵ Confirmation that he was polygamous is reflected in his letter to Babcock that he intended to send him pictures of his ‘wives’. See Kwong to Babcock, 15 March 1875, Babcock Papers. A video interview with Kuang's great grandchildren, Mei Lai Yee Wong and Yet Koon Yee, by Sam Wong, 8 April 2012, indicate that a Kuang daughter was born around 1865, suggesting he married just before this time. Kuang took a second wife in 1872. See ‘Obituary: Sieu Chin, Wife of the Chinese Interpreter’, n.p., n.d. in Filley Family Scrapbook, 1881–1948, MS 66107, Connecticut Historical Society Library, Hartford, Connecticut.

³⁶ Gentz, ‘Useful Knowledge and Appropriate Communication’, p. 63. See also Fang, History of Journalism, p. 112.

³⁷ Fang Hanqi notes the drop in quality: see Fang, History of Journalism, p. 112.

³⁸ ‘The Chinese Commissioners’, New Haven Register, 21 April 1879, states that ‘To dine with Kwong Ki Chin has been the desire of many eminent gentlemen in Hartford, but in order to do so it has been necessary to get a social endorsement from the Rev. Joe Twichell or Mark Twain.’

³⁹ Kuang is mentioned numerous times in the Twichell Journal: 18 March, 24 November 1876; 27 January, 26 December 1879.

⁴⁰ H. Knight Williams [Samuel Wells William's brother] to Kwong, 31 October 1882, and Kwong to Allen, 1 November 1882, Young John Allen Papers 1836–1907, Manuscript Collection 11, Manuscript Archives and Rare Book Library, Emory University [hereafter Allen Papers], discusses the plan to raise funds by placing advertisements in newspapers. One advertisement was printed in ‘Education in China’, Boston Daily Advertiser, 17 November 1882. After his return to Shanghai, Kuang enrolled his young son in Allen's school, and as an expression of their friendship, he gave Allen silk handkerchiefs as a Christmas present. He also assisted Allen in a project. See Kwong to Allen, 23 November, 2 December 1883; 20 February, 13 September 1884, Allen Papers.

⁴¹ Ki Chiu, Kwong, A Dictionary of English Phrases with Illustrative Sentences (New York: A. S. Barnes, 1881)Google Scholar. The other books were Ki Chiu, Kwong, FCB; The Second Conversation Book (Shanghai: Wah Cheung, 1885)Google Scholar; Manual of Correspondence and Social Usages (Shanghai: Wah Cheung, 1885); and First Reading Book: Illustrated with Cuts (Shanghai: Wah, 1890). These other books were entered into the Library of Congress in 1882, suggesting they were completed by then, although they were published formally at a later date.

⁴² ‘New Publications’, New York Tribune, 15 March 1881.

⁴³ Algeo, Matthew, The President is a Sick Man: Wherein the Supposedly Virtuous Grover Cleveland Survives a Secret Surgery at Sea and Vilifies the Courageous Newspaperman Who Dared Expose the Truth (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 2011), pp. 133–34Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Kwong Ki Chiu, letters to the editor: ‘Chinese Immigration’, New York Tribune, 22 March 1879; ‘The Chinese in America: Kwong Ki Chin Explains What the Six Companies Are’, New York Herald, 24 March 1882; ‘Chinese Immigration: Districts and Classes From Which it Comes’, New York Herald, 15 April 1882; ‘Chinese Immigration: Letters from Kwong Ki Chin’, HC, 22 April 1882; ‘A Chinese View of it’, HC, 2 May 1882.

⁴⁵ Hawley, Joseph R., Speeches of Hon. Joseph R. Hawley of Connecticut in the United States Senate (Washington: n.p., 1882), p. 25 Google Scholar, called Kuang one of the ‘intelligent Chinese gentlemen’ on the Senate floor. Warner endorsed Kwong's Dictionary of English Phrases on p. xii.

⁴⁶ ‘New News of Yesterday: How I Taught the Mandarin the American Idiom’, The Atlanta Constitution, 28 February 1913. For information on Edwards and his journalistic career, see Algeo, The President is a Sick Man, pp. 127–216.

⁴⁷ Kwong, FCB, p. 220.

⁴⁸ ‘Mr Kwong as a Journalist’, The Daily News: Denver, 10 October 1886.

⁴⁹ ‘An Appointment for Mr. Kwong’, HC, 22 December 1883.

⁵⁰ Zou, ‘Wanqing fanyi chubanshi shang de Kuang Qizhao’, p. 36. See originals in Kuang Qizhao Deng Yi (Kuang Qizhao and Other Translators), ‘Fanyi xinwenzhi [putong guji] qian yin ben (Translations of Newspapers [Ordinary Old Books])’, Qing Guangxu 10–11 nian [1884–1885] (10–11th year of Guangxu [1884–1885]), reference no. 20140630142621677, National Library of China, Beijing.

⁵¹ ‘Lu yangwu weiyuan Kuang Rongjie hua wu yue nian yi ri zhi Shanghai Jinyuan Xibao guan shu (Bureau of Foreign Affairs member, Kuang Rongjie, writes a letter to the Shanghai Courier and China Gazette on May 1)’, Shenbao, 4 June 1884.

⁵² Eastman, Lloyd E., Throne and Mandarins: China's Search for a Policy During the Sino-French Controversy: 1880–1885 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 156 Google Scholar.

⁵³ ‘Mr. Kwong Ki-chiu’, HC, 11 October 1884, and NCH, 6 September 1884, p. 260.

⁵⁴ NCH, 26 September 1884, p. 346.

⁵⁵ ‘The Opium Question’, LCT, 27 September 1882, p. 826.

⁵⁶ ‘Mr. Kwong Ki-chiu’, HC, 11 October 1884.

⁵⁷ Folsom, Kenneth E., Friends, Guests, and Colleagues: The Mu-fu System in the Late Ch'ing Period (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), p. 48 Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Ayers, William, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), p. 102 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ ‘Kwong Ki-chiu’, HC, 5 August 1885, and ‘The Chinese Commission to Tonquin’, NCH, 26 June 1885, pp. 739–40. Kuang writes to a Hartford friend that he thought that he would not return from this trip ‘alive’. See ‘The Noah Webster of the Chinese’, HC, 3 December 1912.

⁶⁰ Huang Dasai, ‘Guangzhou “Shubao guan zhuren” shiyi (Guangzhou's “Shubao Founder” is Resolved”)’, Chuanmei Shihua (Media History), (August 2012), pp. 87–88. However, one issue with Kuang's involvement is that he did not formally arrive in Guangzhou until October. See ‘Passengers Departed’, NCH, 8 October 1884. Peng Xinghua and Liu Xiange, ‘“Shubao” guan zhuren bu keneng shi kuangqizhao (Shubao's founder cannot be Kuang Qizhao)’, Shenyang Daxue Xuebao (Journal of Shenyang University), 16:2 (April 2014), pp. 173–75, note the same discrepancy and also that the Shubao stated that the owner read newspapers widely, including overseas papers, whenever he was on business. The authors and Guo Wu speculate that this person might be Zheng Guanying, the merchant comprador who was close to and had similar reform ideas to Kuang. Zheng had just arrived in Guangdong in March having been involved in a Shanghai lawsuit concerning the debt of one comprador, for whom he was a guarantor, which could explain why he would not want to reveal his name. See Guo Wu, Zheng Guanying Merchant Reformer of Late Qing China and his Influence on Economics, Politics, and Society (Amherst, New York: Cambria Press, 2010), p. 31. Zheng, Kuang, and perhaps others may have been jointly involved in starting the newspaper, but, like the Huibao, Kuang may have had primary responsibility for managing it once he arrived in Guangzhou.

⁶¹ Fang, History of Journalism in China, Vol. 1, pp. 108–09; Vol. 2, p. 39.

⁶² Kuang illustrated his English lessons with pictures of Western cities, ships, railroads, mines, schoolrooms, carriages, palaces, etc. See Kwong, First Reading Book.

⁶³ Fang, History of Journalism, Vol. 1, p. 108–09.

⁶⁴ ‘News by the Mail’, LCT, 26 May 1885, p. 473.

⁶⁵ DP, 28 July 1886.

⁶⁶ Yen, Ching-Hwang, ‘Overseas Chinese and Late Ch'ing Economics’, Modern Asian Studies, 16:2 (1982), p. 219 Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Fang, History of Journalism, Vol. 1, p. 109. Fang reports that two years later, Zhu He became the editor, followed by Xiong Zhangqing. Lao Baosheng became the chief writer and Wu Zitao, the other writer. However, it is likely that Kuang remained in position as the controlling editor and manager.

⁶⁸ The newspaper's address is found in Kwong, An English and Chinese Dictionary (Shanghai: Wah Cheung, 1887), p. 761.

⁶⁹ Fang, History of Journalism, Vol. 1, pp. 109–10.

⁷⁰ The Qiangxuebao was established in Shanghai on 12 January 1896 and the Xiangbao in Changsha on 22 April 1897. Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 6, 15.

⁷¹ DP, 1 [27 September] October 1890.

⁷² Ibid., 23 [20] December 1890. An article in ibid., 25 December 1890, criticized the Guangbao for this stance and praised the Shenbao for its encouragement of foreign participation.

⁷³ Florence O'Driscoll, ‘In the City of Canton: How the Chinese Work and Live’, The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, November 1894, p. 68, reports that Kuang claimed a circulation of over 3,000. This article was dated 1894, but must be referring to a much earlier period, given that the Guangbao was shut down in 1891. An 1893 government report estimates circulation of 5,000 for each of the three papers then being published. By this point the Guangbao had changed its name to the Zhongxi Ribao. See China, Imperial Maritime Customs, Decennial Reports. . .1882–91 (Shanghai: The Inspector General of Customs, 1893), p. 579.

⁷⁴ A comparison to the Xunhuan Ribao provides some clues as to the Guangbao's profitability. Gentz estimates that the Xunhuan Ribao, with a circulation of around 1,000, may not have been profitable; its revenue was around $6,000/year, consisting of individual subscription fees of $5/year or $5,000, and advertising revenue of about $1,000. See Gentz, ‘Useful Knowledge and Appropriate Communication’, p. 72. However, at 3,000 the Guangbao’s circulation was at least three times larger. For the Guangbao, subscription fees were $4/year in 1888 (DP, 18 [16] February 1888). At this level, the newspaper would have earned $12,000 in subscription fees alone. The 12–15 advertisements per newspaper was similar to those in the Xunhuan Ribao. Assuming advertising revenues were three times larger, the newspaper would have generated around $3,000/year. Therefore, total revenues for the Guangbao may have reached $15,000. The Xunhuan Ribao’s costs were at least $6,000/year in the 1870s, of which $1,000 was for paper. Adding in an additional $2,000 for paper, inflation, and factoring in other additional operating costs given its larger scale, the Guangbao would still appear to have been profitable.

⁷⁵ Hongkong Blue Book (Hong Kong: Noronha & Co., 1886–91). Circulation was 1,100 in 1886, 1887, 1888, and 1890; 1,000 in 1889; and 1,200 in 1891. Fang, History of Journalism, Vol. 1, p. 105, calls the Xunhuan Ribao ‘the most influential’ of the early Chinese-run newspapers.

⁷⁶ Wu, Zheng Guanying, p. 113, cites 20,000 in 1887. Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, p. 68, cites 15,000 in 1895.

⁷⁷ Judge, Print and Politics, p. 41.

⁷⁸ Gu Hongming starting working as Zhang's secretary in 1885, soon after Kuang joined Zhang. See Du, Chunmei, ‘Gu Hongming as a Cultural Amphibian: A Confucian Universalist Critique of Modern Western Civilization’, Journal of World History, 22:4 (December 2011), p. 721 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Kuang's, Gu praises dictionary in Gu Hongming, ‘Introductory Note’, Commercial Press English and Chinese Pronouncing Dictionary (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1903)Google Scholar. Liang Dunyan, a former CEM student, was another private secretary to Zhang. Rhoads, Stepping Forth into the World, p. 208.

⁷⁹ Kuang corresponded with Tang Tingshu while he was in the USA. See ‘The Chinese Boys’, HC, 15 February 1882. He also watched over Xu Run's cousins who were in the USA as private students. Xu Run helped recruit students for CEM and was the Shanghai comprador for Dent and Company. Rhoads, Stepping Forth into the World, pp. 23, 36.

⁸⁰ From 1886 to 1887, Sun studied at the Canton Hospital Medical School under Dr John Kerr, who Kuang later assisted in raising funds for a mental institution. See Schiffrin, Harold Z., Sun Yat-Sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), p. 18 Google Scholar. In 1886, Kang met Zhang Zhidong to discuss the possibility of establishing a translation bureau, and made friends with Zhang's staff. Given that Kuang was the official English translator, they may have met. See Jung-pang Lo (ed.), K'ang yu-wei; A Biography and a Symposium (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1967), p. 43, and Kwong, Luke S. K., A Mosaic of the Hundred Days: Personalities, Politics, and Ideas of 1898 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 84 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸¹ Vittinghoff documents the close relationship between the principals of the Shenbao, Huibao, and Xunhuan Ribao in Vittinghoff, Natascha, ‘Social Actors in the Field of New Learning in Nineteenth Century China’, in Lackner, Michael and Vittinghoff, Natascha (eds), Mapping Meanings: The Field of New Learning in Late Qing China (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2004), pp. 106–13Google Scholar.

⁸² For Wang Tao's relationship with Allen, see Cohen, Paul A., Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T'ao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 1974), pp. 81, 98, 232CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸³ Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, p. 43.

⁸⁴ Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity, p. 80.

⁸⁵ DP, 30 [28] October, 24 [21] November 1890; 5 [2] January 1891.

⁸⁶ Shenbao, 15 July, 2, 6, 11 August, 20 September, 7, 28 October 1886; 24 April, 20 December 1887; 2, 14 April, 2 May, 20 July, 14, 28 August 1888; 13 October, 25 November, 10, 13 December 1890; 6, 12 January, 3 September, 2 November 1891.

⁸⁷ DP, 2 [30 July] August 1889.

⁸⁸ Ibid., 15 February 1889.

⁸⁹ Seymour to Kwong, 4 March 1889, found as attachment 5/E to Seymour to Riors, 20 March 1889, no. 161, Despatches from U.S. Consuls in Canton, China, 1790–1906, United States Department of State, National Archives, Washington D.C. [hereafter DUSCC].

⁹⁰ The authors examined all the available DP newspapers from the time the Guangbao was published—1886 to 1891—finding that the DP printed summaries from January 1888 to February 1891, although there were frequent unexplained gaps. From the DP, 355 summaries were examined, supplemented by 24 original copies. However, not all of these had lead articles, with the newspaper sometimes beginning with Beijing or local news. The authors identified 317 newspapers that had identifiable lead articles. After analysing all of these, a pattern was observed: that most articles could be classified under the categories set out in the table. However, an element of subjectivity was involved. An article discussing flood control and famine relief for flood victims, for example, but which emphasized the importance of railroads to solve the problem through the rapid transport of food supplies, could be classified under either flood control/famine or industrialization. Also, one could argue that many of the sub-sections within the modernization category, such as those related to economic development, could also be considered as economic nationalism and therefore classified under nationalism.

⁹¹ DP, 28 February 1890.

⁹² Kuang is likely to have had many discussions on the issue with his neighbour, Connecticut Senator Joseph Hawley, as Hawley specifically mentions Kuang on the Senate floor in Hawley, Speeches of Hon. Joseph R. Hawley, p. 25. Kuang also wrote to Massachusetts Senator Frisbie Hoar. See Kwong to Hoar, 1 April 1882, George Frisbie Hoar Papers 1784–1933, MS N-2247, Massachusetts Historical Society [hereafter Hoar Papers].

⁹³ DP, 25 [22] February, 18 [15] April 1889.

⁹⁴ Ibid., 2 [29 March] April 1888. See also ibid., 5 [1] July 1889.

⁹⁵ Ibid., 19 [17] December 1888.

⁹⁶ Ibid., 25 [22] February 1889. Seymour to Riors, 20 March 1889, no. 161, DUSCC, states the article about the high official was originally published in The Chinese Times and provides a translation of it, entitled ‘An Extraordinary Discourse by a Chinese Mandarin’ in attachment B.

⁹⁷ DP, 27 February 1889.

⁹⁸ Seymour to Kwong, 4 March 1889, DUSCC.

⁹⁹ DP, 19 [17] March 1888; 16 [14] January 1889.

¹⁰⁰ Ibid., 2 [29 March] April, 4 [30 November], 5 [3] December 1888.

¹⁰¹ Ibid., 20 [15] October 1890.

¹⁰² Ibid., 29 [24] July 1889.

¹⁰³ Ibid., 28 [26], 29 [27] March 1888; 20 [15] May 1889.

¹⁰⁴ For Kuang's foreign intelligence role, see ‘The Chinese Commissioners’, New Haven Register, 21 April 1879, and Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, 17 November 1877. With the assistance of George and Charles Merriam, Kuang visited the Springfield Armory to gather intelligence. See Kwong to Messrs. G. & C. Merriam, 17, 23, 29 October 1879, G. & C. Merriam Archive, 1797–1978, GEN MSS 370, Kwong Ki Chiu/1879–81, box 12, folder 192, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

¹⁰⁵ DP, 2 [30 August] September 1890.

¹⁰⁶ Ibid., 20 [15], [17], 22 [19] June 1889.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 29 [20] June 1889. Zhang records in his diary that he was aware of Kuang and his hostility. Zhang Yinhuan, Sanzhou Riji (Journal of the Journey to the Three Continents) (Beijing: 1896), Vol. 5, p. 74; Vol. 6, p. 62, reprinted in Xuxiu Siku Quanshu (Continuation of the Complete Collection of the Four Treasuries) (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe, 1995), Vol. 577, pp. 492, 529.

¹⁰⁸ Seymour to Wharton, 24 June 1889, no. 172, DUSCC.

¹⁰⁹ DP, 6 [2] July 1889.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., 15 [13] December 1888.

¹¹¹ GB, 24, 25, 30 November, 6 December 1887.

¹¹² DP, 6 [4] December 1888.

¹¹³ Ibid., 6 [3] February 1888.

¹¹⁴ Ibid., 8 [6] December 1888; 3 [31 December 1888] January 1889.

¹¹⁵ Ibid., 9 [7] October 1890.

¹¹⁶ Ibid., 7 [5] December 1888.

¹¹⁷ Ibid., 26 [23] March 1888.

¹¹⁸ Ibid., 13 [9] July 1889; 2 [29 August] September 1890.

¹¹⁹ Ibid., 13 [10, 11] November 1890; 6 [3] January 1891.

¹²⁰ Ibid., 13 [11] November 1890.

¹²¹ Ibid., 6 [3] February 1888; 24 [22] September, 10 [8] November 1890.

¹²² Lin, Ming-te, ‘Li Hung-chang's Suzerain Policy toward Korea, 1882–1894’, in Chu, Samuel C. and Liu, Kwang-Ching (eds), Li Hung-chang and China's Early Modernization (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1994), p. 189 Google Scholar.

¹²³ DP, 4 [2] September 1890.

¹²⁴ Ibid., 20 [17] October 1890.

¹²⁵ Ibid., 17 [14] November 1890.

¹²⁶ Ibid., 4 [2] September 1890.

¹²⁷ Ibid., 11 [8] December 1890.

¹²⁸ Ibid., 20 [17] February 1888.

¹²⁹ Ibid., 4 [2] September 1890; 5 [2] January 1891.

¹³⁰ Ibid., 10 [8] November 1890.

¹³¹ Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity, pp. 105–08.

¹³² DP, 25 [22] March 1889.

¹³³ Ibid., 5 [3] September 1890.

¹³⁴ Ibid., 27 [24] February 1888.

¹³⁵ Kwong to Babcock, 16 November 1874, Babcock Papers.

¹³⁶ DP, 14 [12] January 1889.

¹³⁷ Ibid., 10 [6] July 1889.

¹³⁸ Ibid., 5 [1] January 1891.

¹³⁹ Ibid., 13 [10] November 1890.

¹⁴⁰ Ibid., 1 [29 July] August 1889.

¹⁴¹ Ibid., 6 [29 October] November 1890.

¹⁴² Ibid., 3 [1] December 1890.

¹⁴³ GB, 29 November 1887.

¹⁴⁴ DP, 24 [22] December 1890. See also 3 [31 October] November 1890.

¹⁴⁵ Ibid., 12 [9] December 1890.

¹⁴⁶ Ibid., 22 [20] September 1890.

¹⁴⁷ Fung, Allen, ‘Testing the Self-Strengthening: The Chinese Army in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895’, Modern Asian Studies, 30:4 (1996), p. 1029 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Rhoads, Stepping Forth into the World, pp. 135–65.

¹⁴⁹ See Julia Filley, 18, 20, 21, 22 September; 9, 10 October 1877, Julia Ann Newberry Filley Diaries 1852–1878, MS 66109, Connecticut Historical Society Library. For the Filley's kindness, see also Kwong Ki Chiu, ‘Tribute to a Good Woman’, n.p., 16 September 1881, Filley Family Scrapbook.

¹⁵⁰ ‘Remembrances from Mr. Kwong’, HC, 24 November 1884. An interview with Barbara Gardner, a descendant of the Filleys, by Sam Wong and Valerie Wong, 27 June 2015, confirm that a set of blue porcelain and a fan were given to the Filleys by Kuang and passed on to her.

¹⁵¹ DP, 1 [30 December 1890] January 1891.

¹⁵² Ibid., 10 [8] January 1891.

¹⁵³ Ibid., 2 [30 July] August 1889.

¹⁵⁴ Ibid., 15 [13] March 1888; 3 [2] October 1890; 1 [30 December 1890] January 1891.

¹⁵⁵ Seymour to Riors, 20 March 1889, no. 161, DUSCC. The more moderate tone is reflected in DP, 29 [26] March; 17 [13] June 1889, where the Guangbao gives the impression that only the lower labouring classes are hostile to the Chinese, and that some Americans were trying to rescind the prohibition against Chinese immigration.

¹⁵⁶ Seymour to Wharton, 1 July 1889, no. 174, DUSCC.

¹⁵⁷ DP, 5 [30 June], 6 [2, 3], 8 [5] July 1889.

¹⁵⁸ Seymour to Wharton, 1 July 1889, no. 174, DUSCC.

¹⁵⁹ DP, 8 July 1889.

¹⁶⁰ This elite network of reformers is described in Vittinghoff, ‘Social Actors in the Field of New Learning’, pp. 106–13, and Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity, pp. 244–59.

¹⁶¹ Kuang introduces his ideas on education in Kwong, FCB, pp. 215–18. He more clearly urges China to adopt an American-style education system and describes US schools in Kwong, Second Conversation Book, pp. 371– 402 and Preface.

¹⁶² Based on Zheng's writings, it is apparent that Zheng was in close contact with Kuang while he was in the USA. See Zheng Guanying, ‘Zeng Meiguo Yiye Zhu Sheng Bing Rong Yuanpu Kuang Rongjie Liang Zhao Xi’ (To all the [soon to graduate] U.S. students and the two teachers, Rong Yuanpu and Kuang Rongjie’, in Luofuzhiheshanren shi cao (Zheng Guanying's poems), Vol. 1, p. 3, reprinted in Xuxiu Siku Quanshu (1995), Vol. 1570, p. 564. When Kuang returned, Zheng writes that Kuang told his friends about industrial schools. See Guanying, Zheng, Shengshi Weiyan Xin Bian Shisi Juan (Words of Warning to a Prosperous Age New Edition in 14 volumes) (Chengdu: 1897), Vol. 4, p. 31Google Scholar, reprinted in Xuxiu Siku Quanshu (2002), Vol. 953, p. 327. Zheng further writes that Kuang actively approached the superintendents of trade for the northern and southern ports [Zeng Guoquan and Zhang Zhidong, respectively] to establish US-style military academies, and was disappointed that his recommendations were taking so long to be adopted. See Guanying, Zheng, ‘Bing bei tan bing xu (‘To sigh’ for the military)’, in Luofuzhiheshanren shi cao, Vol. 1, p. 13 Google Scholar, reprinted in Xuxiu Siku Quanshu (1995), Vol. 1570, p. 569. And, in a letter he wrote to a Hartford friend, soon after he started working for Zhang Zhidong, Kuang immediately began lobbying and believed he had convinced Zhang to send a memorial to the emperor to establish military academies. See ‘Mr. Kwong Ki-chiu’, HC, 11 October 1884.

¹⁶³ DP, 13 [10] June 1889.

¹⁶⁴ Ibid., 28 [25] March 1889.

¹⁶⁵ Ibid., 18 [13] July 1889; 13 [10] September 1890. Kuang first mentions this in Kwong, FCB, p. 217.

¹⁶⁶ Ibid., 20 [18] February 1888. See also 27 [25] September 1890.

¹⁶⁷ Ibid., 28 [26] February 1889.

¹⁶⁸ Ibid., 20 [18] September 1890.

¹⁶⁹ Ibid., 28 [25], 29 [26] March 1889; 13 [10], 30 [28] October 1890.

¹⁷⁰ Ibid., 10 [8] March 1888; 3 [31 July] August 1889; 2 [29 August] September 1890.

¹⁷¹ Ibid., 1 [28 February], 27 [24] March 1888.

¹⁷² Ibid., 3 [30 October] November 1890.

¹⁷³ Ibid., 8 [5] March 1889.

¹⁷⁴ ‘Dr. Happer's Success’, New York Evangelist, 12 May 1887.

¹⁷⁵ DP, 9 [7], 18 [16] February, 1 [28 February], 29 [27] March 1888.

¹⁷⁶ Ibid., 28 [25] January 1889.

¹⁷⁷ Ibid., 8 [4] July 1889.

¹⁷⁸ Ibid., 23 [19] July 1889.

¹⁷⁹ Ibid., 17 [15] March 1888; 23 [18, 19], 24 [20], 29 [22] July 1889; 26 [23], 29 [26] September 1890; 27 [21] February 1891.

¹⁸⁰ Mining: ibid., 13 [9] March, 17 [14] May 1889; 1 [27 December 1890], 12 [9] January 1891. Steamships: ibid., 28 [25] January 1889. Arms, textiles, and other factories: ibid., 9 [5], 21 [19] January 1889. Gunpowder: GB, 7 December 1887. Mints/coins: ibid., 22 [20] February, 14 [12], 17[14] December 1888. Lighthouses: ibid., 5 [28 February] March 1889. Post offices, ibid., 16 [13] September, 19 [16] December 1890. Banking system: ibid., 7 [4] October 1890. Hot air balloons: ibid., 25 [23] October 1890. Water utilities: ibid., 7 [5] November, 3 [29 November] December 1890. Electricity utilities: ibid., 21 [18] November 1890. Silk: GB, 13 September 1887. DP, 12 [9] April 1889. Watermills: ibid., 21 [18] November 1890. Sanitation: ibid., 25 [23], 27 [25] February 1888. Western medicine: ibid., 5 [2] March 1888; 13 [10] October 1890.

¹⁸¹ Ibid., 28 [24] October 1890.

¹⁸² GB, 16 November 1887.

¹⁸³ DP, 14 [11] October 1890.

¹⁸⁴ Ibid., 12 [9] December 1890.

¹⁸⁵ Ibid., 13 [9] February 1889.

¹⁸⁶ Ibid., 15 February 1889.

¹⁸⁷ ‘The Law of Copyright in the Colony: Kwong Kee Chew v. Wong Amouk, $200’, DP, 29 September, 6 October 1875.

¹⁸⁸ ‘Literary Notes’, New York Tribune, 19 March 1881.

¹⁸⁹ Kwong, FCB, p. 218.

¹⁹⁰ Shengshi Weiyan, Vol. 4, p. 31.

¹⁹¹ DP, 14 [11] October 1890.

¹⁹² Judge, Print and Politics, pp. 121–41.

¹⁹³ DP, 17 [15] December 1888.

¹⁹⁴ Ibid.

¹⁹⁵ Ibid., 12 [9] January 1891.

¹⁹⁶ Liu, Kwang-Ching, ‘Nineteenth Century China: The Disintegration of the Old Order and the Impact of the West’, in Ho, Ping-ti and Tsou, Tang (eds), China in Crisis (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1968), p. 115 Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁷ DP, 15 [11] July, 1889.

¹⁹⁸ Ibid., 10 [8], 25 [21] December 1888; 21 [17] January, 23 [20] February, 18 [15] March, 27 [24] May, 15 [11] July 1889.

¹⁹⁹ Ibid., 12 [10] January 1889. Lijin is the tax paid by merchants on goods sold.

²⁰⁰ Ibid., 27 [24] March 1888; 3 [30 May] June 1889.

²⁰¹ Ibid., 23 [20] October 1890. Yamen is the headquarters of a Qing official.

²⁰² Ibid., 24 [20] November 1890.

²⁰³ Ibid., 23 [20] October, 22 [19] November 1890

²⁰⁴ Ibid., 4 [31 July] August 1890.

²⁰⁵ Judge, Print and Politics, pp. 148–57.

²⁰⁶ DP, 28 [26] November 1890.

²⁰⁷ In FCB he stresses that the ‘movement of the world is toward education and liberty’: Kwong, FCB, p. 220.

²⁰⁸ In Kwong, ‘A Chinese View Of It’, HC, 2 May 1882, Kuang despondently wrote that ‘I fear that some of the supporters of the Chinese bills do not act from principle, but are seeking, under cover of this bill, to promote some selfish end, such as their own re-election or their possible nomination for the Presidency.’

²⁰⁹ Kuang mentions these leaders as if he had met them in Kwong to Babcock, 15 March 1875, Babcock Papers.

²¹⁰ Andrews, Kenneth R., Nook Farm: Mark Twain's Hartford Circle (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1950), pp. 112, 184CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹¹ DP, 18 [15] April 1889.

²¹² Ibid., 2 [28 March] April 1888.

²¹³ Ibid., 4 [30 March] April 1889.

²¹⁴ Ibid., 24 [22], 25 [23] January, 8 [5] February, 22 [19] March 1889.

²¹⁵ Ibid., Kidnappings: 21 [19] March, 25 [20] December 1888; 30 [27] May 1889; 19 [16] September 1890. Robberies: 13 [11] December 1888; 21 [18] February 1889; 27 [25] September 1890. Swindling: 13 [10] October, 24 [21] November 1890. Marital infidelity and prostitution: 9 [6] April, 30 [27] May, 28 [25] June 1889. Piracy: 30 [26], 31 [27] July 1889; 8 [5] August, 20 [16], 21 [18] October, 17 [15], 24 [20], 28 [26] November, 1 [28 November], 3 [1], 4 [2] December 1890.

²¹⁶ Ibid., 23 [20] October 1890.

²¹⁷ Kwong, Manual of Correspondence, pp. 172, 176–77.

²¹⁸ Kuang's writings (ibid., pp. 171–97, and Kwong, Dictionary of English Phrases, pp. 877–82) were so pro-Christian that some might suspect that he had converted to Christianity. However, Ernst Faber states that Kuang was ‘a non-Christian’. EF (presumably Ernst Faber), ‘Notices of New Books’, The China Review or notes & queries on the Far East, 14:2 (1885), p. 115.

²¹⁹ Chiu, Kwong Ki, ‘The Chinese Empire’, in Hubbard, H. P. (ed.), Hubbard's Newspaper and Bank Directory of the World (New Haven: H. P. Hubbard, 1882), Vol. II, p. 2117 Google Scholar.

²²⁰ DP, 12 [8] June 1889.

²²¹ Ibid., 28 [25] December 1888; 9 [4] May 1889; 10 [8], 27 [25] September, 13 [10] November 1890.

²²² GB, 20 November, 3 December 1887. DP, 7 [3] October 1890. Luke Kwong also notes the crisis of morality in the treaty ports as one of the reasons for the continued emphasis on Confucianism; see Kwong, Luke S. K., ‘The T'i-Yung Dichotomy and the Search for Talent in Late-Ch'ing China’, Modern Asian Studies, 27:2 (May 1993), pp. 270–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²²³ Kuang discusses Christianity in Kwong, Manual of Correspondence, pp. 172-97. On page 192, he states that ‘the teaching of the New Testament. . .is like the teachings of Confucius and Mencius’. Jenny Day makes a similar observation that Guo Songtao's emphasis on Confucianism stems not from conservatism, but from his observations on the similarity ‘between Victorian culture and the ideal Confucian order’. Day, Jenny Huangfu, ‘Searching for the Roots of Western Wealth and Power: Guo Songtao and Education in Victorian England’, Late Imperial China, 35:1 (June 2014), p. 31 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²²⁴ Kuang's advocacy for greater respect for merchants, liberty, equality for women, and specialists over moral generalists, suggests he was opposed to many of the prevailing Neo-Confucian traditions/beliefs of the period.

²²⁵ In Kwong, Dictionary of English Phrases, p. 875, Kuang emphasizes that Confucius promoted his teachings ‘because of the prevailing corruption in the government’.

²²⁶ DP, 20 [16] October 1890.

²²⁷ Ibid., 22 [19] February 1889 states that the ‘purpose of the Four books is intended to incite people to forsake evil, to exhort them to become good, and to admonish them to perform good, virtuous, and meritorious deeds’. See also ibid., 28 [26] January, 27 [23] May, 18 [13] July 1889; 14 [12] November 1890.

²²⁸ GB, 3 December 1887. DP, 15 [13] March 1888; 15 [12] February 1889.

²²⁹ DP, 26 [22] June 1889.

²³⁰ Ibid., 13 [10] September, 23 [21] October 1890.

²³¹ At the time, it was commonly believed that opium was no more addictive than alcohol. Kuang had worked closely with the Anglo-Oriental Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade to dispel this notion, writing letters to a variety of newspapers. See Kwong Ki Chiu, ‘Opium Smoking’, LCT, 21 February 1880, p. 165; Kwong Ki Chiu, ‘The Opium Question’, 27 September 1882, p. 826; and Qizhao, Kuang, ‘Jin yan xu lu (Continuation on forbidding opium)’, in Allen, Young John, Wanguo Gongbao (Taipei: Huawen, 1968), pp. 9609–10Google Scholar. The Guangbao continued to oppose opium: see DP, 23 [20] May, 25 [21] June 1889; 20 [17] September 1890.

²³² DP, 24 [21] May, 11 [n.d.] July 1889.

²³³ Gui, Li, A Journey to the East: Li Gui's A New Account of a Trip Around the Globe, translated by Charles Desnoyers (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2004), p. 33 Google Scholar.

²³⁴ Ibid., pp. 222, 224.

²³⁵ Ibid., p. 134.

²³⁶ Kwong, Second Conversation Book, p. 375.

²³⁷ Boydston, Jeanne, Kelley, Mary, and Margolis, Anne, The Limits of Sisterhood: The Beecher Sisters on Women's Rights and Woman's Sphere (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1988), pp. 114–17Google Scholar.

²³⁸ Andrews, Nook Farm, p. 137.

²³⁹ Elizabeth J. Normen, ‘Where Mr. Twain & Mrs. Stowe Built Their Dream Houses’, https://connecticuthistory.org/where-mr-twain-and-mrs-stowe-built-their-dream-houses/, [accessed 18 July 2017]. For more on Isabella Beecher Hooker's activities on women's rights, see Andrews, Nook Farm, pp. 134–43.

²⁴⁰ Andrews, Nook Farm, pp. 142–43.

²⁴¹ Isabella Hooker, 18 May 1876, Isabella Beecher Hooker Diary, 1876–1877, MSS 44457, Connecticut Historical Society Library, p. 9.

²⁴² Hooker to Hoar, 10 March 1882, Hoar Papers. See also ‘Mrs. Hooker and the Chinese’, Washington Post, 18 April 1878.

²⁴³ Kwong, FCB, pp. 207–08, 215, and Second Conversation Book, pp. 375, 392–93.

²⁴⁴ DP, 10 [6] June 1889.

²⁴⁵ Ibid., 11 June 1889.

²⁴⁶ GB, 3 July 1889.

²⁴⁷ DP, 12 [7] March 1889.

²⁴⁸ Ibid., 5 [3] December 1890.

²⁴⁹ Ibid., 24 [22] February 1888.

²⁵⁰ GB, 19 September 1887. DP, 5 [3] December 1888; 10 [8] January, 25 [21] February, 18 [14] March 1889.

²⁵¹ GB, 2 December 1887.

²⁵² DP, 6 [3] February 1888.

²⁵³ Ibid., 19 [17], 25 [18] December 1888; 24 [22] January 1889.

²⁵⁴ Ibid., 25 [20] December 1888; 15 [11], 26 [21] April, 22 [19] June 1889; 4 [2] December 1890.

²⁵⁵ Ibid., 15 [13] October 1890.

²⁵⁶ Ibid., 31 [28] December 1888; 11 [7] February 1889; 5 [1] January 1891.

²⁵⁷ Ibid., 17 [14] November 1890.

²⁵⁸ Ibid., 5 June 1890.

²⁵⁹ Ibid., 27 [24] December 1888; 21 [18] January, 6 [2] May 1889.

²⁶⁰ Ibid., 10 [8] December 1888.

²⁶¹ Ibid., 13 [10] November 1890. Kuang first suggests taxes to pay for schools in Kwong, FCB, p. 215.

²⁶² DP, 16 [13] May 1889.

²⁶³ Ibid., 2 [29 April] May, 3 [29 May] June 1889.

²⁶⁴ Ibid., 13 [10] May 1889.

²⁶⁵ Ibid., 18 [16], 20 [17] February, 16 [14] March, 1 [29 November] December 1888; 18 [15] February, 1 [27 April], 6 [2] May 1889; 22 [19] September, 1 [28 November] December 1890.

²⁶⁶ Ibid., 30 [27] March 1889.

²⁶⁷ GB, 19 September, 17, 29 November 1887. DP, 13 [11] January, 6 [4] February, 17 [15] March, 28 [26], 31 [29] December 1888; 10 [8] January, 14 [11], 21 [18] February, 5 [2] April, 9 [4], 27 [22] May, 4 [31 May] June, 1889; 27 [25] November 1890.

²⁶⁸ Ibid., 10 [8] March 1888.

²⁶⁹ Ibid., 27 [25] February, 3 [30 March] April 1888.

²⁷⁰ Ibid., 4 [2] December 1890.

²⁷¹ Blum, Nava and Free, Elizabeth, ‘The First Mental Hospital in China’, American Journal of Public Health, 98:9 (2008), p. 1593 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷² NCH, 17 August 1889, p. 199.

²⁷³ Kennedy, Thomas L., ‘Chang Chih-Tung and the Struggle for Strategic Industrialization: The Establishment of the Hanyang Arsenal, 1884–1895’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 33 (1973), p. 165 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Rong Hong also mentions the rivalry in Wing, Yung, My Life in China and America (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1909), pp. 226–27Google Scholar.

²⁷⁴ ‘Political Jottings in China’, DP, 30 August 1889.

²⁷⁵ Ibid., 22 [19], 24 [22] December 1890.

²⁷⁶ Kennedy, ‘Chang Chih-Tung and the Struggle for Strategic Industrialization’, pp. 163–66.

²⁷⁷ NCH, 13 June 1890, p. 726. ‘The Disgrace of Li Han-Chang: Why He Was Dismissed’, Hong Kong Telegraph, 25 April 1895.

²⁷⁸ DP, 12 [8] August 1890.

²⁷⁹ Ibid., 28 [25] August 1890.

²⁸⁰ Guanying, Zheng, Shengshi Weiyan, translated in ‘Doc. 30. The Criticisms of Cheng Kuan-Ying, c. 1892’, in Teng, Ssu-Yu and Fairbank, John K. (eds), China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey 1839–1923 (New York: Atheneum, 1970), p. 114 Google Scholar.

²⁸¹ NCH, 31 January 1890, p. 103.

²⁸² The Guangbao in DP, 16 [12] January 1888, praised Zhang, emphasizing that ‘morality has so much improved under the paternal rule of the virtuous Chang Chih-tung’.

²⁸³ DP, Tea and silk: 24 [22] September 1890. Firecrackers: 15 [12] September 1890. Paper: 29 [26] September 1890. Alcohol: 2 [30 September], 13 [10] October 1890. Dresses: 24 [22] December 1890. Ribbon/braid makers: 14 [11], 15 [13] October 1890. Theatrical performances: 9 [7] October, 3 [1] December, 1890. Hemp: 25 [23] October 1890. Sugar: 3 [31 October], 7 [5] November 1890.

²⁸⁴ Ibid., 7 [3] October 1890.

²⁸⁵ Ibid., 11 [9] October 1890.

²⁸⁶ Ibid., 20 [16] October 1890. The Guangbao did not identify the name of the official, but was careful to emphasize that Li Hanzhang himself was not being accused.

²⁸⁷ Ibid., 15 [13] October 1890.

²⁸⁸ Ibid., 3 [31 October] November 1890.

²⁸⁹ Ibid., 29 [26] October 1890.

²⁹⁰ Ibid., 3 [1] November 1890. In ibid., 27 November 1890, the Daily Press reports on the problems with the new taxes and the increasing resistance; and in ibid., 18 December 1890, reports that Li had been required to make a report to the Throne to explain the situation.

²⁹¹ Ibid., 31 [29] December 1890.

²⁹² Ibid., 12 [9] January 1891.

²⁹³ Ibid., 23 [20] October 1890.

²⁹⁴ ‘Canton Notes’, ibid., 20 November 1891.

²⁹⁵ Shenbao, 27 June 1891.

²⁹⁶ DP, 25 June 1891. See also ‘Local and General’, The Hong Kong Telegraph, 16 June 1891.

²⁹⁷ ‘Canton Notes’, ibid., 26 October 1891.

²⁹⁸ ‘Guangbao Fengbi (The Guangbao is Shut Down)’, Shenbao, 2 November 1891.

²⁹⁹ Fang, History of Journalism, Vol. 1, pp. 110, 118.

³⁰⁰ Schiffrin, Sun Yat-Sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution, pp. 59–60, describes Li Hanzhang's misdeeds, including the sale of literary degrees and the acceptance of a million tael birthday gift extorted from the gentry; and reports that in 1895 the government investigated Li.

³⁰¹ ‘China: Canton’, DP, 24 December 1891.

³⁰² Decennial Reports, p. 579.

³⁰³ Fang, History of Journalism, Vol. 1, p. 110. Schiffrin, Sun Yat-Sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution, pp. 72–76, describes the role of various newspapers in Sun's failed insurrection.

³⁰⁴ ‘Canton Journals Suppressed’, Reynold's Newspaper, 2 September 1900.

³⁰⁵ ‘Chinese Paper Suppressed’, Wilkes-Barre Times, 7 January 1901. Fang Hanqi states that during the winter of 1890, the newspaper was renamed the Yueqiao News: Fang, History of Journalism, Vol. 1, p. 110.

³⁰⁶ Judge, Print and Politics, p. 20.