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³ Ibid., p. 363.

⁴ See, e.g., Amin, Shahid (ed.), Crooke, W., A Glossary of North Indian Peasant Life (reprint, Delhi, 1989), editor's introduction, pp. xxx–xxxiii;Google Scholar B. Cohn has been concerned with British knowledge of Indian society throughout his career: see, An Anthropologist among the Historians and Other Essays (Delhi, 1987);Google Scholar more recently, ‘The command of language and the language of command’ in Guha, R. (ed.), Subaltern Studies, iv (Delhi, 1985).Google Scholar Dr Sandria Freitag has recently been writing on the approver (criminal informer) system in unpublished papers. For the anthropological interest in the ‘native informant’, Fisher, M., Writing Culture (London, 1988).Google Scholar

⁵ Wendy, Doniger with Brian, K. Smith (ed., trans.), The Laws of Manu (London, 1991), pp. 151, 225–6.Google Scholar

⁶ Rajendra, Mitra Lal (ed.), The Nitisara [Elements of polity] by Kamandaki revised with an English translation by Sisir, Kumar Mitra (Calcutta, 1982), p. 262.Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid., p. 269.

⁸ Ibid.

⁹ Ibid., p. 266.

¹⁰ Note by Agnew to Sloper, ? 1787, regarding Col. Fullarton's reorganization of the Hircarrah System, Home Miscellaneous vol. 84, Oriental and India Office Records, London (OIOR) (hereafter, Home Misc.), pp. 911–23; S. C. Hill's notes in the Home Misc. series catalogue records under this item that de Souza had also reported the employment of Brabmins as intelligence agents at the time of the first Portuguese contact with India.Google Scholar

¹¹ Mitra, (ed.), Nitisara, pp. 389, 397 (but ‘foresters' by their very nature are not to be trusted).Google Scholar

¹² Deshpande, A. M., John Briggs in Maharashtra: A Study of District Administration under Early British Rule (Delhi, 1987), pp. 70–110Google Scholar, briefly mentions arrangements between Maratha rulers and the Bhils; Briggs's report on Maratha—Bhil relations is in Pol. and Secret Cons. vol. 60, 22 June 1825, OIOR, cited in Gordon, Stewart N., ‘Bhils and the Idea of a Criminal Tribe in Nineteenth-century India,’ in Anand, A. Yang (ed.), Crime and Criminality in British India (Tucson, 1985), pp. 128–39.Google Scholar

¹³ Logan, William, Malabar (reprint Madras, 1951), i, 542, 546, iii, 364–7, for Kurichiyars, Kurumbas and the Palassi Raja;Google Scholar see also, Luiz, A. D., The Tribes of Kerala (Delhi, 1962), p. 110; for a general narrative of the revolt, Home Misc. vol. 607.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See, e.g., Bhardwaj, S. M., Hindu Places of Pilgrimage in India. A Study in Cultural Geography (Berkeley, 1973);Google ScholarPrior, K. H., ‘The British Administration of Hinduism in North India, 1780–1900’, unpubi. Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1990.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ Palmer, W., Resident at Poona to Lord Mornington, 6 June 1799, Home Misc. vol. 574.Google Scholar

²⁰ Resdt Mysore to Sec. Govt, Fort St George , 20 November. 1799, ‘Refusal of the Peshwa to admit the establishment of a post through their territory’, 1659, Board's Collections, OIOR (hereafter BC).Google Scholar

²¹ Nayeem, M. A., Evolution of Postal Communications and Administration in the Deccan (from 1294 A.D. to the Formation of the Hyderabad State in 1724 A.D.) (Hyderabad, 1969), provides one of the best overviews; Ain-i-Akbari, trans.Google ScholarGladwin, Francis as Ayeen Akbery or the Institutes of the Emperor Akber (London, 1800), i, 213.Google Scholar

²² Nayeem, , Postal Communications, p. 5.Google Scholar

²³ Lokhandawala, M. F. (ed., trans.), Mirat-i-Ahmadi (Baroda, 1965), pp. 357–8.Google Scholar

²⁴ Little works has been done on this issue but see Hagen, J., ‘Indigenous Society…and Education in Patna District, 1811–1951’ unpubl. diss. University of Virginia, 1981.Google Scholar

²⁵ Schimmel, A., Islamic Literatures of India; History of Literature, viii, i (Wiesbaden, 1973), 47.Google Scholar

²⁶ Syaq or accountancy was a science which linked the world of the Hindu merchant and the Muslim mutsaddi or manager.Google Scholar

²⁷ Curwen, C. (ed.), The Balwantnamah or Tuhfa-i-Toza (Allahabad, 1875) and Khairuddin Muhammad Illahabadi, ‘Tarikh-i-Jaunpur’ (trans.), Cambridge University Library, MSS; cf. for a statistical and topographical work similar to that of European contemporaries, Bahadur Singh, ‘Yadgar-i-Bahaduri’, MS Add. 30786, British Library.Google Scholar

²⁸ Saletore, G. N. (ed.), A Calendar of Oriental Records: U.P. State Records Series, iii, pp. 1–13 for examples of mahzars from 1658–1813.Google Scholar

²⁹ See Wilson, Glossary p. 494; surathals were still in use, attested by the law officers and raises in the early days of British rule; see, e.g., attested surathal from Pargana Daroga Cowreea Telhanee, 12 October. 1803, ‘Disturbances in the Conquered and Ceeded Provinces’, 2954, Board's Collections, F/4/169, IOL (hereafter, BC).Google Scholar

³⁰ Statements by the Indian judges of Mirzapur and Benares on the ‘police’ of the cities, 1786–1790, published in Saletore, G. N. (ed.), Banaras Affairs, i (Allahabad, nd.), pp. 63–138.Google Scholar

³¹ Blane, G., Superintendent of the Canal, to Ochterlony, Resident at Delhi, Sinha, N. K. (ed.), Selections from Ochterlony Papers (1818–25) in the National Archives of India (Calcutta, 1964), pp. 122–35. Blane mentions ‘Buxarie’ and ‘Porubee’ mutsaddis and bildars associated with the Mughal Daroga of the canal in the early eighteenth century;Google ScholarRichards, J. F. (ed.), Document Forms for Official Orders of Appointment in the Mughal Empire (Cambridge, 1986), doct 224b.Google Scholar

³² Siddiqi, M. Z., ‘The Muhtasib under Aurangzeb’, Medieval India Quarterly 5 (1963), 113–19.Google Scholar

³³ Murshidabad Procs, 2 July 1771, Range 69, OIOR, cited in Khan, A. M., The Transition in Bengal. A Study of Saiyid Mahomed Reza Khan (Cambridge, 1976), p. 279.Google Scholar

³⁴ See, e.g., report from the Daroga of Bansee 20 January, 1815, Home Misc. 651, OIOR, ff. 625, and extensive correspondence between inferior ‘police’ officials in British territory in Awadh in Home Misc. 649.

³⁵ Pasobans were often Pasis, a ritually low caste in Hindustan; another village spy and the runner, associated with the patwari, who often appears in the correspondence was the goret. Runners (daurias here) of the dak in pre-colonial Benares were supposed to be Chamars, a low caste, but in the cities Chamars had apparently compounded their service and had people employed on the sums they raised (seeGoogle Scholar, Saletore, (ed.), Banaras Affairs, i, p. 88Google Scholar, reply by Ibrahim Au Khan. In Maharashtra village watchmen were Mahars who removed dead cattle, ran errands for village officers, kept watch on the village property and ‘were generally principal witnesses in disputes about boundaries of fields, etc.’ (Karve, I. and Dandekar, V., Anthropometric Measurements of Maharashtra (Poona, 1951), p. 35); this association of the lowest level of information collection with low caste, or outcaste tribal status, paralleling the role of the Brahmin at the apex, also applied to runners, see below fn. 69.Google Scholar

³⁶ Translation of a Report from Daroga of Pallee, Gorakhpur, 28 December. 1814, Home Misc. 649; for bantiria, see Wilson, Glossary, p. 157.

³⁷ Richards, , Document Forms, p. 10; for the alternative view, e.g. as early as 1678, Charnock wrote that the ‘King's husbul-hukm [exalted order] is of as small value as an ordinary governor's’Google Scholar, cited in Watson, Ian Bruce, Foundation for Empire. English Private Trade in India, 1659–1760 (Delhi, 1980), p. 284.Google Scholar

³⁸ See, e.g., Arzee of Thanadar of Lowtun (?) nr. Nichlour, 13 January. 1815, Home Misc. 651, pp. 460–1. Here the Thanadar's and Daroga's reports list the castes of villagers who have lost their property to the Nepalis;Google Scholarcf.Saletore, , Oriental Records, iii, 34 (sale deed, 1677), 50 (agreement, 1801);Google Scholar in documents such as these, caste attributions are used unsystematically, but by the 1830s they are invariably used in criminal cases.

³⁹ Sudhir, Kakar, Shamans, Mystics and Doctors. A Psychological Enquiry into India and its Teaching Traditions (Delhi, 1982).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Niccolao, Manucci, Storio do Mogor, or Mogul India, 1653–1703. Translated by W. Irvine (London, 1907), ii, 11–12.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Ibid., i, 213.

⁴² Reports on Elphinstone's mission to Kabul, Home Misc. 658, f. 383.Google Scholar

⁴³ Nayeem, , Postal Communications, p. 6, notes that the intelligence reports were generally read by the Mughal Emperor at night in his private quarters; rulers had traditionally used marriage to wives from different regions to increase knowledge and surveillance, see e.g.Google Scholar, Sherwani, H. K., The Bahmanis of the Deccan (Hyderabad, 1953), pp. 144–5.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Histoy of Ayder Ali Khan Nabob-Behadur, by N.N.D.L.T. ‘de la Tour] (London, 1784), i, 40 on the ‘Bayaderes’;Google Scholarcf.Hamilton, Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, etc. (London, 1811), i, 178–9.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See Balfour's, Encyclopedia of Southern Asia… (Madras, 1873), i, 925, ‘Deva Dasa’.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Fullarton's, Hircarrahs, Home Misc. 84.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Tribal people from the Western Ghats were employed as runners and escorts of the pepper crop along the hill routeways; later they were recruited as guides and pioneers in the war against the Palassi Raja. Logan, W., Malabar Gaetteer, iii, 364–7; Home Misc. 607; cf. Mirat-i-Ahmadi, p. 780.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Sarkar, J. N., The House of Shivaji (Delhi, 1940), p. 150, Shivaji was able to use merchant networks to convey his jewellery and private notes between Agra and Aurangabad. The Emperor sent messengers to search all fakhirs and tried to close the ghats (presumably through his Bhil feudatories).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Fryer, J., A New Account of the East Indies and Persia (reprint London, 1909), ii,49, 52Google Scholar, cited in Watson, Ian Bruce, Foundation for Empire. English Private Trade in India, 1659–1760 (New Delhi, 1980), p. 282.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Fryer, , New Account, ii, 52.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Watson, , Foundation, p. 283.Google Scholar

⁵² Richards, , Document Forms, no. 230b (‘abolisher of forbidden beliefs’).Google Scholar

⁵³ Muzaffar, Alam, The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India (Delhi, 1986), pp. 197–9.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Sharma, G. D. (ed.), Vakil Reports Maharajgan (1693–1712 A.D.) (New Delhi, 1987), see, e.g., nos 68, 78, 79, 81, 86.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See, e.g., translation of a report from Motilal, Thanadar of Natchloul, 25 Jan. 1815, end. in R. Martin to John Adam, 29 Jan. 1815, Home Misc. 649.

⁵⁶ ‘Donation to Mohamed Wauris in consequences of the losses he sustained in the performance of his duty as Dawk Moonshee of Cuttack’, Aug. 1808, 5444 BC F/4/236.

⁵⁷ Examination of Mahomed Wauris, ibid.

⁵⁸ Edmonstone to Elphinstone, December. 1808 encloses, Brooke, T., Benares, to Edmonstone, 20 June 1808, Home Misc. 657; Edmondstone's minute, ‘Memorandum respecting the credibility of the supposed intrigue between Raja Runjeet Singh and Amrut Row’, 28 Aug. 1808. Home Misc. 592. There were doubts whether the runner could actually have travelled these vast distances (Lahore Benares in 35 days; Kabul Agra in 38 days) in the time stated, but not that communications were still open.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Gole, S. (ed.), Maps of Mughal India drawn by Col. Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Gentil… (London, 1988). Gentil's maps, drawn from indigenous local sources, have almost no information relating to the Jat territories.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Agent to the Governor-General, Benares to Military Secretary to Commander in Chief, 25 Nov. 1804, Benares, Agency Proceedings, U.P. Central Record Office, Allahabad.

⁶¹ Bajekal, M., ‘The State and the Rural Grain Market in Eighteenth-century Eastern India’, in Subrahmanyam, S. (ed.), Merchants, Markets and the State in Early Modern India (Oxford, 1990), pp. 90–121, gives a good indication of the range of detailed revenue and agricultural information coming into Jaipur.Google Scholar

⁶² Kirkpatrick, W., Select Letters of Tipoo Sultan to Various Public Functionaries… (London, 1811), pp. 304–5Google Scholar, circular letter 16 May 1786 to Pirzadas at shrines outside Mysore; cf. p. 385.

⁶³ Bajekal, , ‘State and Rural Grain Market’ (see note 61).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Barnett, R., North India Between Empires, Awadh, the Mughals and the British, 1720–1801 (Berkeley, 1980), pp. 213–22.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Enclosure (3) in Resdt. Lucknow to Govt. 24 Oct. 1807, ‘Intrigues by members of the Vizier's family against him’, BC 5584 (1807), F/4/248.

⁶⁶ For Gentil, see Gole, Maps of Mughal India, intro.

⁶⁷ Ibid., p. 4, for Bolts' role in supplying the British, Awadh and the French with information;

for Bolts' career see Marshall, P. J., East Indian Fortunes (Oxford, 1976), pp. 115, 122, 123, 191–2.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ For Beni Ram Pandit see Shejwalkar, T. S. (ed.), Nagpur Affairs [a selection of Marathi letters from the Menavli Daflar] (Poona, 1945, intro. p. xxiv.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Wilson, , Dictionay of Judicial and Revenue Terms, p. 234: The confusion of ‘spy’ and ‘runner’ perhaps explains the odd remark by Alexander Walker that in Gujarat ‘spies’ were also public executioners (thus attesting to their low or outcaste status), and rewarded by taking a handful of meal from sacks in the bazaar, Walker of Bowland Papers, Ms 13819, National Library of Scotland. I am indebted to Dr Dilip Menon for this reference.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Shejwalkar, , Nagpur Affairs, p. li.Google Scholar

⁷¹ See, e.g., Deleury, G. A., The Cult of Vithoba (Poona, 1960);Google ScholarMurray, M. J., ‘Pandharpur, Indian Antiquary 11 (188), 149–56.Google Scholar

⁷² Preston, Laurence W., The Devs of Cincvad. A Lineage and the State in Maharashtra (Cambridge, 1989).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷³ Shejwalkar, T. S., Panipat 1761; Deccan College Monograph Series (Poona, 1946), pp. 47, 69–70, the Peshwa received no letters from the Maratha camp during the crucial days before Panipat; they were all intercepted by Abdali patrols, or those of their local allies.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ SirFoster, W., CIE, The English Factories in India, 1665–67 (London, 1923), p. 83.Google Scholar(?) Karwar Factors to Surat, 29 August. 1665.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ ‘Objections to Kurreem Oollah’, 5447, BC F/4/236.

⁷⁶ For the interconnections in British confidential service of descendants of the Faujdar and Kazi of Hooghly see, Secretary's Report on the examination of Mahomed, Saudik and Mirza Bauker, Bengal Pol. Cons. 4 January. 1808, 5584, BC F/4/248.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ E.g., list of personnel of the intelligence department of the Delhi residency, 1814, see, Sinha, (ed.), Selections from the Ochterlony Papers, p. 89;Google Scholar for an example of a newsletter, Fisher, Michael H., A Clash of Cultures, Awadh, the British and the Mughals (New Delhi, 1987), appendix iii, pp. 261–2.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Rs 300 per month appears to have been standard for high grade writers and agents.

⁷⁹ 5565, BC F/4/247.

⁸⁰ Khan, , The Transition in Bengal.Google Scholar

⁸¹ See n. 76 above; another similar figure was Izatullah Khan, munshi of the Delhi residency who accompanied Moorcroft.

⁸² For the historyof Kader Khan see ‘Conduct of Molavee Abdool Kader in accepting from the late Nabob Vizier a jaghier whilst confidentially employed by the Resident at His Excellency's court’, 5585, BC F/4/248; Wood to Fagan, 21 January. 1815, encloses minute by Abdul Kader Khan on the Terai, Home Misc. 649; his report on trade in Nepal, Benares Agency Records, 22 Jan. 1796, U.P. Records Office, Allahabad.

⁸³ Hodson, G. H., Twelve Years of a Soldier's Life in India; being Extracts from the Letters of Major S. W. R. Hodson, B.A. (London, 1859), p. 197.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Amir Ali was an official of the Patna court; his family was rewarded with a substantial zamindari.

⁸⁵ E.g., the attempts by Thomas, Rutherfurd, Superintendent of the Postal and Intelligence Department, to use the hill Brahmin connections in intelligence activity against Nepal, 1814–1816, Home Misc. 644–53.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Marika, Vicziany, ‘Imperialism, Botany and Statistics in Early Nineteenth Century India. The Surveys of Francis Buchanan (1762–1829)’, Modern Asian Studies 20, 4 (1986), 625–61.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See, e.g., Rutherfurd, T. to J. Adam, Sect. to Govt., 8 July 1814 and following correspondence, Home Misc. 644Google ScholarPhillimore, R. H., Historical Records of the Survey of India, ii, 1800–1815 (Dehra Dun, 1950), 40, 82, 90.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Editor of Encyclopedia of India and Southern Asia (repr. Madras, 1873).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Moorcroft, W. to Adam, 17 October. 1814, and later corr. Home Misc. 646;Google ScholarAlder, G., Beyond Bokhara. The Life of William Moorcroft, Asian Explorer and Pioneer Veterinay Surgeon, 1767–1825 (London, 1985).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Adam, J. to F. Buchanan, 28 July 1814; ‘Buchanan to Adam, 19 August. 1814, Home Misc., 644, ff. 281–333.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See, e.g., Lakshmi, Subramanian, ‘Banias and the British’, Modern Asian Studies 21, 3 (1987), 473–511;Google ScholarBayly, C. A., Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars (Cambridge, 1983).Google Scholar

⁹² Adam to Bradshaw, P., 30 December. 1814, Home Misc. 644.Google Scholar

⁹³ Fullarton's, Hircarrah system, Home Misc. 84, ff 911–23. Fullarton obtained from the Tondaiman Raja of Ramnad, ‘a body of colleries [kallars] who were perfectly acquainted with all the bye-ways of the country’.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See, e.g., the case of Nand, Kumar, letter out 24 February. 1761Google Scholar, Imperial Record Department. Calendar of Persian Correspondence (Calcutta, 1911 ), ii, p. 67. He had engaged in ‘treasonable behaviour’ by dealing with the Company's enemies, but his actions ‘did not come under the tenor’ of the Company's law, so he was merely ‘disgraced’ for what turned out to be a short time.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Bengal Gazette, 21 April 1781; Chanda, M. K., History of the English Press in Bengal (Calcutta, 1987), pp. 1–4.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Bayly, C. A., Imperial Meridian. The British Empire and the World, 1780–1830 (London, 1989).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Circular by Agnew, P. A., December. 1799, Home Misc. 457, p. 176.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ See, e.g., Natarajan, J., History of Indian Journalism (New Delhi, 1955);Google ScholarSen, S. P. (ed.), The Indian Press (Calcutta, 1967);Google ScholarBarrier, N. G., Banned. Controversial Literature and Political Control in British India, 1907–47 (New Delhi, 1976)Google Scholar, intro. For the liberalization of the press see Kaye, J. W. (ed.), Selections from the Papers of Lord Metcalfe (London, 1855), p. 197. Minute of 16 May 1835;Google Scholar

for connection of government servants with the press, Minute of 29 Dec. 1829, ibid., p. 311.

⁹⁹ ‘New arrangements of the Governor-General's Private Office and of the Secretary's Office of the Political Department’, 2375, BC F/4/128.

¹⁰⁰ See, e.g., Sen, A. G., The Post Office of India, or a Historical Review of its Rise, Progress, Regulation and General Administration (Calcutta, 1875).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Magt, Actg, Mirzapur to Postmaster General, Calcutta, 11 October 1810, Mirzapur Judicial Records issued vol. 74, U.P. Central Records Office, Allahabad. The report said that an ancient and effective dak existed in Awadh; six people in Mirzapur alone ran postal services for merchants and others and retained ‘cossidars’.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Benares Recorder, 8 January. 1846, comments on heavy postage on indigenous newspapers.

¹⁰³ Cherry to Shore, 11 August. 1795, Home Misc. 577.

¹⁰⁴ Palmer to Mornington, 10, 31 December. 1798, Home Misc. 574.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Clive to Wellesley, 11 August. 1801, Home Misc. 464; for futna cf. ‘treason’ see, Wink, A., Land and Sovereignty in India (Cambridge, 1986).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Remarks of Nana Farnavis reported in Palmer to Mornington, 2 July 1799, Home Misc. 574.

¹⁰⁷ I am indebted to Joanna Innes for information on this issue and also to her unpublished paper ‘The Collection and Use of Information by Government [in England] circa 1690–1800.’

¹⁰⁸ See, e.g., Home Misc. 556, 557, 577, ‘Notes on Europeans and Asiatics’, and other similar personal intelligence files used both in London and Calcutta; Cf. The Asiatick Annual Register, or a View of the History of Hindostan for 1799 (London, 1800).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Persian works such as the Ain-i-Akbari, or Dabistan which devotes much of their text to Hindu practices, or even topologies such as the ‘Yadgar-i-Bahaduri’ deploy ‘sociological’ information as part of a discourse of rule.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ For Rennell's methods see his Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan, or the Moguls Empire (2nd edn, London, 1785), pp. i–viii.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Gole, , Maps of Mughal India.Google Scholar

¹¹² Phillimore, R. H., Historical Records of the Survey of India, iv vols (Dehra Dun, 1945–1958), i, 23;Google Scholar

for the implications of the use of trigonometrical surveys, see, Ludden, D., Peasant Histoy in South India (Princeton, 1985), pp. 12–13, 177–8.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Hickey, Thomas, ‘Colonel Cohn Mackenzie and his assistant’, OIOR.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Deutsch, K., Nationalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, Mass., 1966).Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ This point has been made by Seema Alavi; the ‘invalid thana’ which she discusses below was evidently also useful as an intelligence gathering institution.

¹¹⁶ One Guzra Bye, royal midwife, in Baroda supplied A. Walker with an account of female infanticide there, c. 1804, Walker of Bowland Mss 13651, National Library of Scotland (I am indebted to Dr Dilip Menon for this reference), but generally speaking, the British appear to have relied on reports from inferior police in their attack on infanticide.

¹¹⁷ There were, however, a few cases where British residents retained intimate contacts with Indian women formed in the course of official surveillance, see, e.g., the case of Kirkpatrick, J., Home Misc. 464.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Parliamentary Papers on Hindoo Widows and Voluntary Immolations, xviii, 1821, pp. 335ff;Google Scholar for the rising power of darogas and their informers, see McLane, J. R., ‘Bengali Bandits, Police and Landlords after the Permanent Settlement’, in Yang, (ed.), Crime and Criminality, pp. 42–3.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Home, Pol., July 1907, 24.D, National Archives of India; the fear of Mutiny, cow protection, the old enemy the Holkar dynasty of Indore and Brahmins all gells into a nightmare here.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Valentine, Chirol, Indian Unrest (London, 1910), pp. 18, 27, 102, 103, 345–6.Google Scholar

¹²¹ See Hodson, , Twelve Years of a Soldier's Life; Kaye and Malleson, History, ii, 136; iv, 55, 205, 207, 208.Google Scholar

¹²² Popplewell, R., ‘The surveillance of Indian Revolutionaries in Great Britain and on the Continent’, Intelligence and National Security 3, 01. 1988, 56–77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹²³ Official debates about drink always appeared to have shown a dual aspect. Under the Mughals drinking was an infraction of moral law and an assault on the emperor's authority; Wellesley's campaign about illicit stills was connected with fears for revenue, but expressed in the language of evangelicalism; by the 1870s, the language was of moral purity, but an underlying concern was discipline among plantation workers. In each case surveillance systems displayed both moral and practical applications and could slip easily between these concerns.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Kipling, R., ‘Pig’, Plain Talesfrom the Hills (London, 1911 ).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Cited in Dilks, D., Curzon in India, i, Achievement (London, 1969), pp. 221–48.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Benares Recorder, 30 April 1847.

¹²⁷ A. Stirling to Bentinck, encl, in Bentinck's Minute on the press, 6 Jan. 1829, Philips, C.H. (ed.), The Correspondence of Lord William Cavendish Bentinck (Oxford, 1977), i, 139 there was a need to ‘diffuse knowledge and excit [e] a spirit of enquiry and reflection among the natives of India’;Google Scholar cf.Metcalfe's minute of 16 May 1835, Kaye, J. W. (ed.), Selectionsfrom the Papers of Lord Metcalfe (London, 1855), p. 197.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ See, e.g., ‘Khattriyon ki Utpatti’, Bhartendu Granthavali (Benares, 1964), iii, 247–9, where he refers to ‘Sherring’, ‘John Muir’, Guru Gobind Singh, Vedic and Muslim sources all within a few pages.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Ibid., pp. 3–20, ‘Agrawalon ki Utpatti’ which is based upon oral tradition, vanshawalis and literary sources British and traditional. Much of his knowledge of the history of Benares and its temples was built up by simply talking to priests, pandas and gosains.

¹³⁰ For a recent example of a social study based on the concept of communication see, Steele, Ian K., The English Atlantic 1675–1740 (New York, 1986).Google ScholarMy attention has also been drawn to Habib, I., ‘Postal Communications in Mughal India’, Procs Ind. Hist. Congress, 46th Session, pp. 236–52;Google ScholarSiddiqi, M. Z., ‘The Intelligence Service under the Mughals’, Medieval India, a Miscellany, 2 (London, 1972), pp. 54ff.Google Scholar