Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
The vital importance of the Indian Army as the guardian of the imperial order in India was never more evident than during the interwar years. The period from 1919 to the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 was a testing time for the Raj; state authority was being challenged by a mounting nationalist movement, and public order was frequently disrupted by civil disobedience campaigns, as well as recurrent outbreaks of communal violence. In maintaining public order the colonial state had always been prepared to rely on that ultimate guarantee of its authority and power–the Indian Army. However, in frequent discussions of the deployment of the military in 'aid of civil power', the continued loyalty of the bulk of the army the Indian soldiers and officers, was never questioned, and seemed to be taken for granted.2 Yet, both the Government of India and the to be taken for granted.2 Yet, both the Government of India and the Army Headquarters were well awar that the 'loyalty' of the Army could never be guaranteed, and that it was conditional upon a stable and pacified recruiting base; if that base were to be 'subverted', then the Indian Army, or portions of it, would not only cease to be of use as an instrument of state power, but could ultimately pose a threat to the Raj itself
1 For discussions on official thinking concerning the role of the Indian Army in defending and holding the Indian empire, see Clayton, Anthony, The British Empire as Superpower (London, 1986), pp. 32–8;Google Scholar and Major-General Gwynn, C., Imperial Policing (London, 1939).Google Scholar
2 See for example discussions by chatfield's Committee in its Report, 1939, OIOR: L/MIL/5/886.
3 See for example note by SirMarris, William S., Sec. Gol, Home Dept, 19 Dec. 1919, Gol, Home (Pol), ‘B’, pro. 76, Jan. 1920, NAI. In a sense, this was indicative of the continued influence of the 1857 Rebellion in official thinking in colonial India.Google Scholar
4 The Punjab had long been the critical area where the battle for the loyalty of the Indian Army was to be waged and home to about two-thrids of the combatants of the Army during the inter-war years, and a substantial number of ex-servicemen. By 1927, if Gurkhas were excluded from the Indian Army, Punjabis accounted for 60 per cent of the total strength of the Indian Army. British officials recognized that the Punjab was a province of key military importance, and as long as it, and especially the military districts, remained loyal and pacified, the British could rely on the Indian Army, and ‘could face with confidence any situation that might arise in the other provinces’. See Sir Henry Craik to M. H. Brabourne, 10 Sept. 1938 in Linlithgow's Papers, OIOR: MSS EUR F.125/87; and Sir Malcolm Hailey to sir Frederick Hirtzel, 13 Nov. 1924, in Hailey's Papers, OIOR: MSS EUR E.220/6c.
5 Report of Committee Appointed to Investigate the Disturbances in the Punjab, 1920 (Hunter's Commission: Disorders Enquiry Committee, Report and Evidence). pp, 1920, Cmd 681, vol. XLV.Google Scholar
6 Ibid.
7 The General Officer Commanding Lahore Divisional Area reported claims of bad treatment by soldiers on demobilization; some even reported that they were deprived of their kits and clothes and ordered to clear the cantonments or they would be handed over to the police. GoI, Home (Pol), ‘B’ File 373, Feb. 1920. List of grievances of demobilized soldiers submitted by Umar Hayat Khan to Punjab Soldiers’ Board, 7 June 1919, in Punjab Government Home (Military) Proceedings, hereafter PHP(M), Punjab Archives, Lahore, Pakistan, ‘B’, pro 72, June 1920.
8 Note by Major H. S. L. Wolley, Divisional Recruiting Officer, Jullunder Division, to Adjutant General, 17 June 1919, PHP(M), ‘B’ File 127B, June 1920.Google Scholar
9 A list of grievances of demobilized soldiers was submitted by Umar Hayat Khan to the Punjab Soldiers’ Board on 7 June 1919, PHP(M),‘B’, pro 72, June 1920.Google Scholar
10 See Ali, Imran, Punjab under Imperialism: 1885–1947 (Delhi, 1989), p. 117.Google Scholar
11 Ibid.
12 Weekly Report on the political and economic situation in India, Gol to Sec. of State, India, 8 Feb 1921, OIOR: L/PJ/6/1726.
13 SirCleveland, C. R., Dir. of Central Intelligence, Gol, to H. D. Craik, 25 April 1919, Gol, Home (Pol), File 47, May 1919.Google Scholar
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15 For an analysis of the disorder which erupted in Lahore in 1919, see Kumar, R., ‘The Rowlatt Satyagraha in Lahore’ in Kumar, R. (ed.), Essays on Gandhian Politics: The Rowlatt Satyagraha of 1919 (Oxford, 1971), pp. 236–97.Google Scholar
16 For a general narrative and analysis of the 1919 Disturbances, see Datta, V. N., 1919 Disturbances (Ludhiana, 1969);Google Scholar and Datta, V. N. (ed.), New Light on the Punjab Disturbances in 1919, vols VI and VII of Disorders Inquiry Committee Evidence (Simla, 1975).Google Scholar
17 Summary of reports concerning feeling among troops and of incidents indicating unrest among them, GoI, Home (Pol), ‘B’ File 373, Feb. 1920.Google Scholar
18 In view of the close connection between the army and the Punjab, which had been widely extended during the war, the Lieutenant-Governor decided to maintain the Recruiting Board on a permanent basis, with the reduction of the civilian element in the composition of the Board being the only change contemplated. L. French, Offg. chief Sec. to Punjab Govt to Adj.-Gen. in India, 7 Jan. 1919, in PHP(M), ‘B’, pros 95–8, March 1919.Google Scholar
19 Some of the representatives of the military classes included Umar Hayat Khan Tiwana, Sikander Hayat Khan, Syed Mehdi Shah of Gojra, Sardar Ragbhir Singh Sindhanwalia and Chhottu Ram. See Minutes of meeting of Punjab Soldiers’ Board, 11 Sept. 1920, PHP(M), ‘B’ File 41, 1921.Google Scholar
20 The function of the Indian Soldiers' Board was to duplicate the Ministry of Reconstruction set up in England in 1917, where the minister's responsibility was ‘to consider and advise upon the problems which may arise out of the present war and may have to be dealt with on its termination, and for the purposes aforesaid to initiate and conduct such enquiries, prepare such schemes and make such recommendations as he thinks fit’. Quoted in A Brief Account of the Work of the Indian Soldiers' Board (Delhi, 1930), OIOR: L/MIL/17/5/2417, p. 1.Google Scholar
21 Ibid.
22 The Indian Soldiers' Board as constituted in 1919, was presided over by the Law Member of the Viceroy's Council, Sir George Lowndes, and its members included the Lieut Gov. of Punjab, the Revenue and Finance Member of the Viceroy's Council, R. A. Mant, the Adj.-Gen. of the Indian Army, Secretary of the Government of India in the Army Department, A. H. Bingley, Financial Advisor in the Military Finance Department, Sir G. B. H. Fell, and the Maharajahs of Gwalior, Bikaner, and Patiala. See GoI, ibid.
23 In 1920, beside the Punjab, provincial boards were established in all other provinces except in Bengal.
24 The scheme was originally suggested by the Divisional Recruiting Officer of Jullunder to the Adj.-Gen. in India in November 1918 (corresponmdence no. 2044, dated 29 Nov. 1918), and was endorsed by the Indian Soldiers' Board in February 1919. See Major C. W. Gwynne, Secretary, Indian Soldiers' Board to the Punjab Soldiers' Board, 12 Feb. 1919, in PHP(M), ‘B’, pros 359–60, March 1919.Google Scholar
25 Gwynne to Punjab Soldiers' Board, 12 Feb. 1919, ibid.
26 Minutes of 10th meeting of the Indian Soldiers' Board, 30 April 1919 in PHP(M), ‘B’ pro 406, May 1919.Google Scholar
27 Note by Major H. S. L. Wolley, Divisional Recruiting Officer, Jullunder Division, 17 Jun 1919 in PHP(M), ‘B’ File 127B, June 1920.Google Scholar
28 Sir C. R. Cleveland, Director of Central Intelligence, to H. D. Craik, Dy Sec. GoI, Home Dept, 25 April 1919, in GoI, Home (Pol), pro. 47, May 1919.Google Scholar
29 This was to be paid out of a sum of Rs 2 lakhs placed at the disposal of the Punjab Government by the Indian Soldiers' Board. It is interesting to note that the Punjab was the only province in India to be awarded money for this purpose. See Press communiqué issued by Indian Soldiers' Board, 18 March 1919, in ibid.
30 This was the protest against the findings of the Hunter Commission on the Jallianwala Bagh massacre which the Congress regarded as a ‘whitewash’ of the dreadful deed. The Government of India disavowed Dyer's use of force, but the disciplinary action which was meted out–early retirement–was not regarded as strong enough.
31 For a fuller account of the Khilafat movement see Minault, Gail, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India (Delhi, 1982).Google Scholar
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35 The call was issued at a Khilafat Conference in Karachi in July 1921. Weekly Report, 8 July 1921, Punjab, OIOR: L/P&J/6/1726. See also telegram from Mitra, R., sec District Congress Committee, Etawah city to The Zemindar (Lahore) in Deputy Commissioner, Lahore to Commissioner, Lahore Division, 27 09 1921 in PHP(M), ‘B’ File 10, 1922.Google Scholar
36 Weekly Reports, 7 April 1920, Punjab, OIOR: L/P&J/6/1556.Google Scholar
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40 Report of Committee appointed by the Secretary of State to enquire into the Administration and Organization of the Army in India (Esher Committee), 1920. PP, 1919–20, Cmd 943, vol. XIV.
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46 A. C. Blunden to Sir William Marris, 23 June 1919, Home (Pol), ‘B’ pro. 76, Jan. 1920.Google Scholar
47 There were three such officers operating in the Punjab in 1920: Risaldar-Major Harnam Singh, whose lecturing activities were confined to the Lahore Division; Khan Bahadur Zafar Muhhamud Khan, an Extra Assistant Commissioner, who worked in the Rawalpindi Division; and Risaldar-Major Prem Singh, who was employed as a propagandist lecturer in the Ambala Division. Sheikh Asghar Ali to all Commissioners and Deputy Commissioners, 3 Nov. 1920, PHP(M), pro. 132B, Dec. 1920.Google Scholar
48 Ali, Sheikh Asghar to Marris, W. S., 26 July 1919, PHP(M), ‘B’ pros 89–95B, Aug. 1919.Google Scholar
49 An Urdu pamphlet, dealing with the Khilafat question, was published and distributed to the Muslim population, while another, published in Gurumukhi, dealing with the benefits of British rule to the Sikhs, was circulated among them. PHP(M), ‘B’ pro. 132B, Dec. 1920.Google Scholar
50 Letter, dated 18 Dec. 1921, Home (Pol), 1922, File 669/1922.Google Scholar
51 Thompson, J. P., Chief Sec. Punjab Govt, to all Commissioners and Deputy Commissioners, 25 Aug. 1920, in PHP(M), ‘B’ pro. 132B, Dec. 1920.Google Scholar
52 Ibid.
53 Minutes of proceedings of Punjab Soldiers' Board, May 1915, PHP(M), ‘C’, File 418, 1926.
54 Ibid.
55 See pamphlet produced by General Staff, Indian Army, entitled ‘Notes for Assistance of Members of District Soldiers' Boards and Officers Touring in Recruiting Areas’ (Simla, 1935) in PHP(M), ‘B’ File 127, 1935.Google Scholar
56 Deputy Commissioner, Hoshiarpur District, to the Commissioner, Jullunder Division, 9 Oct. 1920, in PHP(M), ‘B’ File 30, 1922. See Table 1 for committee members of DSBs in the Punjab.Google Scholar
57 Minutes of Meeting of Punjab Soldiers' Board, 28 April 1921, in PHP(M), File 171, ‘B’, Nov. 1921.Google Scholar
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61 This problem was not limited to the immediate post-war period, but was a perennial complaint amongst the soldier population throughout the 1920s and 1930s. See Tour Reports of Officers in Punjab in 1930, GoI, Home (Pol), 265/30.
62 See minutes of the proceedings of the meeting of Punjab Soldiers' Board, 6 Nov. 1920, in PHP(M), ‘B’, file 41, Jan. 1921.Google Scholar
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64 Proceedings of the meeting of the Punjab Soldiers' Board held on 7 May 1925, in PHP(M), ‘C’, File 418, 1926.Google Scholar
65 The pay which ex-soldiers could get in civil employment was comparable to the salary they drew as soldiers. A gatesman, Class I in the railway would get Rs 14– 1–17 per mensem; chowkidars, Class A, Rs 15–1–19; pointsmen, Class 2, Rs115–1–19; porters, Class A, Rs 15–1–19. F. A. Hadow, Agent, Northwest Railway to Home Sec. Punjab Govt, 20 Aug. 1921, PHP(M), ‘B’, pros 28–30, June 1922.Google Scholar
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67 Gwynne, Major C. W. to Sec. Punjab Soldiers' Board, 9 May 1919, PHP(M), ‘B’ pros 490–1, May 1919.Google Scholar
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69 Punjab Trades Association to Add. Sec. Punjab Govt, 2 June 1919, in PHP(M), ‘B’ pros 237, May 1919.Google Scholar
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72 The minimum qualification as set by the principal of the Central Training College in Lahore for a prospective candidate wishing to be trained as a school teacher was a second class regimental certificate, i.e. the minimum educational standard required in the army for promotion to the daffadar or havildar rank. Press communiqué from v. Connolly, Home Sec. GoP, 28 June 1921, in PHP(M), ‘B’, File 46, 1922.Google Scholar
73 Memo by H. A. Smith, Deputy Commissioner, Rawalpindi District, 1 Sept. 1921, in PHP(M), ‘B’ pros 32, File 46, April 1922.Google Scholar
74 It was reported that the first batch of twenty trainees passed the course in 1922 and were performing satisfactorily in the schools they were posted to. New teachers began with a salary of twenty rupees, an income which was an important supplement to the military pension they were drawing, and many of them had found employment near their homes to be a very satisfactory arrangement. See Note on the subject of training of discharged soldiers as school masters by G. Anderson, Director of Public Instruction, Punjab, 23 Nov. 1921, in PHP(M), ‘B’ pros 56–9, File 34, 1922.Google Scholar
75 Ibid.
76 Minutes of Proceedings of the Meeting of the Punjab Soldiers' Board, 11 Sept. 1920, PHP(M), ‘B’, File 41, 1921.Google Scholar
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78 In districts where these two bodies existed, they were usually merged into a single district soldiers' board to coordinate their activities and make them more efficient. Where only ex-Indian officers' associations existed, they were renamed soldiers' boards and prominent civilians were invited to join. D. J. Boyd, Sec. Home Dept, GoP, to all Deputy Commissioners, Punjab, 24 Sept. 1923, File U/IX/40, Deputy Commissioner's Record Office, (DCRO) Rawalpindi District, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.
79 Report of Tour of Attock and Hoshiarpur District by Major Teague and Capt Broadway, Jan. 1936, in PHP(M), ‘B’, File 186, 1936.Google Scholar
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84 see for example the functioning of the Sargodha and Mianwali district soldiers' boards in Tour Reports, Sargodha and Mianwali, Aug. 1930, GoI, Home (Pol) 112/31.
85 This exchange of information between the army and the local authorities of the districts from where the soldiers were recruited had in fact been recommended by the Esher Committee in 1920. See Esher Committee Report, p. 37.Google Scholar
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94 In 1921 Anup Singh presided over a local darbar to honour the visit of the Prince of Wales. The darbar, an assembly of four thousand soldiers and ex-soldiers, subsequently formed the basis of the local soldiers' association, a loyalist association which Anup Singh helped to establish. Upon his retirement from the army, Anup Singh was appointed to a senior position in the police department in the North-West Frontier Province. Things began to turn sour for him after a few months, however, and he was forced to resign and his properties forfeited. Thereafter the disillusioned Anup Singh went on a personal campaign to spread discontent amongst the soldiers and ex-soldiers in Lahore, Hoshiarpur, Jullunder, Ludhiana, Gurdaspur and Ferozepur, where he spoke to soldiers about the uncaring Raj and openly urged them to support Congress. Ibid.
95 According to the above fortnightly report, these rolls were collected for the purposes of allowing the authorities to investigate the individual cases of grievances of the protesters. However, it also suggests that the government was wanting to know the names of the demonstrators, for the purpose perhaps of keeping a surveillance on their future activities.
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105 If the number of arrests and convictions related to Civil Disobedience are to be taken as some index of the popularity of the movement, one could see that the movement in the Punjab was not as popular as in the other provinces; between 1932 and 1933, next to Madras, the Punjab was the province with the lowest convict-to-population percentage. See Brown, Judith, Gandhi and Civil Disobedience, The Mahatma in Indian Politics, 1928–34 (Cambridge, 1977).Google Scholar
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113 Ibid.
114 Ibid.
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133 Chowdhry, Prem, Punjab Politics: The Role of Chhottu Ram (New Delhi, 1984), pp. 154–5.Google Scholar
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