¹ See Chin, Sia U, ‘Annual Remittances by Chinese Immigrants to Their Families in China’, in Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, Vol. 1 (1847), PP 35–6.Google Scholar

² The best example is the Tung Hua I Yen (the Tung Hua Hospital) founded in Hong Kong in early 1870s. It began as a hospital offering Chinese medical treatments. It also acted as centre for collecting famine relief funds for China from any overseas Chinese communities. See Wickberg, E., The Chinese in Philippine Life 1850–1898 (New Haven, 1965). p 216.Google Scholar

³ The best example was the involvement of Tan Kar Kee, a wealthy overseas Chinese leader from Singapore, in the establishment of schools and colleges in his home district in the Fukien province. See Kee, Tan Kar, Nan-ch'iao hui-i lu (Autobiography), 2 vols.Google Scholar

⁴ For the involvement of Chang Pi-shih and Chang I-nan, two well-known overseas Chinese leaders in Southeast Asia, in the construction of railways in their home districts, see Godley, M. R., ‘Chang Pi-shih and Nanyang Chinese Involvement in South China's Railroads 1896–1911’, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1 (03, 1973), pp. 16–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ See Gungwu, Wang, ‘Chinese Politics in Malaya’, in The China Quarterly, No. 43 (07–09 1970), pp. 1–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fatt, Yong Ching, ‘Patterns and Traditions of Loyalty in the Chinese Community of Singapore 1900–1941’, in The New Zealand Journal of History, Vol. 4, No. 1 (04, 1970), pp. 77–87.Google Scholar

⁶ Queues and costumes that the overseas Chinese wore during this period under study were actually of the Manchus. As the conquerors, the Manchus were able to force Chinese to accept their outfits. Thus Manchu constumes and queues were regarded as part of Chinese culture at that time.

⁷ Most Chinese customs regarding festivals, marriage, burial, child birth and domestic habits were observed among the Chinese in Singapore and Malaya. See Lat Pau, 16/5/1899, p. 1, 7/2/1890, p. 1, 13/2/1892, p. 1; Sing Po, 4/9/1890, p. 1, 21/6/1890, p. 1, 23/2/1891, p. 1. 9/5/1893, pp. 1 and 4; Penang Sin Pao, 6/2/1909, p. 3; The Sun Pao, 4/3/1910 p. 7. See also Vaughan, J. D., The Manners and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements (The Mission Press: Singapore, 1879), PP 26–48Google Scholar; anonymous, ‘Notes on the Chinese of Penang’, in the Journal of Indian Archipelago, Vol. VIII (1854), pp. 1–27Google Scholar; ‘Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1903’, p. 8Google Scholar in CD 2243; The Straits Times, 2/3/1904, p. 5.Google Scholar

⁸ Traditional Chinese values such as loyalty, filial piety, chastity and thrift were upheld. See Sing Po, 3/11/1890, p. 1, 24/11/1893, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁹ See Hee, Khor Eng, ‘The Public Life of Dr. Lim Boon Kheng’ (an unpublished B. A. Honours thesis, University of Malaya in Singapore, 1958), pp. 18–20.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See Keng, Lim Boon, ‘Straits Chinese Reform: Filial Piety’, in the Straits Chinese Magazine, 1899.Google Scholar

¹¹ See Neo, Rosie Tan Kim, ‘The Straits Chinese in Singapore: A Study of the Straits Chinese Way of Life’ (an unpublished research paper, University of Malaya, Singapore, 1958), pp. 1–2Google Scholar, quoted in Poh-seng, Png, ‘Straits Chinese in Singapore: A Case of Local Identity and Socio-Cultural Accommodation’, in Journal of Southeast Asian History, Vol. 10, No. 1 (03, 1969), p. 99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Poh-seng, Png, ‘Straits Chinese in Singapore’, pp. 109–14.Google Scholar

¹³ See a discussion in Cohen, Paul A., China and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Antiforeignism 1860–1870 (Cambridge Mass., 1963), pp. 77–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ The claim by Professor L. E. Williams that the ‘Confucianist phase of overseas Chinese nationalism was led not by elderly scholars in long gowns but by youthful Westernized Chinese’ cannot be substantiated from the available evidence. The role of Lim Boon Keng in the Confucian revival movement in Singapore, Malaya and Dutch East-Indies was an exception. See Williams, L. E., Overseas Chinese Nationalism: The Genesis of the Pan-Chinese-Movement in Indonesia 1900–1916 (Glencoe, 1960), p. 55Google Scholar; Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘The Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya 1899–1911’, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. VII, No. 1 (03, 1976), pp. 51–3.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See the society's statement on its history and activities, in Sing Po 15/2/1895, pp. 5 and 8.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The ‘Hsiang-yueh lecture’ system is claimed to have been inaugurated by the Emperor Shun-chih, the first Ch'ing Emperor, with the promulgation of his Six Maxims of Hortatory Edict (Liu Yu), urging his subjects to practise virtues and to lead a peaceful life. In order to propagate these virtues, a hsiang-yueh was appointed to each locality to give lectures at fixed intervals. For details, see Hsiao, Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, 1967), pp. 184–94.Google Scholar

¹⁷ The Sixteen Maxims of the K'ang-hsi Emperor must be differentitated from the Six Maxims of the Emperor Shun-chih. The former was known as Sheng-yu (the Sacred Edict), while the latter was known as Liu-yu. The former was the expanded version of the latter. Apart from Sheng-yu and Liu-yu, there was a Sheng-yu kuang-hsuan (, the Amplified Instructions of the Sacred Edict) of 10,000 words promulgated by Emperor Yung-cheng, son of the K'ang-hsi Emperor. He must have thought that even the Sixteen Maxims were too brief for the comprehension of the ignorant masses. Ibid., p. 185.

¹⁸ The venues were established in Market Street, the Ts'ui Ying Chinese School in Amoy Street and Java Street. See Sing Po, 15/2/1895, pp. 5 and 8.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid., p. 5

²⁰ An English translation of the Maxims is found in Hsiao, Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 187–8.Google Scholar A Chinese version which was probably used as a text for the Lo Shan She lectures in Singapore and Malaya, is found in G. T. Hare's collected documents on the Chinese in the Straits Settlements. See Hare, G. T., A Text Book of Documentary Chinese (Singapore, 1894), Pt 1, No. 2, pp. 92–3.Google Scholar

²¹ See Ku-shan ta-shih, ‘Hsuan-chiang sheng-yu lun’ (A Discussion of the Lectures on the Sixteen Maxims of Emperor K'ang-hsi), in Sing Po, 30/8/1892, p. 1.Google Scholar

²² For a good discussion on this subject, see Cohen, China and Christianity.Google Scholar

²³ See ‘Balance sheet of the Lo Shan She for the years of 1895 and 1896’, in Sing Po, 25/1/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

²⁴ Wu Chin-ch'ing had purchased five Ch'ing official titles between 1889 and 1896 ranging from Tzu-cheng to Yen-yun-shih with feather; Chang Jen-hsien purchased two titles of Lang-chung and Erh-p'in between 1889 and 1896. Goh Siew-tin possessed Chih-fu and Tao-t'ai titles, and Tan Tai possessed Chung-hsien ta-fu and T'ung-feng ta-fu titles. See Yen Ching-hwang, trans, by Ch'ing-chiang, Chang, ‘Ch'ing-ch'ao tsu-kuan chih-tu yu Hsin-Ma hua-tsu ling-tao-ch'en 1877–1912’, appendix 1, in Mu-lin, K'o and Chen-ch'iang, Wu (eds), Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu shih lun-chi (Singapore, 1972), pp. 71–2.Google Scholar

²⁵ For the interpretation of the possession of Ch'ing honours and the traditional value systems, see Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘Ch'ing Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in Singapore and Malaya 1877–1912’, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2 (09 1970), pp. 26–8.Google Scholar

²⁶ See Sing Po, 15/2/1895, pp. 5 and 8.Google Scholar

²⁷ The typical example was Wu Chin-ch'ing (also known as Wu l-ting or Wu Hsin-k'o). Wu attended many of the lectures given by the Lo Shan She and this was reported in the press. See Sing Po, 16/3/1893, p. 5, 3/3/1894, p. 4, 18/2/1895, p. 5.Google Scholar

²⁸ For instance, the three teachers employed by the Ts'ui Ying Chinese School in Singapore were Wang Pan-kuei, Hsu H'o-ming () and Wang Yun-kuei () All of them were intellectuals from China. From 1895 to 1897, the three teachers of the same school were Wang Pan-kuei, Huang Shih-tso () and Hsia Chi-ming (). Both Huang and Hsia were also intellectuals from China. See Sing Po, 24/2/1891, p. 8; 16/2/1895, p. 8; 22/12/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

²⁹ See Sing Po, 10/11/1891, p. 1, 25/1/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

³⁰ See Sing Po, 25/1/1897, p. 5Google Scholar; the list of the directors of the founding of Confucian temples and modern schools, in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 19/3/1902, p. 1.Google Scholar

³¹ The normal procedure of conducting a lecture was to set up an incense altar at the lecture hall. The Chinese consult-general in his officiai robes would lead executive members of the Lo Shan She to perform kowtow ceremony towards the North. This act was a symbol of kowtowing to the emperor of China. After the ceremony the lecturer would begin his lecture. Sometimes, the consul-general might give a concluding speech towards the end of the proceedings. See ‘Sheng-yushou-chiang’, in Sing Po, 16/3/1893, p. 5Google Scholar; ‘Hsuan chiang sheng-yu chi-ch'en’, in Sing Po, 15/2/1895, p. 5Google Scholar; ‘Shan-t'ang chi-tien’, in Sing Po, 18/2/1895, p. 5.Google Scholar

³² This opinion was held overseas as well as in China. In 1909, for instance, when the Ch'ing Ministry of Education intended to promote Chinese education among its overseas subjects, it had to induce qualified teachers to serve overseas by special rewards. See ‘Memorial of the Ministry of Education relating to Overseas Chinese Schools and Teachers dated 21st December 1909’, in Cheng-chih kuan-pao (The Ch'ing Government Gazette) (Taipei, Reprint, n.d.), No. 27, pp. 210–11.Google Scholar

³³ A good discussion on the Pang division and politics in nineteenth-century Singapore is Lin Hsiao-sheng's article ‘Shih-chiu shih-chi Hsing Hua she-hui te pang-ch'uan cheng-chih’ (The Pang Politics of the Chinese Community in 19th Century Singapore), in Hsiao-sheng, Lin and others, Shih-le ku-chi (Historical Relics of Singapore (Singapore, 1975), pp. 3–38.Google Scholar

³⁴ The practice at the Lo Shan She's lectures was to read the Sixteen Maxims in Mandarin, then the lecturers translated and expounded them in southern Fukien dialect. This tended to exclude those who did not understand the dialect. See Sing Po, 18/2/1895, p. 5.Google Scholar

³⁵ Both Cantonese and Teochew merchants in Singapore adopted the same name for their societies. See Sing Po, 15/2/1895, p. 5, 6/3/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

³⁶ The main lecture hall of the Teochew T'ung Shan She was set up at the Yeh-hai-ch'ing temple, the Teochew community centre, and the lectures were conducted in Teochew dialect. See Sing Po, 6/3/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

³⁷ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 28/9/1899, p. 2, 30/9/1899, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

³⁸ See ‘Regulation of Promoting the Worship of Confucius’, in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 30/9/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

³⁹ It was the committee members of the Chinese Free School (Chui Eng Si E, or Ts'ui Ying Shu Yuan, ), that decided to follow the example of the Kuala Lumpur Chinese. Since most leaders of the school were also leaders of the Fukien community, the decision was in fact for the Fukien community. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 13/10/1899, p. 7.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Thien Nan Shin Pao, 4/12/1899, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘The Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya,’ pp. 37–40.Google Scholar

⁴² These Confucian scholar-officials were Ch'iu Feng-chia (), Wang Hsiao-ch'ang(), Chang K'o-ch'eng () and Wu T'ung-lin () all of them were sent by the Kwangtung provincial government to tour Southeast Asia to promote commerce. See Jit Shin Pau, 27/3/1900, p. 1Google Scholar; Thien Nan Shin Pao, 17/3/1902, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

⁴³ See ‘Hsin-chiao-po ch'ang-chien k'ung-miao hsueh-t'ang ch'uan-chien ch'i’ (A Public Notice for Soliciting Funds for Establishing Confucian Temples and Schools in Singapore), in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 10/3/1902, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 17/3/1902, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ According to this regulation, four grades—$5,000, $3,000, $1,000 and $500—were offered. The ancestral tablets of donors of the first grade were to be placed at the centre of the shrine; those of the second grade at centre left; those of the third grade at centre right, and those of the last grade at the left of the shrine. This gradation system was obviously based on a traditional Chinese concept of gradation of position. See ‘The Fourteen Regulations for Fund Raising for Confucian Temples and Modern Schools’, in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 10/3/1902, p. 7.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See Wen-chiang, Ting (ed.), Liang Jen-kung hsien-sheng nien-p'u ch'ang-pien ch'u-kao (The Draft of the Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's Chronological Biography) (Taipei, 1959), p. 152.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ For reasons contributing to the recession of the movement, see Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya’, pp. 45–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See Huang, Philip C., Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Modern Chinese Liberalism (Seattle and London, 1972), pp. 94–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See Peng-yuan, Chang, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao yu Ch'ing-chi ko-ming (Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the 1911 Revolution) (Taipei, 1964), pp. 156–78.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 23/5/1902, p. 2, 24/5/1902, p. 2, 26/5/1902, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁵¹ See Ch'i-ch'ao, Liang, Yin-ping-shieh wen-chi (Literary Works of Liang Ch'i-ch'ao) (Hong Kong, 1955), Vol. 3, pp. 20–2.Google Scholar

⁵² See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘The Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya’, p. 46.Google Scholar

⁵³ Traditionally Chinese had few holidays except on Chinese new year and a couple of major festivals; the Chinese in Singapore and Malaya during this time seem to have followed that practice. Thus making the Confucian birthday an extra holiday for all Chinese must have been considered to be very important in the community.

⁵⁴ See Lat Pau, 23/9/1908, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See Penang Sin Pao, 5/8/1911, p. 3, 21/8/1911, p. 3, 12/9/1911, p. 3, 23/10/1911, p. 3Google Scholar; see also Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya‘, pp. 48–9.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Penang Sin Pao, 30/9/1911, p. 9.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ See Lat Pau, 3/8/1888, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See Ching-hwang, Yen, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution: with Special Reference to Singapore and Malaya (Oxford U.P., Kuala Lumpur, 1976), p. 20.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ For a discussion on the jealousy and rivalry of power between the Ch'ing consul and the Colonial officials of the Straits Settlements in the late nineteenth century, see Hsiao-sheng, Lin, ‘Ch'ing-ch'ao chu Hsin ling-shih yu hai-hsia chih-min-ti cheng-fu chien te chiu-fen 1877–94’ (The Dispute between the Ching Consul in Singapore and the Colonial Government of the Straits Settlements 1877–94), in Mo-lin, K'o and chen-ch'iang, Wu (eds), Hsin-chia-po hua-tsu shih lun-chi (Papers on the Chinese in Singapore) (Singapore, 1972), pp. 13–29.Google Scholar

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⁶² Chen Mong Hock, ibid.

⁶³ See Sing Po, 1/1/1892, 23/10/1893, 12/3/1894.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See the early section of the article, and Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘The Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya’, p. 44Google Scholar; see also Hsi K'uang-sheng, ‘Hsiang-chi Hsin-chia-po k'ung-chiao t'ung-jen yen-shuo’ (Details of the Speeches made by the Singapore Confucian Revivalists), in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 11/10/1901, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ This was done by the consul-general Huang Tsun-hsien who would recommend them for awards from the Ch'ing government. See ‘Ts'ai-fang chien hsiao kao shih’ (Report on the notice of chastity and filial piety), in Sing Po, 15/8/1894, p. 5.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘Ch'ing Sale of Honours and the Chinese Leadership in Singapore and Malaya’, pp. 22–4.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ibid.

⁶⁸ After the establishment of the Chinese consulate in Singapore in 1877, many Chinese diplomats who were posted to European countries, stopped over in Singapore. They included Tseng Chi-tse, Hsueh Fu-ch'eng, Kung Chao-yuan and others. Among visiting dignitaries to Singapore in this period were Li Hung-chang (1896), Prince Ch'un (1901) and Tsai-chen (1902). See Chi-tse, Tseng, Tseng Hui-min kung shih-hsi jih-chi (The Diary of Tseng Chi-tse's Mission to the West), Vol. 1, pp. 26–7Google Scholar; Fu-ch'eng, Hsueh, Chu-shih Ying, Fa, I, Pi, ssu-kuo jih-chi (Diary of My Mission to Britain, France, Italy and Belgium), Vol. 1, pp. 7–8Google Scholar; Chung-lien, Wu, Sui-yao pi-chi ssu-chung, Vol. 1, pp. 6–7Google Scholar; Sing Po, 8/4/1896, p. 4Google Scholar; Lat Pau, 1/8/1901, 3/8/1901, 2/5/1902, 3/5/1902.Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ See, for instance, a notice in Lat Pau calling local Chinese to contribute to the funds for flood reliefin Hopei province in 1891. It was put out by the visiting officials Ch'iu Hung-i, Chuang Sung-ling and Wang Kuan together with a local leader, Tan Kim Ching. See Lat Pau, 5/1/1891, p. 6.Google Scholar

⁷¹ The first two visits were led by Ting Ju-ch'ang, the Chinese Admiral. Escorted by Chinese warships, Ting visited Singapore first in April 1890, and then in March 1894. The third imperial envoy was Chang Pi-shih who visited Singapore in December 1905. In December 1907, Yang Shih-ch'i visited Southeast Asia, and then followed by Wang Ta-chen in April 1908, and Chao Ch'ung-fan in 1911. See Kwei-chiang, Chui, ‘Wan Ch'ing Kuan-li fang-wen Hsin-chia-po’, in Journal of South Seas Society, Vol. 29, Pts 1 and 2, pp. 20–2, 27–9.Google Scholar

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⁷³ See Sing Po, 5/3/1894, p. 4, 12/4/1894, p. 4Google Scholar; see also Kwei-chiang, Chui, ‘Wan-ch'ing Kuan-li fang-wen Hsin-chia-po’ (The Visits of the Chinese Officials to Singapore during the Late Ch'ing Period), in Kwei-chiang, Chui, Hsin-ma shih lun-ts'ung (Papers on the History of Singapore and Malaysia) (Singapore, 1977), pp. 90–1.Google Scholar

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⁸⁰ See ‘Hsin-chia-po chung-hua shang-wu tsung-hui teng-chi i-chih-pu’ (Minutes of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce) (Unpublished), Vol. 1, pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

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⁸⁹ Goh Siew-tin was appointed the acting consul-general for the Straits Settlements from January to May 1902. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 22/1/1902, pp. 1–2, 1/5/1902, p. 2, 2/3/1902, p. 7, 4/6/1902, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Goh was a director of the committee of the Lo Shan She in Singapore. See Sing Po, 25/1/1897, p. 5.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘The Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya’, pp. 44 and 49.Google Scholar

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⁹³ See Lat Pau, 7/3/1899, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See Lat Pau, 14/4/1890, p. 2, 15/4/1890, p. 5, 16/4/1890, p. 2.Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ K'ang fled China on the eve of the coup d'état to Hong Kong. He was then invited by Marquis Okuma Shigenobu, the Prime Minister of Japan, to visit Japan. See Lo, Jung-pang, ‘Sequel to Autobiography’, in Lo, Jung-pang (ed.), K'ang Yu-wei: A Biography and A Symposium (Tucson, 1967), p. 178.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ibid., p. 180.

⁹⁸ See the Straits Times, 3/2/1900, p. 2.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ See Ching, Wen (Lim Boon Keng), The Chinese Crisis from Within (London, 1901), especially pp. 100–67, 285–329.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 28/5/1898.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Ibid.; Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘The Confucian Revival Movement in Singapore and Malaya’, pp. 33–57.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Thien Nan Shin Pao, 31/5/1898, p. 1Google Scholar; see also Ch'eng-tsu, Yang, ‘Ch'iu Shu-yuan yen-chiu’ (A Study of Khoo Seok-wan), in Nanyang University Journal, Vol. 4 (1969) (Singapore), p. 102.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ See editorials of the Thien Nan Shin Pao, June to September 1898.

¹⁰⁴ The editorial was entitled ‘I kung-ch'ing t'ai-hou kuei-cheng i’ (Respectfully Urge the Empress-Dowager to Return the Sovereign Power to the Emperor), in Thien Nan Shin Pao, 28/9/1899, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Ibid.

¹⁰⁶ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 7/10/1899, p. 5, 11/10/1899, p. 8.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Ibid.

¹⁰⁸ See T'ing-yi, Kuo, Chin-tai Chung-kuo shih shih jih-chih (A Chronology of Modern Chinese History) (Taipei, 1963), Vol. 2, pp. 1038–9.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 7/10/1899, p. 5.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ It was claimed that there were a few hundred signatures collected in Singapore, and seven hundred collected in Kuala Lumpur. The telegrams were sent separately to the Tsungli Yamen in Peking; the Singapore telegram was under the leadership of Lin Yun-lung (), a native of Nan-an district of Fukien, who was also a rich merchant; the Kuala Lumpur telegram was sent under the names of Fan Ch'ang () and Wang Tse-min (). See Thien Nan Shin Pao 13/11/1899, p. 2, 15/11/1899, p. 2Google Scholar; Jit Shin Pau, 11/11/1899, p. 4; 17/11/1899, p. 4.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Ibid.

¹¹² The protest movement which received a great deal of coverage in the reformist newspapers in Singapore was the one in Thailand. It was claimed that the reformists in Thailand had obtained 80,000 signatures to petition the return of the Emperor's rule. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 8/3/1900, p. 2, 20/3/1900, p. 2Google Scholar; Jit Shin Pau, 12/3/1900, p. 4, 13/3/1900. p. 7. 19/3/1900, p. 4.Google Scholar

¹¹³ See Jit Shin Pau, 10/2/1900, p. 7, 12/2/1900, p. 6, 27/2/1900, p. 1, 28/2/1900, p. 1, 2/3/1900, p. 1 3/3/1900, 9/3/1900, p. 1, 25/4/1900, p. 1, 27/4/1900, p. 1.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ A full-scale celebration of the Emperor Kuang-hsu's 30th birthday took place in Ipoh, Perak. See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 31/7/1900 p. 7.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ See Lo, Jung-pang, ‘Sequel to Autobiography of K'ang Yu-wei’, in Lo, Jung-pang ed.), K'ang Yu-wei: A Biography and A Symposium, p. 184.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Ibid.

¹¹⁷ See Hsien-tzu, Wu, Chung-kuo min-chu hsien-cheng-tang shih (A History of the Chinese Reformist Party) (San Francisco, 1952), pp. 34–6Google Scholar; Fung, Edmund, ‘The T'ang Ts'ai-ch'ang Revolt’, in Papers on Far Eastern History, No. 1 (03, 1970), pp. 70–114.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ See Tzu-yu, Feng, Chung-hua min-kuo k'ai-kuo ch'ien Ko-ming shih (A Revolutionary History Prior to the Founding of the Chinese Republic) (Taipei, 1954), Vol. 2, p. 105.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Interview with Tan Chor-nam on 7 August 1966 at his residence in Singapore. Tan was a close friend of Khoo at that time; his information could be depended upon.

¹²⁰ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 22/10/1901, pp. 1–2Google Scholar; ‘Letter from Khoo Seok-wan to the Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, T'ao Mo’, reprinted in Thien Man Shin Pao, 23/10/1901.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Khoo's move had greatly affected Tan Chor-nam and Teo Eng-hock, two reformists supporters at the time, who later became the leaders of the revolutionaries in Singapore. See Ching-hwang, Yen, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution, p. 56.Google Scholar

¹²² For details relating to the publication of the two newspapers, see Hock, Chen Mong, The Early Chinese Newspapers of Singapore, pp. 63–80.Google Scholar

¹²³ For details, see Thien Nan Shin Pao and the Jit Shin Pau between 1899 and 1900.

¹²⁴ Hsien-tzu, Wu, Chung-kuo min-chu hsien-cheng tang shih, p. 28Google Scholar; Gung-wu, Wang, ‘Chinese Reformists and Revolutionaries in the Straits Settlements 1900–1911’ (unpublished B.A. Honours thesis, University of Malaya, Singapore 1953), p. 40 and Appendix B.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ See Lo, Jung-pang, K'ang Yu-wei: A Biography and A Symposium, p. 258, footnote 8.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ See the announcement of the formation of the Hao Hsueh Hui by Dr Lim Boon Keng published in the Thien Nan Shin Pao, 9/9/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Ibid.

¹²⁸ Writing about the Chinese Philomatic Society (Hao Hsueh Hui), Song Ong Siang stated that it ‘for a few years carried on a vigorous existence and brought together a number of young men and some of the older folks for the regular study of English literature, Western music and the Chinese language.’ (See Siang, Song Ong, One Hundred Years' History of the Chinese in Singapore (reprint, Singapore, 1967), p. 236.Google Scholar This statement appears to have contradicted the professed aims of the society and was not in line with the early part of its activities. Thien Man Shin Pao, 9/9/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 5/10/1899, p. 1, 12/10/1899, p. 1 24/10/1899, P. 1, 31/10/1899, p. 1, 9/11/1899, p. 1, 16/11/1899, P. 1Google Scholar; Jit Shin Pau, 6/10/1899, p. 4, 9/10/1899, p. 4, 11/10/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ See Jit Shin Pau, 6/10/1899, p. 4, 9/10/1899, p. 1, 11/10/1899, p. 1Google Scholar, Another reformist leader, Huang Nai-shang, who was in Peking during the Hundred Days' Reform, was invited to give his account in the 8th public lecture organized by the Hao Hsueh Hui on 18 November 1899. See the advertisement for the talk in the Thien Nan Shin Pao, 16/11/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

¹³¹ See Thien Nan Shin Pao, 16/11/1899, p. 1.Google Scholar

¹³² In the lists of Hao Hsueh Hui ‘members’, men like Wang Hui-i (), Lin Tzu-chou (), Hsu Chi-chun (), Li Yung-hsiang () were Chinese journalists working with both the Thien Nan Shin Pao and Jit Shin Pau; men like Hu Po-hsiang (), Ch'en Yung-kuang (), Liang Min-hsiu (), Ch'iu Yen-pin (), Wu Ying-p'ei (), Teo Eng-hock (), Huang Chao-k'un (), Huang Chao-chen (), Huang Chao-yuan (), Lin Wei-fang (), were known merchants. See lists of ‘members’ of the Hao Hsueh Hui published in the Thien Nan Shin Pao, 9/10/1899, p. 5; 12/10/1899, p. 8; 18/10/1899, p. 5; 30/10/1899, p. 5; 4/11/1899, P 8; 11/11/1899, p. 5; 13/12/1899, p. 5.Google Scholar

¹³³ See Ching-hwang, Yen, The Overseas Chinese and the 1911 Revolution, pp. 118–21, and Appendix 2 and 7.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Ibid., pp. 104–5.

¹³⁵ See DrYat-sen, Sun, ‘Min-tsu chu-i’ (Nationalism), in Sun Chung-san hsuan-chi (Selected Works of Dr Sun Yat-sen) (Hong Kong, 1962), Vol. 2, p. 593.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ The revolutionaries traced their anti-Manchu forerunner to the Koxinga (Cheng Ch'eng-kung) who led the resistance movement in South China and Taiwan against the Manchu conquest. For the relationship between the revolutionaries and the Koxinga's anti-Manchu nationalism see Crozier, R. C., Koxinga and Chinese Nationalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), pp. 50–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³⁷ See Yat-sen, Sun, ‘Min-tsu chu-i’, pp. 626–37.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ See Ching-hwang, Yen, ‘Chinese Revolutionary Propaganda Organizations in Singapore and Malaya, 1906–1911’, in Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. 29, pts 1 and 2, pp. 54–61.Google Scholar