¹ Bardhan, A. B., The Tribal Problem in India (Communist Party of India, 1976).Google Scholar The ‘Jharkhand’ movement in Bihar takes up the same issues, though the current Assam agitation seems increasingly to be developing along communal lines.

² A critical review of State development planning is undertaken in Jones, Steve, ‘Tribal Underdevelopment in India’, Development and Change, (SAGE, London and Beverly Hills), vol. 9 (1978), pp. 41–70.Google Scholar For details of the post-independence situation in central India, see the Government of Madhya Pradesh's An Appraisal Report of Economic Problems in the Tribal Areas (Indore, 1961)Google Scholar, and the various reports and bulletins of the Institute of Tribal Research, and the Directorate of Tribal Area Development and Planning, Bhopal, and of the Agro-Economic Research Centre for Madhya Pradesh at Jabalpur.

³ Grigson, W. V., The Aboriginal Problem in the C.P. and Berar (Nagpur, 1944) (Ameliorative legislation of the colonial period is summarized in appendix R)Google Scholar. Reference ought also be made to the pioneering work of Symington, D., Report on the Aboriginal and Hill Tribes of the Partially Excluded Areas in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay 1938)Google Scholar, and the anthropological studies of V. Elwin, S. Fuchs and C. Von Furer-Haimendorf.

⁴ Jones, Steve, ‘Tribal Underdevelopment’, pp. 44–5.Google Scholar

⁵ For example, Edgar Hyde, the district commissioner for Mandla in 1940, concluded that ‘there seems to have been a more-or-less complete breakdown in tribal authorities over the greater part of this district’, and Verrier Elwin commented of the Baiga village of Binjhwar in Balaghat: ‘The souls of the people are soiled and grimy with the dust of passing motor-buses. In the village, you are in the midst not of a living community, but of a collection of isolated units’. E. S. Hyde to W. V. Grigson, Mandla, 23 11 1940, Hyde Papers, South Asian Study Centre, Cambridge, Box II enclosure 18; Elwin, Verrier, The Baiga (London, 1939), p. 513.Google Scholar

⁶ Sinha, Sachchidanand, The Internal Colony: A Study in Regional Exploitation (New Delhi, 1973).Google Scholar

⁷ See Jones, Steve, ‘Tribal Underdevelopment’, and S. E. Corbridge, ‘The State and the Transformation of the Tribal Economy of Chota Nagpur’ (Cambridge Ph.D., in preparation), ch. II.Google Scholar

⁸ See, for example, Cliffe, Lionel, ‘Labour Migration and Peasant Differentiation: Zambian Experiences’, J.P.S., 5, 3 (04 1978), pp. 326–46Google Scholar and Wolpe, H., ‘Capitalism and Cheap Labour-power in South Africa: From Segregation to Apartheid’, in Wolpe, H. (ed.) The Articulation of Modes of Production: Essays from Economy and Society (London, 1980).Google Scholar Studies of rural–rural migration in India, of any description, are notable for their absence, mainly due to the difficulty in obtaining appropriate research materials. However, reference may be made to Rothermund, Dietmar, ‘A Survey of Rural Migration and Land Reclamation in India, 1885’, J.P.S., 4, 3 (April 1977), pp. 230–42Google Scholar, Zachariah, K. C., A Historical Study of Internal Migration in the Indian Subcontinent, 1901–1931 (London 1964)Google Scholar (a study based on census data), and Yang, Anand, ‘Peasants on the Move: A Study of Internal Migration in India’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, xi, 1 (Summer 1979), pp. 35–58.Google ScholarConnell, J. et al. , Migration from Rural Areas: The Evidence from Village Studies (Delhi, 1976)Google Scholar, draws upon village studies of the past thirty years and is largely concerned with rural–urban migration. Omvedt, Gail in ‘Migration in Colonial India: The Articulation of Feudalism and Capitalism by the Colonial State’, J.P.S., 7, 2, pp. 185–210Google Scholar, also discusses rural–urban migration but in addition has important sections on migration to the Assam plantations and the effects on rural wages.

⁹ For details of labour hired-in on farms of the cotton zone in the late 1930s see Imperial Council of Agricultural Research, Report on the Cost of Production of Crops in the Principal Cotton and Sugarcane Tracts of India (Delhi, 1938–1939), vol. VIIGoogle Scholar, appendix V. Typically, 11.24 man days and 17.74 woman days were hired per acre in the Berar plains, compared with a deployment of 3.88 man days and 1.42 woman days of family labour per acre.

¹⁰ Royal Commission on Agriculture in India (London, 1927), vol. VI, p. 5.Google Scholar

¹¹ Census of India, 1901, vol. XIII, p. 215.Google Scholar

¹² Census of India, 1911, vol. X, pt 1, pp. 51 ffGoogle Scholar. Census of India, 1921, vol. XI, pt 1, p. 12.Google Scholar

¹³ L.R.S. Jubbulpore, 1886–94, p. 24.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ibid., p. 12. C.P. Wages Census, 1912, memo, by Evans, G., deputy director of agriculture, Northern Circle. Fuller, J. B., Review of Progress in the Central Provinces in the last 30 years, and of the Present and Past Condition of the People (Nagpur, 1892), p. 31.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Balaghat D.G., p. 73.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Report on Famine in the Central Provinces in 1896 and 1897 (Nagpur, 1898), p. 5.Google ScholarCensus of India, 1891, vol. XI, pt 1, p. 215.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Census of India, 1931, vol. XII, pt 1, pp. 95–100.Google ScholarCensus of India, 1901, vol. XIII, p. 240.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Census of India, 1931, vol. XII, pt 1, p. 100.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Census of India, 1921, vol. XI, pt 1, p. 30.Google ScholarAnnual Reports on Inland Emigration. Details of Wardha district migration statistics are to be found in Wardha D.G., pp. 31–4.Google Scholar

²⁰ This was described as a veritable tide in 1870s–see Berar Gazetteer, p. 219.Google Scholar

²¹ Census of India, 1931, vol. XII, pt 1, p. 101.Google Scholar

²² Memo, by C. E. Low, director of agriculture and industries, C.P. Wage Census, 1912.

²³ C.P.P.B.E.C.R., vol. 4, pp. 910–11.Google Scholar

²⁴ This skewed structure of demand for labour in the rice zone was one of the factors which also made groundnut an unwelcome addition, despite the efforts of the C.P. agriculture department, and linseed so popular, easily fitting, as it did, into the slack season of the year. Census of India, 1921, vol. XI, pt 1, p. 26.Google ScholarWardha D.G., p. 137.

²⁵ Amraoti D.G., p. 359.Google ScholarL.R.S. Nagpur 1890–95, p. 21.Google ScholarMrBaput, L. Balkrishna, Deputy Educational Inspector, commented: ‘As proof of the gradually increasing demand for labour for agricultural purposes, one may easily observe clusters of little houses which during the last fifteen years or so, have grown up on the outskirts of every village in the mofussil. These are the habitations of immigrant labourers who once came seeking labour for a season, but who, finding enough of what they sought for, and, probably, on better terms, have permanently settled in the provinces. In some cases a hundred families of such immigrants have thus been added to the labouring population of a village’. (Dufferin) Enquiry into the Condition of the Agricultural Classes of India (Calcutta, 1888), pp. 40–1.Google Scholar

²⁶ Fuchs, Stephen, The Gond and Bhumia of Eastern Mandla (Bombay, 1960) pp. 99–100.Google Scholar see also Mandla D.G., p. 140.Google Scholar

²⁷ Balaghat D.G., pp. 192–4Google Scholar; Betul D.G., p. 152Google Scholar; Chhindwara D.G., p. 124.Google Scholar

²⁸ Seoni D.G., p. 109. C.P.P.B.E.C.R., vol. 4, p. 866Google Scholar (evidence of W. B. Lakhe, Pleader and Hon. Sec., Co-op. Central Bank Ltd, Raipur). Bilaspur D.G., pp. 157–9.Google Scholar

²⁹ Seoni D.G., pp. 113–14.Google Scholar

³⁰ See Wardha, D. G., p. 193Google Scholar and Datta, K. L., Report on the Enquiry into the Rise of Prices in India, 5 vols (Calcutta, 1914), pp. 25, 215 and 235.Google Scholar

³¹ Amraoti D.G., pp. 234–5.Google Scholar

³² The preference for female labour was also unchanged since the American Civil War–see Berar Gazetteer, p. 68.Google Scholar

³³ Amraoti D.G., pp. 234–5.Google Scholar

³⁴ Fuller, J. B., Review of Progress in the Central Provinces in the last 30 years, and of the Present and Past Condition of the People (Nagpur, 1892), p. 51.Google Scholar Details of off-farm income and the costs of Chaitara labour in Jabalpur district are given in C.P.P.B.E.C.R., vol. II, pp. 217–219.Google Scholar

³⁵ C.P.R.D. Comps, Mr Riddell, Acting Dist. Engineer G.I.P. Co. to J. B. Fuller, Comm. Sett, and Agric., 20 June 1888, and J. B. Barton, Resident Engineer … Harda, to J. B. Fuller, 18 June 1888.Google Scholar

³⁶ C.P.P.B.E.C.R., vol. I, p. 135.Google ScholarCensus of India, 1931, vol XII, pt 1, pp. 16–17 and pp. 61–2.Google ScholarCensus of India, 1921, vol. XI, pt 1, pp. 7–9.Google Scholar

³⁷ Report on the Famine in the C.P. in 1899–1900 (Nagpur, 1901), p. 24.Google Scholar

³⁸ British famine reports, being designed to prove that the administration was not responsible for deaths by starvation (indeed, that these deaths never actually occurred), often disguise more than they reveal. For a good first-hand impression of the reality of famine in underdeveloped parts of central India, see the earlier reports of F.H.S. Merewether in A Tour Through the Famine Districts of India (London, 1898).Google Scholar For a summary of the census statistics on the impact of the famines on the labouring population as a whole (as nearly as this could be estimated) see L.R.S. Saugor, 1887–1897, p. 38.Google Scholar

³⁹ L.R.S. Narsinghpur, 1885–1834, p. 26.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ R.A.C. Procs., 3 February 1900, no. 5, pp. 40–1, R. H. Craddock to Sec. to G. of I. During these years of distress migration to Assam also greatly increased, 28.2% of recruits for Assam coming from the CP, in 1896, 37.7% in 1900 and 39.2% in 1901–this compares with only 5.6% in 1894, (children are excluded from these totals).Google Scholar See Annual Reports on Inland Emigration and Annual Reports on Labour Immigration into Assam (Calcutta)Google Scholar, and Report of the Royal Commission on Labour in India (London, 1931) (P.P. 1930–1921, XI, p. 571, Cmnd. 3883).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Census of India, 1931, vol. XII, pt 1, p. 39.Google Scholar R.A.C. Procs., Jan.-April 1900, no. 5, p. 41, R. H. Craddock to Sec. to G. of I., 3 February 1900.

⁴² Census of India, 1931, vol. XII, pt 1, pp. 43–4.Google Scholar

⁴³ Imperial Council of Agricultural Research, Report on the Cost of Production of Crops in the Principal Sugarcane and Cotton Tracts in India (Delhi, 1938–1939), vol. VII.Google Scholarndex Numbers Showing the Changes in the Cost of Living of Industrial Workers at Nagpur and Jubbulpore, C.P. Dept. of Industries (Nagpur, 1929 to 1952).Google Scholar Further confirmation is available from the survey conducted by the C.P.P.B.E.C.R. in 1929, which found the average wage in cash and grain of a family of farm servants and agricultural labourers was only Rs 151. This sum would typically have to feed five members of the family for 365 days of the year—C.P.P.B.E.C.R., vol. I, p. 89.Google Scholar The income and condition of an evidently fairly well-to-do Chaithara of the Seoni district is described in vol. 2., p. 643. Details of the off-farm earnings of a Betul smallholder are given on p. 691.