Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-mkpzs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-22T22:27:53.210Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

‘The Little Brother of the Ottoman State’: Ottoman technocrats in Kabul and Afghanistan's development in the Ottoman imagination, 1908–23*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 April 2016

MICHAEL B. O’SULLIVAN*
Affiliation:
Department of History, University of California, Los Angeles, United States of America Email: [email protected]

Abstract

By charting the activities of Ottoman experts in Afghanistan from 1908–23, this article demonstrates how their arrival precipitated a series of state-building practices rooted in the particular historical experience of Ottoman reform projects. The country thus became the object of an Ottoman mission civilisatrice and the beneficiary, in the eyes of certain figures within the Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress, of an avowedly Ottoman-Turkish modernity. Sharing this conviction were members of the Afghan royal family and its chief ministers, especially Maḥmūd Ṭarzī, who first invited the Ottoman advisers to Kabul. The provision of Ottoman technical assistance took a variety of forms, but is most evident in military, educational, and public health reforms enacted in Kabul in this period. Through the study of previously unexamined Ottoman, Afghan, and British sources, the aim here is to incorporate these events into discussions of Ottoman informal empire, Afghan developmentalism, and pan-Islam.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I would like to extend my gratitude to Professor Nile Green, Giuseppina Chiaramonte, Sohaib Baig, Marjan Wardaki, the participants in the ‘From Sufis to Taliban: Trajectories of Islam in Afghanistan’ conference held at UCLA in October 2014, and my two anonymous reviewers, whose comments substantially improved this article. I reserve special thanks for Mehmet Taha Ayar who, with great patience, helped me to read the many Ottoman texts cited in this article. Without his assistance, this article could not have been written.

References

1 Wide, Thomas, ‘Around the World in Twenty-Nine Days: The Travels, Translations, and Temptations of an Afghan Dragoman’, in Micallef, Roberta and Sharma, Sunil (eds), On the Wonders of Land and Sea: Persianate Travel Writing (Boston: Ilex, 2013), pp. 89113 Google Scholar.

2 ‘Efganistan. [Tarih] Son Devir’, İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 4 (İstanbul: Millî Eğitim Basimevi, 1948), p. 169. With the exception of proper nouns most often transliterated with modern Turkish spelling in Ottoman historiography, I have transliterated foreign words into either Ottoman Turkish or Persian depending on the geographic origin of the source material.

3 Fażlı, Meḥmed, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı (İstanbul: Matbaa-i Ahmed İhsan, 1325 [1909])Google Scholar. Fażlı was the main editor of a satirical periodical, Lâklâk (a play on the Turkish words for banter and stork), which had first been published in Cairo in 1907 and relocated to Istanbul after the 1908 revolution. A talented caricaturist, he was also a contributor to several other prominent Young Turk journals. For more, see Brummett, Palmira, Image and Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, 1908–1911 (Albany, New York: SUNY Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Çeviker, Turgut, Gelişim sürecinde Türk karikatürü, II, Meşrutiyet dönemi, 1908–1918 (İstanbul: Adam Yayınları, 1988), pp. 116–7Google Scholar.

4 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, pp. 1–2.

5 Makdisi, Ussama, ‘Ottoman Orientalism’, American Historical Review, 107:3 (June 2002), p. 788 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kuehn, Thomas, Empire, Islam, and Politics of Difference: Ottoman Rule in Yemen, 1849–1919 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2012)Google Scholar.

6 Deringil, Selim, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1909 (London; New York: I.B. Tauris, 2011), p. 135 Google Scholar.

7 Nūrī, Celāl, İttihad-ı İslam ve Almanya (İstanbul: Yeni Osmanlı Matbaa ve Kütüphanesi, 1333 [1917]), p. 54 Google Scholar.

8 Kakar, Hasan Kawun, Government and Society in Afghanistan: The Reign of Amir ʼAbd al-Rahman Khan (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979)Google Scholar; Noelle-Karimi, Christine, State and Tribe in Nineteenth-Century Afghanistan: The Reign of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

9 Kim, Hodong, Holy War in China: The Muslim Rebellion and State in Chinese Central Asia, 1864–1877 (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

10 Ahmed, Faiz, ‘İstanbul and Kabul in Courtly Contact: The Question of Exchange between the Ottoman Empire and Afghanistan in the Late Nineteenth Century’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları: The Journal of Ottoman Studies, 45 (2015), pp. 265–96Google Scholar.

11 A group of former Ottoman advisers left Afghanistan for Turkey in 1925. British Library, India Office Records/L/PS/11/256 P 515/1925.

12 Green, Nile, ‘Locating Afghan History’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 45 (2013), pp. 132–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McChesney, R. D., ‘On Mobility in Afghan History’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 45 (2013), pp. 135–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Green, Nile, ‘The Trans-Border Traffic of Afghan Modernism: Afghanistan and the Indian “Urdusphere”’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 53:3 (2011), pp. 481, 479508 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 I borrow the phrase ‘defensive developmentalism’ from Gelvin, James L., The Modern Middle East: A History, Third Edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

15 Makdisi, Ussama, ‘Rethinking Ottoman Imperialism: Modernity, Violence and the Cultural Logic of Ottoman Reform’, in Hanssen, Jens, Philipp, Thomas, and Weber, Stefan (eds), The Empire in the City: Arab Provincial Capitals in the Ottoman Empire (Beirut; Würzburg: Orient-Institut der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 2002), p. 30 Google Scholar.

16 Çelik, Zeynep, Empire, Architecture, and the City: French-Ottoman Encounters, 1830–1914 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008), pp. 1518 Google Scholar.

17 Ahmed, Faiz, Rule of Law Experts in Afghanistan: A Socio-Legal History of the First Afghan Constitution and the Indo-Ottoman Nexus in Kabul, 1860–1923, PhD thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 2013 Google Scholar. Unfortunately, I have not been able to acquire a copy of this thesis; Berberian, Houri, ‘Connected Revolutions: Armenians and the Russian, Ottoman, and Iranian Revolutions in the Early Twentieth Century’, in Georgeon, François, L’ivresse de la liberté: La Révolution de 1908 dans l’Empire ottoman (Paris: Preeters, 2012), pp. 487510 Google Scholar; Vejdani, Farzin, ‘Crafting Constitutional Narratives: Iranian and Young Turk Solidarity 1907–1909’, in Chehabi, H. E. and Martin, Vanessa (eds), Iran's Constitutional Revolution: Popular Politics, Cultural Transformations and Transnational Connections (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2010), pp. 319–40Google Scholar.

18 For a sophisticated discussion of such spaces cf. Manjapra, Kris, ‘Introduction’, in Bose, Sugata and Manjapra, Kris (eds), Cosmopolitan Thought Zones: South Asia and the Global Circulation of Ideas (London: Palgrave, 2010), pp. 119 Google Scholar.

19 Mitchell, Timothy, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), p. 15 Google Scholar.

20 Low, Michael Christopher, ‘Ottoman Infrastructures of the Saudi Hydro-State: The Technopolitics of Pilgrimage and Potable Water in the Hijaz’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 57:4 (2015), pp. 942–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 Willis, John M., Unmaking North and South: Cartographies of the Yemeni Past, 1857–1934 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012)Google Scholar; Norris, Jacob, Land of Progress: Palestine in the Age of Colonial Development, 1905–1948 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 1524 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Duus, Peter, ‘Japan's Informal Empire in China, 1895–1937: An Overview’, in Duus, Peter, Myers, Ramon H., and Peattie, Mark R. (eds), The Japanese Informal Empire in China, 1895–1937 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. xivxix Google Scholar.

23 Mostafa Minawi, ‘Lines in the Sand: The Ottoman Empire's Policies of Expansion and Consolidation on Its African and Arabian Frontiers, 1882–1902’, PhD thesis, New York University, 2011.

24 Pamuk, Şevket, The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, 1820–1913: Trade, Investment and Production (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 6 Google Scholar.

25 Duus, ‘Japan's Informal Empire’, pp. xxiv–xxv.

26 Herzog, Christoph and Motika, Raoul, ‘Orientalism “alla turca”: Late 19th/Early 20th Century Ottoman Voyages into the Muslim “Outback”’, Die Welt des Islams, New Series, 40:2 (July 2000), pp. 139–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 Saray, Mehmet, Afganistan ve Türkler (İstanbul: Kitabevi 1997)Google Scholar; Şimşir, Bilâl N., Atatürk ve Afganistan (Ankara: ASAM, 2002)Google Scholar; Özcan, Azmi, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, 1877–1924 (Leiden; New York: Brill, 1997)Google Scholar.

28 Wasti, Syed Tanvir, ‘The Political Aspirations of Indian Muslims and the Ottoman Nexus’, Middle Eastern Studies, 42:5 (September 2006), p. 712 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 McMeekin, Sean, The Berlin–Baghdad Express: The Ottoman Empire and Germany's Bid for World Power (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2012), p. 219 Google Scholar. Incidentally, Rauf's actions as commander of the cruiser Hamidiyye were praised in Ṭarzī's paper, Sirāj al-Akhbār-i Afghāniye, complete with his portrait— cf. yr. 2, no. 10, p. 8.

30 Reynolds, Michael, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and Russian Empires 1908–1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 126 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 Hughes, Thomas L., ‘The German Mission to Afghanistan, 1915–1916,’ German Studies Review, 25:3 (October 2002), pp. 447–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Faridullah Bezhan, ‘Pan-Islamism in Afghanistan in the Early Twentieth Century: From Political Discourse to Government Policy, 1906–22’, Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations (2014), pp. 1–18.

33 Schinasi, May, Afghanistan at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century: Nationalism and Journalism in Afghanistan: a Study of Seraj ul-Akhbar, 1911–1918 (Naples: Istituto universitario orientale, 1979)Google Scholar.

34 Schinasi, Afghanistan at the Beginning, pp. 75–81.

35 Adamec, Ludwig, Afghanistan's Foreign Affairs to the Mid-Twentieth Century (Tucson: University of Arizona, 1974), p. 13 Google Scholar. Sami, a gymnastics instructor who had fled Baghdad under mysterious circumstances, only held the position intermittently, as he was dismissed by Ḥabībullāh for maladministration and mistreatment of the cadets. Schinasi, Afghanistan at the Beginning, pp. 129–30; 130, n. 4.

36 Karpat, Kemal H., The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith, and Community in the Late Ottoman State (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Wasti, S. Tanvir, ‘1877 Ottoman Mission to Afghanistan’, Middle Eastern Studies 30:4 (October 1994), pp. 956–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McChesney, Robert and Khorrami, Mohammad Mehdi (eds), The History of Afghanistan: Fayż Muḥammad Kātib Hazārah's Sirāj al-tawārīkh, vol. 2 (Boston: Brill, 2012), pp. 339–40Google Scholar.

37 Adamec, Ludwig, Afghanistan: A Diplomatic History, 1900–1923 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 81 Google Scholar.

38 Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Minister's Office, Istanbul), DH.MKT. 17/M/1321 (Hicrî), File No. 687, Group Code: 22; BEO 18/Za/1325 (Hicrî), File No: 3214, Group Code: 241044. These two documents are petitions for a salary sent by the son of a famous Naqshbandī sheikh from Afghanistan who died in Mosul.

39 A 1898/9 edition of Servet-i fünun mentioned Afghanistan briefly in connection with the Second Anglo–Afghan War and General Lockhart. Nevsal-i Servet-i fünun. 5. sene (İstanbul: Âlem Matbaası, 1898/99), pp. 85–6.

40 Efendi, Şirvānlı Aḥmed Ḥamdi, Hindistān ve Svāt ve Afgānistān Seyāḥatnāmesi (İstanbul: Maḥmūd Bey Matbaası, 1300 [1883])Google Scholar.

41 Eyüb, Yeñişehirlizāde Halid, Tarihçe-i Afgānistān (İstanbul: Tahir Bey Matbaası, 1316 [1898])Google Scholar. This was preceded by Tarih-i Afgān (Dersaâdet: Ceride-i Havadis Matbaası, 1277 [1860 or 61]), a rerun of Tarih-i seyyāh by J. T. Krusiński, originally printed by İbrahim Müteferrika.

42 Afgānistān (İstanbul: Matbaa-i Ahmed İhsan, 1321 [1905]).

43 ‘Afgānistān’da Türkce’, Türk, 7, p. 1; quoted in Hanioǧlu, M. Şükrü, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902–1908 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 69 Google Scholar.

44 Aydin, Cemil, The Politics of Anti-Westernism in Asia Visions of World Order in Pan-Islamic and Pan-Asian Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), ch. 45 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

45 Worringer, Renée, ‘“Sick Man of Europe” or “Japan of the near East”?: Constructing Ottoman Modernity in the Hamidian and Young Turk Eras’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 36:2 (May 2004), p. 208 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Regarding the ‘culture of nationalism’ as it developed in the Ottoman Empire cf. Gelvin, James, ‘Modernity and its Discontents: On the Durability of Nationalism in the Arab Middle East’, Nations and Nationalism, 5:1 (1999), pp. 7189 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

47 Makdisi, Ussama, ‘Ottoman Orientalism’, The American Historical Review, 107:3 (June 2002), pp. 768–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48 Fortna, Benjamin, Imperial Classroom: Islam, the State, and Education in the Late Ottoman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar.

49 Sewell, Bill, ‘Reconsidering the Modern in Japanese History: Modernity in the Service of the Prewar Japanese Empire’, Japan Review, 16 (2004), p. 229 Google Scholar.

50 DuBois, Thomas David, ‘Local Religion and the Imperial Imaginary: The Development of Japanese Ethnography in Occupied Manchuria’, The American Historical Review, 111:1 (February 2006), p. 56 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 My remarks here take inspiration from Gelvin, James L., ‘Secularism and Religion in the Arab Middle East: Reinventing Islam in a World of Nation States’, in Peterson, Derek R. and Walhof, Darren (eds), The Invention of Religion: Rethinking Belief and Politics in History (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2002), pp. 115–30Google Scholar.

52 ‘Amir Afghānistān’, al-Muqtaṭaf, 32:1 (1907), pp. 52–5.

53 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, pp. 4–5. Though Fażlı did not expose the identity of this man, Ludwig Adamec states that the Ottoman mission was brought to Afghanistan through the agency of the nephew of the naqib of Baghdad. This was Sayyid Hasan Jilani, an Ottoman subject and Qadiri Sufi who arrived in Afghanistan in 1905, cf. Adamec, Ludwig, Afghanistan, 1900–1923: A Diplomatic History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 81 Google Scholar; For more on Jilani, cf. Tarzi, Amin and Malikyar, Helena, ‘The Jilânî Family in Afghanistan’, Journal of the History of Sufism (Paris), 1–2 (2000), pp. 93102 Google Scholar.

54 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, p. 5.

55 Schinasi, Afghanistan at the Beginning, p. 55.

56 Commins, David Dean, Islamic Reform: Politics and Social Change in Late Ottoman Syria (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 94 Google Scholar.

57 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, pp. 4–5; ʿAlī Fehmī Beğ had earlier been the editor of the most important Young Turk newspaper in the Balkans, Muvazene (The Balance), but had been forced to flee to Geneva after the Ottoman representative in Varna had requested that the Bulgarian authorities deport him. As discussed below, during his time in Afghanistan he corresponded intermittently with Committee officials in İstanbul; M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, Preparation for a Revolution, pp. 73–4.

58 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, p. 7. Naṣrullāh had earlier gone on a tour of Europe and the Ottoman Empire and had met the Ottoman consul-general in Bombay in 1895. McChesney, Robert and Khorrami, Mohammad Mehdi (eds), The History of Afghanistan: Fayż Muḥammad Kātib Hazārah's Sirāj al-tawārīkh, vol. 3 (Boston: Brill, 2012) pp. 1075–6, 1147–8Google Scholar. He was also featured in Nevsal-i Servet-i fünun. 3. sene (1896/97), p. 58.

59 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, p. 7.

60 On the company's activities in Egypt, see Hunter, F. Robert, ‘Tourism and Empire: The Thomas Cook & Son Enterprise on the Nile, 1868–1914’, Middle Eastern Studies, 40:5 (September 2004), pp. 2854 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, pp. 7–8.

62 Ibid., p. 9.

63 Green, Nile, ‘Anti-Colonial Japanophilia and the Constraints of an Islamic Japanology: Information and Affect in the Indian Encounter with Japan’, South Asian History and Culture, 4:3 (2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 Schinasi, Afghanistan at the Beginning, p. 55.

65 For contemporary Ottoman infrastructural developments in the region, see Rogan, Eugene, Frontiers of the State in the Late Ottoman Empire: Transjordan 1850–1921 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), especially Chapter 2Google Scholar.

66 Zürcher, Erik Jan, The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building: From the Ottoman Empire to Atatürk's Turkey (London: I.B. Tauris, 2010), p. 66 Google Scholar.

67 Low, Michael Christopher, ‘Empire and the Hajj: Pilgrims, Plagues, and Pan-Islam under British Surveillance, 1865–1908’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 40:2 (May 2008), pp. 269–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Green, Nile, ‘The Rail Hajjis: The Trans-Siberian Railway and the Long Way to Mecca’, in Porter, Venetia (ed.), Hajj: Collected Essays (London: British Museum, 2013), pp. 100–7Google Scholar.

68 For more on Ottoman passports and quarantine, see Bulmuş, Birsen, Plague, Quarantines and Geopolitics in the Ottoman Empire (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012), pp. 130–80Google Scholar.

69 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, p. 10.

70 Ibid., p. 12.

71 Ibid., p. 14.

72 Ibid., p. 16.

73 Ibid., p. 20.

74 Ibid.

75 Ibid., pp. 22–3.

76 Ibid., p. 24.

77 Ibid., p. 25.

78 Ibid., pp. 30–1.

79 Ibid., p. 33.

80 Ibid., p. 39.

81 On the creation of the Afghan–Persian border in the nineteenth century, see Hopkins, B. D., ‘The Bounds of Identity: The Goldsmid Mission and the Delineation of the Perso-Afghan Border in the Nineteenth Century’, Journal of Global History, 2:2 (2007), pp. 233–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, p. 42.

83 Ibid., pp. 42–3.

84 Herzog and Motika, ‘Orientalism alla turca’, p. 195.

85 Hopkins, Benjamin, The Making of Modern Afghanistan (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 Cohn, Bernard S., Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 315 Google Scholar.

87 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, p. 44.

88 Ibid., p. 46.

89 Ibid., p. 68.

90 Ibid., p. 70.

91 The term qawm is a particularly loaded one in Afghanistan historiography and has been translated variably as community, tribe, or nation. See Rubin, Barnett R., The Fragmentation of Afghanistan: State Formation and Collapse in the International System (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2002), p. 25 Google Scholar.

92 Cf. Hopkins, Making of Modern Afghanistan.

93 Der Matossian, Bedross, Shattered Dreams of Revolution: From Liberty to Violence in the Late Ottoman Empire (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2014), pp. 57 Google Scholar.

94 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, p. 70.

95 Ibid., p. 90.

96 Ibid., p. 74.

97 Ibid., p. 51.

98 With the Ottoman mission's arrival in Kabul, The Times of India made much of the dissonance their presence created between the amir and his brother. For more details, see ‘Afghanistan: Dr. Winter Interviewed, Prince Nazrullah's Intrigues, Anglo-Russian Agreement’, The Times of India, 23 May 1908, p. 9.

99 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, p. 93.

100 Ibid., p. 94.

101 M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, Preparation for a Revolution, p. 74.

102 ‘Afgānistān’dan bir ṣadā, Meclis-i Mebʿusân Müzâkeratî’, Taḳvīm-i Veḳāyiʿ, 75 (25 December 1908), pp. 1–2; and ‘Meclis-i Mebʿusânîn Dördüncü Ictimaʿî Müzâkerâtî: Afgānistān’dan bir ṣadā’, Şûra-yî ümmet (24 December 1908). These pieces are referenced in M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, Preparation for a Revolution, p. 361, n. 269.

103 Bibliothèque nationale de France, La Jeune Turquie: Organe des intérêts généraux de l’Empire ottoman, 1911/05/17 (A2,N20).

104 Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (The Ottoman Archives of the Prime Minister's Office, Istanbul), MF. MKT 61/1138 (01/Ş /1327); BEO 3268/272077 (17/Ş /1327).

105 Schinasi, Afghanistan at the Beginning, pp. 67–8, 139.

106 Meḥmed Fażlı, ‘maʿlūmāt-i faniyya’, Sirāj al-Akhbār-i Afghāniye, yr. 1, no. 12, pp. 9–10.

107 Schinasi, Afghanistan at the Beginning, p. 139, n. 26.

108 Bein, Amit, ‘Politics, Military Conscription, and Religious Education in the Late Ottoman Empire’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 38:2 (May 2006), pp. 283301 Google Scholar.

109 A year after the telegraph was read in the Ottoman parliament, The Times of India reported that the Ottoman government had vehemently denied receiving a petition from the amir requesting Ottoman army officers. Another report by The Times in 1912 related that the amir's troops in Kabul were being drilled by Ottoman instructors. ‘Officers for Afghan Army’, The Times of India, 31 December 1909, p. 9; ‘The Afghan Army’, The Times of India, 10 August 1912, p. 9.

110 On the Afghan army in the reign of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Khān, see Kakar, Government and Society.

111 Yanikdağ, Yücel, ‘Educating the Peasants: The Ottoman Army and Enlisted Men in Uniform’, Middle Eastern Studies, 40:6 (November 2004), pp. 92108 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In Sirāj al-Akhbār-i Afghāniye, yr. 2, no. 12, p. 7 one can find an image of troops in Jalalabad practicing gymnastics, the mainstay of training at the military academy from the time of Maḥmūd Sami, himself a gymnastics instructor.

112 Yanikdağ, ‘Educating the Peasants’, p. 105.

113 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, pp. 72–3.

114 Ibid., unnumbered page between pages 80 and 81.

115 Ibid., p. 73.

116 A full list of his works can be found at the Afghanistan Digital Library, New York University.

117 Hanifi, M. Jamil, ‘Editing the Past: Colonial Production of Hegemony through the “Loya Jerga” in Afghanistan’, Iranian Studies, 37:2 (June 2004), pp. 295322 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

118 Deringil, Well-Protected Domains, p. 110.

119 Baiza, Yahia, Education in Afghanistan: Developments, Influences, and Legacies since 1901 (London: Routledge, 2013), p. 45 Google Scholar. For Nuristanis there was the Military School of the Newly Converted to Islam. Ibid., p. 51.

120 For more on the tribal school and Ottoman tribes more generally at the end of empire, see Kasaba, Resat, A Moveable Empire: Ottoman Nomads, Migrants, and Refugees (University of Washington Press, 2009)Google Scholar; Köksal, Yonca, ‘Coercion and Mediation: Centralization and Sedentarization of Tribes in the Ottoman Empire’, Middle Eastern Studies, 42:3 (May 2006), pp. 469–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Deringil, Well-Protected Domains, pp. 101–4; Somel, Selçuk Akşin, The Modernization of Public Education in the Ottoman Empire, 1839–1908 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2001), p. 207 Google Scholar.

121 Olesen, Asta, Islam and Politics in Afghanistan (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

122 Examples may have also been taken from the tribal policies of the Qajar government. Khazeni, Arash, Tribes and Empire on the Margins of Nineteenth-Century Iran (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

123 Adamec, Ludwig, Historical and Political Who's Who of Afghanistan (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1975), p. 159 Google Scholar. He was a dye manufacturer and a printer of stamps.

124 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, pp. 82–3.

125 Ibid., p. 74. Fażlı would later become head of the school.

126 Ibid., p. 78.

127 Ibid., p. 77.

128 Ibid., pp. 76–7.

129 Vartan Gregorian, The Emergence of Modern Afghanistan, Politics of Reform and Modernization, 1880–1946 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969), pp. 359–60Google Scholar.

130 Fażlı, Resimlī Afgān Seyāḥatı, pp. 81–2; Gregorian, Modern Afghanistan, p. 360.

131 Nawid, Senzil, Religious Response to Social Change in Afghanistan, 1919–29: King Aman-Allah and the Afghan ʿUlama (Costa Mesa: Mazda, 1999), p. 75, n. 7Google Scholar; Adamec, Who's Who of Afghanistan, p. 203.

132 Adamec, Who's Who of Afghanistan, p. 110

133 Schinasi, Afghanistan at the Beginning, p. 145.

134 Sirāj al-Akhbār-i Afghāniye: yr. 4, no. 10, pp. 6, 11.

135 British Library, India Office Records/L/PS/11/62, P 3560/1913.

136 ʿĀlem-i Islām, vol. 2 (İstanbul: 1329–31), pp. 156–60.

137 Ibid., p. 159.

138 Ibid., p. 160.

139 As a representative example, the publication Sebilü’r-Reşad ran a piece detailing the activities of the Afghan ʿulama, who had made great contributions to Islamic thought, despite the fact that ‘In previous times the country was in a great state of ignorance and incredibly backward.’ Efendi, Zeydān, ‘Afgānistān’da ḥareket-i ‘ilmīyye’, Sebilü’r-Reşad, 20:509 (Ankara, 13 Temmuz 1338), pp. 172–4Google Scholar.

140 Lâklâk: Haftalık resimlī mizâh gazetesidir, nos. 4–14 (İstanbul, 1908–9).

141 Çeviker, Gelişim sürecinde, pp. 116–7; cf. Jewett, A. C., An American Engineer in Afghanistan (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1948), p. 258 Google Scholar.

142 References to all these articles are too numerous to cover here. As a representative sample, see: ‘Afgānistān’da İntibah’, Sebīlü’r-Reşad [Sırat-ı Müstakim], 1–8, 8–190 (12 Nisan 1328), p. 147; Kale-i Sultaniyeli İbnürrahmi Ali Tayyar, ‘ʿĀlem-i İslam - Afgānlılar - Osmānlılar ve Amir Ḥabībullāh Meḥmed Han’, Beyānülhak, 6:144 (9 Kānunusāni 1327), pp. 2581–3.

143 Fuʾād, İsmāʿīl Suphi ve Meḥmed (eds), Sālnāme-i Servet-i Fünûn (İstanbul: Matbaa-i Ahmed İhsan, 1327 [1911]), pp. 175–6Google Scholar.

144 Nūrī, Celāl, 1327 senesinde Selânikʾte münʾakid Ittiḥad ve Teraḳḳī ḳongresine taḳdīm olunān muhṭıradır (İstanbul: Müşterek ül-Menfaa Osmanlı Şirketi Matbaası, 1327 [1911 or 1912]), p. 7 Google Scholar.

145 Aydin, The Politics of Anti-Westernism in Asia, pp. 105–6.

146 Ādem, Hābil [pseud.], Muḥārebeden ṣoñra: Hilāfet siyāsetī ve Türklük siyāsetī (İstanbul: İkbal Kütüphanesi, 1331 [1915]), p. 125 Google Scholar.

147 Landau, Jacob, Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), p. 52 Google Scholar; Safi, Polat, ‘History in the Trench: The Ottoman Special Organization — Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa Literature’, Middle Eastern Studies, 48:1, pp. 89106 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reference to Afghanistan on p. 93. Unfortunately, I have not had access to the Turkish Military Archives, which likely contains more information on these activities.

148 Landau, Pan-Turkism, pp. 50–2.

149 Adamec, Who's Who of Afghanistan, p. 116.

150 Ludwig Adamec, Afghanistan's Foreign Affairs to the Mid-Twentieth Century: Relations with the USSR, Germany, and Britain (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1974), pp. 16, 21Google Scholar; Özalp, Ömer Hakan, Mehmed Ubeydullah Efendi’nin Malta, Afganistan ve İran hatıraları (İstanbul: Dergâh, 2002), pp. 204–23, 238–9Google Scholar.

151 Adamec, Afghanistan's Foreign Affairs, p. 31.

152 Ibid., p. 31; Adamec, Who's Who of Afghanistan, p. 176.

153 von Niedermayer, Oskar, Unter der glutsonne Irans; kriegserlebnisse der dentschen expedition nach Persien und Afganistan (Dachau: Einhornverlag, 1925), pp. 146, 148Google Scholar; Rybitschka, Emil, Im gottgegebenen Afghanistan als gäste des emirs (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1927), p. 42 Google Scholar.

154 Atabaki, Touraj, ‘Going East: The Ottomans’ Secret Service Activities in Iran’, in his (ed.), Iran and the First World War: Battleground of the Great Powers (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004), pp. 38–9Google Scholar.

155 Adamec, Afghanistan's Foreign Affairs, pp. 58, 67–8.

156 British Library, India Office Records/L/PS/11/113, P 4687/1916.

157 British Library, India Office Records/L/PS/11/149, P 1304/1919.

158 Baha, Lal, ‘Activities of Turkish Agents in Khyber During World War 1’, Journal of Asiatic Society of Pakistan, XIV:2 (August 1969), p. 189 Google Scholar.

159 Olesen, Islam and Politics, pp. 103–4; Haroon, Sana, Frontier of Faith: Islam in the Indo-Afghan Borderland (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), pp. 105–6Google Scholar.

160 Wasti, Syed Tanvir, ‘The Political Aspiration of Indian Muslims and the Ottoman Nexus’, Middle Eastern Studies, 42:5 (September 2006), p. 712 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

161 British Library, India Office Records/L/PS/11/70, P 115/1914.

162 Muḥammad Naẓīf, Maṭbu ‘a-i (Kābul: Maṭbaʻah-ʼi ʻInāyat, 1336 [1917]); Qirāʼat asar-i Muḥammad Naẓīf (Kābul: Maṭbuʾa-i ʻInāyat, 1336 [1917]).

163 binbaşı, Nazmi, Ḳafḳāsya ve Āsya-yi vustā ve Türkistān vilāyetleri [ve] Buhārā ve Ḥiva hānlıḳları (İstanbul: Matbaa-i askeriye, 1334 [1916]), pp. 5669 Google Scholar; İrāna dāʾir ʿaskerī raporlar (İstanbul: Matbaa-i âmire, 1332 [1915]).

164 Olcott, Martha B., ‘The Basmachi or Freemen's Revolt in Turkestan 1918–24’, Soviet Studies, 33:3 (July 1981), pp. 358–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

165 Adamec, Who's Who of Afghanistan, p. 176.

166 1919 Afgān-İngiliz harbi (Dersaâdet: Matbaa-i Askeri, 1341 [1925]).

167 Landau, Pan-Turkism, p. 55.

168 The original text of the treaty was published in Hakimet-i Millī in Ankara on 24 March 1921. A translation prepared by the British Foreign Office can be found in Bilâl N. Şimşir, Ingiliz belgelerinde Atatürk, 1919–1938, Ocak-Eylül 1921, vol. 3 (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1979), pp. 293–4.

169 ‘Enclosure in No. 199’, in ibid., pp. 487–9. This is also based on an English translation of a Hakimet-i Millī article from 10 June 1921.

170 Kitāb-i alifbā-yi Turkī (Kābul: Maṭbuʿa-i Niẓārat-i Maʻārif, 1299 [1920]).

171 Türkiye-Afgānistān ittifaḳ muʻāhadenamesi (Moskovada 1 Mart 1338 tarihinde imza edilmiştir) (İstanbul: Hariciye Vekaleti, 1339 [1921]); Savād-i muʻāhadah-ʾi dawlatayn-i ʻalīyatayn Afghānistān va Turkīyah (Kabul?, s.n., 1301 [1922]).

172 Provence, Michael, ‘Ottoman Modernity, Colonialism, and Insurgency in the Interwar Arab East’, International Journal Middle East Studies, 43 (2011), pp. 205–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

173 Makdisi, ‘Rethinking Ottoman Imperialism’, p. 30.