¹ The reasons for the rejection will be familiar to area studies specialists and are explained with great clarity in Cohen's, PaulDiscovering History in China (New York, Columbia University Press, 1984).Google Scholar The ‘impact-response’ approach is exemplified by Fairbank, John, Reischauer, Edwin, and Craig, Albert, East Asia: Tradition and Transformation (London: Houghton Mifflin, 1973).Google Scholar See also Ssu-yü, Teng and Fairbank, John (eds), China's Response to the West: A Documentary Survey (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954).Google Scholar For a discussion of these works, see Cohen, Discovering History, pp. 1–40 and p. 200 n.4–6Google Scholar An example of the ‘tradition-modernity’ approach is Levenson, Joseph, Confucian China and its Modern Fate (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1968).Google Scholar Levenson's work is also discussed with insight in Cohen, Discovering History, pp. 61–79.Google Scholar

² It should be noted that even if the China-centered approach is depicted as a reaction against Fairbank's work, that work contained the sprouts of the China-centered approach in the sense that he insisted that scholarship be based on Chinese archives and that Western historians of China discover how Chinese themselves perceived the West. This is best illustrated in his Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1953).Google Scholar

³ Yoshinobu, Shiba, ‘Jiangnan from the fourteenth century until 1780,’ unpublished paper delivered at the conference ‘International history of early modern East Asia,’ Kauai, January 1987, I thank Jospeh McDermott for pointing out this article and making it available.Google Scholar

⁴ Huang, Ray, Taxation and Governmental Finance in Sixteenth-century Ming China (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1974), pp. 118–33.Google Scholar

⁵ Shiba, pp. 5–18.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid., pp. 18–19. Sadao, Nishijima, ‘The formation of the early Chinese cotton industry,’ in Linda Grove and Christian Daniels, State and Society in China: Japanese Perspectives on Ming-Qing Social History (Tokyo, University of Tokyo Press, 1984), 17–77.Google ScholarHuang, Philip, The Peasant Family and Rural Development in the Yangtze Delta, 1350–1988 (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1990), pp. 44–52.Google Scholar

⁷ Shiba, pp. 33–4.Google Scholar

⁸ Ibid., p. 36.

⁹ Ibid., pp. 25–6.

¹⁰ Ibid., pp. 24–8, 31–2.

¹¹ Ibid., p. 32.

¹² Kuhn, Philip, Soulstealers: The Chinese Sorcery Scare of 1768 (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1990), p. 32.Google Scholar

¹³ Naquin, Susan and Rawski, Evelyn, Chinese Society in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1987), p. 23.Google Scholar This book provides an outstanding overview of the eighteenth century.

¹⁴ For a regional analysis, see Skinner, G. William, ‘Marketing and social structure (part I)’, Journal of Asian Studies vol. 24:1 (1964), pp. 3–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ‘Cities and the hierarchy of local systems,’ in Skinner, G. William and Elvin, Mark (eds), The City in Late Imperial China (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1977), pp. 275–352.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ Yen-p'ing, Hao, The Commercial Revolution in Nineteenth Century China (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1986), pp. 15–20.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Naquin, and Rawsky, , Chinese Society, p. 102.Google Scholar Based on Dermigny, Louis, La Chineet l'occident, le commerce à Canton au XVIIIe siècle, 1719–1833 (Paris, S.E.V.P.E.N., 1964, 4 vols).Google Scholar On the international tea trade, see also Robert Gardella, ‘Qing administration of the tea trade: four facets over three centuries,’ in Leonard, Jane Kate and Watt, John (eds), To Achieve Security and Wealth: The Qing Imperial State and the Economy, 1644–1911 (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1992), pp. 97–118.Google Scholar

²⁰ Ye-chien, Wang, ‘Secular trend of rice prices in the Yangzi delta, 1638–1935,’ in Rawski, Thomas and Li, Lillian (eds), Chinese History in Economic Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), pp. 35–68.Google Scholar Wang argues that population, price rises, and the supply of silver increased in a coordinated way. See also Kuhn, Soulstealers, 37–9.Google Scholar Besides Chinese and Japanese works, Kuhn bases himself on unpublished work by Man-houng, Lin, ‘Currency and society; the monetary crisis and political-economic ideology of early nineteenth century China’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1989)Google Scholar and Vogel, Hans Ulrich, Central Chinese Monetary Policy and Yunnan Copper Mining during the Early Ch'ing, 1644–1800 (Cambridge, Council on East Asian Studies, Hardvard University, forthcoming).Google Scholar

²¹ Rawski, Evelyn, ‘Research themes in Ming-Qing history’ in Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 50:1 (02 1991), pp. 86–7;CrossRefGoogle ScholarNaquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, pp. 100–1.Google Scholar

²² Naquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, pp. 48–9;Google ScholarGolas, Peter, ‘Early Ch'ing guilds,’ in Skinner and Elvin, The City in Late Imperial China, pp. 555–80.Google Scholar

²³ Naquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, p. 101. They suggest that one-third of the money supply was in paper form.Google Scholar

²⁴ Perdue, Peter, ‘The Qing state and the Gansu grain market,’ in Rawski and Li, Chinese History in Economic Perspective, pp. 100–25Google Scholar and Wong, R. Bin and Perdue, Peter, ‘Grain markets and food supplies in eighteenth century Hunan,’Google Scholar in ibid., pp. 126–44.

²⁵ Naquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, p. 164.Google Scholar

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²⁸ Will, Pierre-Etienne, Bureaucracy and Famine in the Eighteenth Century (Stanford, stanford University Press, 1990).Google Scholar

²⁹ See also Will, Pierre-Etienne and Wong, R. Bin, Nourish the people: The State Civilian Granary System in China, 1650–1850 (Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press), 1991.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ Naquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, pp. 22–3.Google Scholar

³¹ Zelin, Madeleine, The Magistrate's Tael: Rationalizing Fiscal Reform in the Eighteenth Century (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1984), ch. 1.Google Scholar

³² Ibid.

³³ Bastid, Marianne, ‘The structure of the financial institutions of the state in the late Qing,’ in Schram, Stuart, The Scope of State in China (Hong Kong, The Chinese University Press, 1985), pp. 51–79.Google Scholar

³⁴ Feuerwerker, Albert, ‘Economic trends in the late Ch'ing empire, 1870–1911,’ in Fairbank, John K. and Liu, Kwang-Ching (eds), The Cambridge History of China, vol. 11, Late Ch'ing 1800–1911, pt II (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1980) pp. 61–5.Google Scholar

³⁵ Bartlett, Beatrice, Monarchs and Ministers: The Grand Council in Mid-Ch'ing China, 1723–1820 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991).Google Scholar

³⁶ See Naquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, pp. 138–216.Google Scholar See also the essays in Ebrey, Patricia and Watson, James (eds), Kinship Organization in Late Imperial China 1900–1940 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1986)Google Scholar, and Esherick, Joseph and Rankin, Marry (eds), Chinese Local Elites and Patterns of Dominance (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1990).Google Scholar

³⁷ Naquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, pp. 36–9. Articles bringing out the great diversity of styles of lineage organization and regional differences are collected in Ebrey and Watson (eds), Kinship Organization in Late Imperial China.Google Scholar

³⁸ Naquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, p. 179–80.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ibid., p. 151.

⁴⁰ Both high and low culture of the eighteenth century remain understudied. For a general discussion, see ibid., pp. 55–94. Further reading is suggested in the relevant section of the bibliography (pp. 248–50). On popular culture, see also Johnson, David, Nathan, Andrew, and Rawski, Evelyn (eds), Popular Culture in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1985).Google Scholar Current research focuses on how symbols were shared throught chinese culture but meant different things to different people. See for example James Watson, ‘Standardizing the gods,’ in ibid., pp. 292–324.

⁴¹ Elman, Benjamin, From Philosophy to Philology: Intellectual and Social Asepts of Change in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University Press, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Classicism, Politics, and Kinship: The Ch'ang-chou School of New Text Confucianism (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1990).Google Scholar

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⁴³ For an intriduction, see Johnson, David, ‘Communication, class, and consciousnessin late Imperial China,’ in Johnson, et al. (eds), Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, pp. 34–72.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Kuhn, , Soulstealers.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See Will, Bureaucracy and Famine, pp. 289–301;Google ScholarZelin, , The Magistrate's Tael, pp. 264–302.Google Scholar The decline in the granary may in part have been the result of greater reliance on financial relief, but declining efficiency and growing corruption of local adminstration also played a role.

⁴⁶ Perdue, Peter, Exhausting the Earth (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1987);CrossRefGoogle ScholarSchoppa, Keith, Xiang Lake: Nine Centuries of Chinese Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989).Google Scholar The work of these scholars and that of Pierre-Etienne Will explain the fading fortunes of the Qing dynasty by studying the ecological effects of population pressure and migration.

⁴⁷ On late eighteenth-century rebellions see Naquin, and Rawski, , Chinese Society, 226–8;Google ScholarNaquin, Susan, The Shantung Rebellion: The Wang Lun Uprising of 1774 (New Haven, Yale University press, 1981);Google ScholarNaquin, , ‘The transmission of White Lotus sectarianism,’ in Jonhson, , et al. , (eds), Popular Culture in Late Imperial ChinaGoogle Scholar; Kelly, David, ‘Templates and tribute fleets; the Luo sect and boatmen's associations in the eighteenth century,’ in Modern China, vol. 8:3 (1982), pp. 361–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For ethnic feuding in Taiwan, see Ownby, David, ‘The ethnic feud in Qing Taiwan: what is this violent business, anyway? An interpretation of the 1782 Zhang-Quan Xiedou,’ Late Imperial China, vol. 11:1 (1990), pp. 75–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁸ Bayly, C. E., Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World (London, Longman, 1989), p. 184.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ William Atwell has analyzed the effects of the world crisis of the mid-seventeenth century on China. It featured abnormal climatological conditions and disruption of international bullion flows. Atwell suggests that the crisis may well have precipitated the fall of the Ming Dynasty. See Atwell, William, ‘Some observation on the “Seventeenth-century crisis” in China and Japan,’ Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 45:2 (1986), pp. 223–44;CrossRefGoogle Scholar modified in ‘A seventeenth century “general crisis” in East Asia,’ in Modern Asian Studies, vol. 24:4 (1990), pp. 661–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Wakeman, Frederic, ‘China and the seventeenth century crisis,’ Late Imperial China, vol. 7:1 (1986), pp. 1–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁰ Ye-Chien, Wang, ‘Secular trends of rice price in the Yangzi delta,’ in Rawski and Li, Chinese History in Economic Perspective, p. 63.Google Scholar On rice prices, see p. 48–9. Wang depicts a cucle of long-term price inflation from 1680 until about 1800, with decline setting in it 1820. The peaks reached between 1780 and 1800 were not matched again until the 1860s, when prices were driven up by the taiping Rebellion. Wang sought to establish long-term averages. What matters for social disorders is not only that but also year-to-year fluctuations. Two years of high prices will cause panic in an agricultural society.

⁵¹ For long term Chinese price rises and silver holdings, see ibid., pp. 55–62; See also Kuhn, , Soulstealers, pp. 37–9, and p. 238, n. 4.Google Scholar In 1987 a conference was held in Hawaü to discuss China's international trade during the Ming and Qing. The papers have not yet been published.

⁵² So far, only two articles have appeared on the history of diseases in China: Benedict, Carol, ‘Bubonic plague in neneteenth century China,’ Modern China, vol. 14:2 (1988), pp. 107–55CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed and Dunston, Helen, ‘The late Ming epidemics: a preliminary survey,’ in Ch'ing-shih Wen-l'i, vol 3:3 (1975), pp. 1–59.Google Scholar

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⁶⁶ Ibid., pp. 484–507. See also Rankin, Mary, Early Chinese Revolutionaries: Radical Intellectuals in Shanghi and Chekiang 1902–1911, (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1971).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁷⁰ There is a vast literature on the subject of the first United Front. For the nationalist side, see Wilbur, C. Martin, ‘The nationalist revolution: from Canton to Nanking’, in Fairbank, (ed.), Cambridge History of China, vol. 12, pp. 528–39.Google Scholar The evolution of Russian policy is discussed in Whiting, Alan, Soviet Policies in China (New York, Columbia University Press, 1954).Google Scholar Documents revealing the great difficulty communist International agents had in China in convincing them to accept the United Front are collected and translated in Saich, Tony (ed.), The Origins of the First united Front: The Role of Sneevliet (Leiden, Brill, 1991).Google Scholar See also van de Ven, Hans, From Friend to Comrade: The Founding of the Chinese Communist Party, 1920–1927 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), pp. 105–8.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Dirlik's, ArifThe Origins of Chinese Communism (Oxford University Press, 1989) shows that anarchism was far more influential than Leninism in the late 1910s.Google ScholarVan de Ven, From Friend to ComradeGoogle Scholar, For a detailed discussion of ideological development, see Luk, Michael, The Origins of Chinese Bolshevism (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990).Google Scholar

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⁷³ Ibid., pp. 147–98. Earlier studies argued that the debacle for the Chinese Communists was caused by Stalin's insistence that the communists continue the united front and not organize their own army. See Brandt, Conrad, Stalin's Failure in China, 1924–1927 (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1958);Google ScholarIsaacs, Hafrold, The Tragedy of he Chinese Revolution (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1961).Google Scholar

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⁸³ Hunt, Lynn, Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1986), pp. 39–48.Google Scholar

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⁹⁴ Kuhn, Philip, ‘Local self-government under the Republic,’ in Frederic Wakeman and Carolyn Grant, Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1975) pp. 257–98;Google ScholarSchoppa, Keith, Chinese Elites and Political Change: Zhejiang Province in the Early Twentieth Century (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1981).Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Mann, Susan, Local Merchants and the Chinese Bureaucracy, 1753–1908 (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1987), pp. 94–120. Local merchants in fact hated the new taxes.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Duara, Prasenjit, Culture, Power, and the State (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1988).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Summarized in Faure, David, The Rural Economy of Pre-liberation China (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 2–7.Google Scholar For other review articles, see Feuerwerker, Albert, ‘Questions about China's economy,’ in Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 51:4 (1992, pp. 757–69;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMyers, Ramon, ‘How did the modern Chinese economy develop?—a review article,’ in Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 50:3 (1991), pp. 604–28;CrossRefGoogle ScholarWong, R. Bin, ‘The development of China's peasant economy: a new formulation of old problems,’ Peasant Studies, vol. 18:1 (1990), pp. 5–26.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁰ Brandt, Loren, Commercialization and Agricultural Development in East-Central China, 1870–1937 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989).Google Scholar For the criticism, see Wong, R. Bin, ‘Chinese economic history and development: a note on the Myers-Huang exchange,’ in Journal of Asian History, vol. 51:3 (1992), pp. 602–3;Google ScholarEsherick, Joseph, review of Brandt, Loren, Journal of Economic History vol. 51:2 (1991), pp. 501–3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁰⁴ Skinner, G. William, ‘Sichuan's population in the nineteenth century: lessons from disaggregated data,’ in Lale Imperial China, vol. 8:1 (1987), pp. 1–79;CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an article integrating demography and economic history, see Feuerwerker, Albert, ‘Chinese economic history in comparative perspective,’ in Ropp, Paul (ed.), Heritage of China (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1990), pp. 224–41.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Stephen MacKinnon of Arizona State University at Tempe has brought a group of some ten historians of Chinese warfare together and is planning a series of annual conferences. McCord, Edward has recently published The Power of the Gun: The Emergence of Chinese Warlordism (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1993)Google Scholar and Chang-tai, Hung, War and Popular Culture: Resistance in Modern China, 1937–1945 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1994).Google ScholarModern Asian Studies has scheduled a special issue on Chinese military history from the eighteenth to the twentieth century for 1996.

¹⁰⁶ Braudel, Ferdinand, The Identity of France, tr. Reynolds, Sian (New York, Harper Perennial, 1992), vol. 2, p. 168.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁷ Ibid., pp. 127–30.

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