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Monkish Politics in Southeast Asia: Religious disenfranchisement in comparative and theoretical perspective*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 August 2014

TOMAS LARSSON*
Affiliation:
St John's College, University of Cambridge, UK Email: [email protected]

Abstract

In the Theravāda Buddhist polities on the mainland of Southeast Asia, abiding concerns about the proper structuring of the relationship between the ‘two wheels of dhamma’ (i.e. the realm of religion and the realm of politics) have had a profound influence on processes of state formation and political legitimation. This article explores one such religious ‘effect’ on the constitutions and electoral laws of modern Burma/Myanmar, Siam/Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos, namely the official disenfranchisement of Buddhist monks (and, in some instances, Buddhist ‘nuns’ as well as non-Buddhist clergy). The article traces the historical evolution of this Buddhist exception to the democratic principle of equal and universal suffrage, and assesses the extent to which dominant theoretical approaches in the social sciences help us to understand the politics of religious disenfranchisement in Southeast Asia. It finds that neither secularization theory nor the religious-economy approach can explain observed patterns. Instead, the article offers an account of the politics of religious disenfranchisement that emphasizes the role of ideas and historical context.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014 

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Footnotes

*

I thank Bénédicte Brac de la Perrière, Ian Harris, Astrid Norén-Nilsson, the two anonymous reviewers for Modern Asian Studies, and participants in the panel on ‘Constitutional Politics in Southeast Asia’ at the EuroSEAS conference in Lisbon and at the POLIS research seminar at the University of Cambridge for helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article. I also thank Puli Fuwongcharoen for excellent research assistance. The usual caveat applies.

References

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3 Siam was renamed Thailand in 1939; Burma was renamed Myanmar in 1989. My usage will reflect these name changes.

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5 I discuss justifications for religious disenfranchisement in greater detail elsewhere: Tomas Larsson, ‘The Buddha or the Ballot: The Buddhist Exception to Universal Suffrage in Contemporary Asia’ (unpublished).

6 See Massicotte, Louis, Blais, André and Yoshinaka, Antoine, Establishing the Rules of the Game: Election Laws in Democracies (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004)Google Scholar. Although the clergy are restricted from standing for election to parliament and other representative institutions in a number of countries, including the United Kingdom and Israel, they are not denied the right to vote. See Temperman, Jeroen, State-Religion Relationships and Human Rights Law (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2010), pp. 327328CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 One of the most commonly used datasets on politics and religion contains information on the clergy being restricted from holding political office, but not from voting. Unfortunately, a dataset that does provide data on the latter is rather inaccurate, at least as far as religious disenfranchisement is concerned; the PIPE dataset has the clergy in both Thailand and Myanmar incorrectly enfranchised in 2001. See Jonathan Fox, Religion and State dataset, <http://www.religionandstate.org>, [accessed 18 May 2014]; and Przeworski, Adam et al., Political Institutions and Political Events (PIPE) Data Set (New York: Department of Politics, New York University, 2013)Google Scholar.

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15 I use the term ‘monkish’ not in order to deny the fact that Buddhist ‘nuns’ and non-Buddhist clergy in some cases have been disenfranchised alongside members of the sangha. I would argue that this has essentially been a spillover from ‘monkish politics.’ Historically and presently, monks constitute the overwhelming majority of religiously disenfranchised persons in Southeast Asia.

16 This self-imposed moral imperative has shaped the basic rules of the political game in a number of ways. In this article, I will focus only on disenfranchisement. In addition, Southeast Asian states have sought to keep Buddhist monks out of ‘politics’ by denying them the right to stand for election, join political parties, and freely engage in political speech.

17 Paradoxically, when the sangha defines itself as being ‘outside’ or, rather, ‘above’ politics, this is of course in itself a political act.

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44 It should be noted that the Thai state's patronage and protection is not limited to Buddhism. It extends to all officially recognized religions.

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48 U Nyun to the Reform Secretary to the Government of Burma, 31 August 1935, IOR/M/1/20, BL.

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53 Memorandum of the Government of Burma on revision of the franchise, IOR/M/8/23, BL, p.23.

54 The Buddhist Church in Burma: Reform and remedy for indiscipline, IOR/M/3/531, BL. Nu, Burma under the Japanese, pp. 90–91. It is far from clear that banning monks from voting helped instil apolitical ‘discipline’ in the Burmese monkhood either in the shorter or longer term.

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57 House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, p. 1691.

58 House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, p. 1697.

59 House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, p. 1705.

60 House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, p. 1701.

61 House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, p. 1692.

62 House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, p. 1700.

63 House of Commons, Parliamentary Debates, p. 1701.

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78 A 1907 Royal Ordinance had introduced special ‘tax-exemption certificates’ for monks. See Edwards, Cambodge, p. 170.

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83 During this period, one prominent monk reportedly ‘agitated for the right of monks to vote in elections’. Ian Harris, ‘Buddhism in Extremis: The Case of Cambodia’ in Harris, Buddhism and Politics in Twentieth Century Asia, p. 64.

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92 Vong Sokheng and Charlotte McDonald-Gibson, ‘NEC Trumpets 93 Percent Registration’, Phnom Penh Post, 28 February 2003.

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123 The deposed king, Thibaw, lived on in Indian exile until his death in 1916.

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