Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t8hqh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T08:49:31.206Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Las Yslas de Esperar en Dios: The Jesuit Mission in Moro 1546–1571

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 November 2008

Extract

The numerous and voluminous reports and letters which the Jesuits wrote on the Moro mission, as on all their missions in Asia, are perhaps of less interest to us now for what they reveal of the methods adopted by the Society of Jesus in this remote corner of their mission field or the details they contain about the successes and failures of individual missionaries, than for the wealth of information they provide on the islands where the Jesuits lived and the indigenous societies with which they came into contact through their work of evangelization. In other words, it is not theprimary purpose of this essay to analyse the Jesuit documents with a view to reconstructing the history of the Moro mission in narrative form but rather to glean from them some of the informationthey contain about the social and political conditions in Moro during the forty years or so in the sixteenth century when both the Jesuit missionaries and the Portuguese were active in the regio Because the Jesuits were often in close touch with local rulers and notables, whether or not they succeeded in converting them to Christianity, and because they lived among their subjects for long periods, depending upon them for the necessities of life and sharing their hardships, their letters and reports often show a deeper understanding of the social, economic and political conditions of the indigenous societies and, one suspects, give a more accurate and measured account of events and personalities than do the official chroniclers and historians of the time, most of whom never ventured further east than Malacca and who in any case were chiefly concerned to glorify the deeds of the Portuguese and justify their actions to the world.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1988

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Rebelo, Gabriel, ‘História das Ilhas de Maluco, 1561’ in de S´, Artur Basílio, Documentaçāo para a história das missōes do Padroado Português do Oriente. Insulíndia, 5 vols (Lisbon, 19541958), 3:336.Google Scholar

2 The Padroado Real (Spanish, Patronato Real) may be loosely defined as a collection of rights, privileges and duties granted by the Holy See in a series of bulls and briefs to the Portuguese crown, giving it patronage over all the missions and ecclesiastical establishments in the Portuguese empire.Google Scholar

3 Luís Frois to the Jesuits in Portugal, Malacca, 19 November 1556, in Hubert, Jacobs S.J., Monumenta Missionum Societatis Iesu. Missiones Orientales. Documenta Malucensia, 3 vols (Rome, 19741984), I: 187.Google Scholar

4 Nicolau Nunes to the Jesuits of the Goa College, Tolo, 2 January 1570, in Jacobs, Documenta Malucensia, 1; 566.Google Scholar

5 These events are related in de Castanheda, Fernāo Lopes, História do Descobrimento e Conquista da India pelos Portugueses, 3rd edn, 3 vols (Coimbra, 19241933), liv. 8, cap. CXI, pp. 349–50,Google Scholar and, less accurately, in Correia, Gaspar, Lendas da India, 4 vols (Porto, 1975), 3:632–3. Castanheda gives the baptismal name of the sengaji of Sugala as D. Luís Correa. Sugala no longer exists.Google Scholar

6 Castanheda, , História do Descobrimento, liv. 8, cap. CC, pp. 521–2.Google Scholar

7 Lima to the King, Malacca, 8 December 1536, in S´ Documentaçāo, I: 220–3.Google Scholar

8 Ataide to the King, Moluccas, 20 February 1534, ibid., pp. 316–18. See also Villiers, John, ‘De um caminho ganhar almas fazenda: Motives of Portuguese expansion in Eastern Indonesia in the sixteenth century’, Terrae Incognitae, 14 (1982), pp. 2339.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 Ataide to de Vimioso, Viceroy Conde, Moluccas, 22 February 1534, in As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo IX (Lisbon, 1971), 4516, XVIII, 815, pp. 242–3.Google Scholar

10 The account of the activities of these captains given by de Sousa, Esther Trigo in her article ‘Capitāes Portugueses nas Ilhas Molucas’, Studia, 43–44 (Jan/Dec 1980), pp. 183–281 is so full of errors as to be virtually worthless. She states, for example, that Mamuya was an island and that Simāo Vaz was killed on Bacan.Google Scholar

11 Xavier to the Jesuits in Rome, Cochin, 20 January 1548, in Jacobs, Documenta Malucensia, I: 36–8.Google Scholar

12 Castro to Ignatius Loyola and Simāo Rodrigues, Moluccas, 7 February 1553, ibid, pp. 135–8. For a detailed account of the Tobaru people in the sixteenth century and later see Ch. Van Fraassen, F., ‘Types of socio-political structure in North Halmaheran history’, in Masinambow, E. K. M. (ed.), Halmahera dan Raja Ampat: Konsep dan strategi penelitian (Jakarta, 1980), pp. 110–13. By 1662 they were reported to have become subject to the sengaji of Tolofuo on the west coast of Halmahera.Google Scholar

13 Xavier to the Jesuits in Europe, Ambon, 10 May 1546, in Jocobs, Documenta Malucensia, I: 89.Google Scholar

14 Xavier to the Jesuits in Rome, Cochin, 20 January 1548, ibid., pp. 40–1.

15 These included Hairun's half-brother, King Tabarija (christened Dom Manuel), his stepmother and Tabarija's mother, Naicil Pucaraga (christened Dona Isabel), and his half-sister, Dona Catarina. Hairun, Tabarija and D. Catarina were all children of King Bayan Sirrullah (Boleife) of Ternate. Naicil Pucaraga was a daughter of King Almansur of Tidore and sister of Amirudin Iskandar (Mir), who became ruler of Tidore in 1526. D. Catarina married in 1544 Baltasar Veloso, a Portuguese long settled in Ternate, who became a close friend of Xavier and the Jesuits as well as of the Ternate–Tidore royal families and in 1546 took the widowed Pucaraga into his house.Google Scholar

16 Castro to the Rector of Goa, Ternate, 29 January 1554, in Jacobs, Documenta Malucensia, I: 147–8.Google Scholar

17 Manuel Gomes to the Jesuits in Portugal, Ambon, 20 May 1563, ibid., pp. 393–4.

18 Beira to the Jesuits of Coimbra, Cochin, 7 February 1553, ibid., pp. 128–9.

19 Castro to Loyola and Rodrigues, Ternate, 7 February 1553, ibid., pp. 135–6. The eight sengaji were of Cawa, Tolo, Mamuya and Sugala in Morotia, and Sao, Mira, Sakita and Sopi on Morotai. See Georg Schurhammer, S.J., Francis Xavier, his Life, his Times. 4 vols (Rome, 19781982), 3: 177–8, and the sources there cited.Google Scholar

20 Gomes to the Jesuits in Goa, Ternate, 27 May 1565, in Jacobs, Documenta Malucensia, 1: 467–8.Google Scholar

21 Gomes to the Jesuits in Europe, Ambon, 20 May 1563, ibid., p. 396.

22 Frois to the Jesuits in Portugal, Malacca, 19 November 1556, ibid., p. 192.

23 Ibid., pp. 194–5.

24 Ibid., p. 197.

26 Ibid., p. 199.

27 Fernāo de Osório to the Jesuits in Lisbon, Ternate, 15 February 1563, ibid., p. 366.

28 Barreto to Diego Miron, Cochin, 20 January 1566, ibid., pp. 484–5.

29 Nunes to the Jesuits in India, Ternate, 10 February 1569, ibid., pp. 522–3.

30 Ferrari, Bernadino to Mercurian, Everard, Ambon, 12 May 1581, in Jacobs, Documenta Malucensia, 2: 100–1.Google Scholar

31 António Pereira to Claudio Acquaviva, Manila, 24 June 1594, ibid., p. 400.

32 Marta to the Father General in Rome, Ambon, 6 June 1587, ibid., p. 214.

33 Marta to the Father Provincial in Goa, Tidore, April 1588, ibid., p. 253.