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Intellectuals and the One-party State in Nationalist China: The Case of the Central Politics School (1927–1947)
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 31 January 2014
Abstract
This paper aims to provide a new perspective on the relationship between Nationalist Party (GMD) cadres and Chinese intellectuals. By studying the Central Politics School, a major GMD political training institute for professional party cadres, I hope to reassess the nature of the GMD one-party state and remind researchers of the difficult choices it faced between backing party-liners needed for the political struggle and accommodating depoliticized intellectuals needed for public administration. This paper will argue that GMD political impotence in competition with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was due less to an inadequate recruitment of capable experts than to the over-specialization of its well-trained cadres on technical tasks. In fact, the cadres from the Central Politics School generally resembled those considered to be ‘intellectuals’ at educational level and in ideology. This compels us to reconsider how to define ‘intellectuals’ and whether they were as uniformly alienated from the one-party state as most of the scholarly literature suggests.
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References
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85 Fan Changjia recalled that in his first year, the school still taught socialist theories, though communism was not included. These socialist courses would not be stopped until the CPS was established. See Fan Changjiang, ‘Wo de qing nian shi dai’, p. 312.
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87 The school's job assignment was not mandatory. On the contrary, the jobs distributed to graduates were greatly influenced by their own personal choices. Every student received a job preference sheet three months before they graduated. On the sheet, students filled in their three most-wanted jobs. The school tried to arrange the job distribution according to this information, see Chen Jiyun, ‘Guomindang zhong yang zheng zhi xue xiao’, p. 796. Of course, since good positions were always limited and competitive, not everyone was appointed to their ideal job. However, students could refuse to do an assigned job they did not like and try to find their own good job, see CHCFW, p. 26. Therefore, occupational distribution reflected not only the school's educational direction and goals, but also the identities and preferences of the students themselves.
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104 Chen Kaisi's report illustrates that by 1947 there were 682 CPS graduates working in Shichuan,. only 14 of whom pursued party affairs. See Guo li Zheng zhi da xue, p. 324.
105 James Q. Wilson divides administrative agencies into four types according to whether administrative input and outcome can be observed: production organizations, craft organizations, procedural organizations and coping organizations. In the two former kinds of organization, because the administrative outcome can be observed, it is easier for administrators to evaluate the effect of work and to make improvements. However, in the latter two types, administrative outcome is difficult or impossible to measure. As a result, the actual effect of work is hard to evaluate. In the case of procedural organizations, for example, we may know how many hours a CPS local functionary worked a day (the input) but cannot confirm how useful the work was to the GMD (the outcome). In the case of the coping organizations, we can neither appraise how hard CPS judges devoted themselves to the regime's stability by recording the time they spent on cases, nor realize how well their sentences defended the dignity of the regime's law. See Wilson, James Q., Bureaucracy: What Government Agencies Do and Why They Do it, (New York: Basic Books, 1989), pp. 158–173Google Scholar.
106 Hongmei, Li, Longxiu, Zhang, ‘Jiang Jingguo yu san qing tuan zhong yang gan xiao’ (‘Jiang Jingguo and the Central Cadre School in the Youth Corp of Three People's principles’), Dang shi wen yuan xue shu ban (The Essays of the Party History: Volume for Academy), 4 (2007)Google Scholar. Chiang Ching-kou inherited Chiang's political power and became the second generation leader of the GMD regime in Taiwan after Chiang's death in 1975.
107 Chen Yungang, ‘Wo suo zhi dao de shi wan zhi shi qing nian cong jun shi mo’ (‘The Whole Story I Knew About Ten Thousand Youths Joining up the Army’), Hong Yan chun qiu, (2003).
108 Kongyang, Wang, ‘Jiang Jingguo de huangpu: Zhong yang gan bu xue xiao jian wen’ (‘Jiang Jingguo's Whampoa Military Academy: My Experience in Central Cadre School’), Wu hou wen shi zi liao xuan (The selection of Wuhou Literary and Historical Materials), 4 (1995), pp. 102–103Google Scholar. Also see Xia Mingxi, ‘Jiang Jingguo pei yang gan bu de ji di: zhong yang gan bu xue xiao ce ji’ (‘The Base For Jiang Jingguo to train his cadres: The Profile of Central Cadre School’), Feng hua wen shi zi liao (Fenghua Literary and Historical Material), (1985), p. 67.
109 See Wenxiu, Yao, ‘Gan Naiguang yu guo min zheng fu xing zheng ge xin’ (‘Gan Naiguan and the Nationalist Government's Movement of Administrative Efficiency’), Guangxi shi fan da xue xue bao: zhe xue she hui ke xue ban(Journal of Guangxi Normal University: Volume for Philosophy and Social Sciences), 2 (2009), p. 126Google Scholar; Rongxiao, Fu, ‘San shi nian dai guo min zheng fu xing zheng xiao lu yun dong yu xing zheng xiao lu yan jiu hui’ (‘The Nationalist Government's Movement of Administrative Efficiency and the Commission of Administrative Efficiency in 1930s’), Zhejiang dang an (Zhejiang Archives), 1 (2005), pp. 26–27Google Scholar; Hongyuan, Sun, ‘Xing zheng xiao lu yan jiu hui yu kang zhan qian de xing zheng xiao lu yun dong’ (‘The National Government Commission of Administrative Efficiency and the Movement of Administrative Efficiency’), Shi xue yue kan (Journal of Historical Science), 2 (2005), pp. 50–55Google Scholar.
110 See Morris L. Bian, ‘Building State Structure: Guomindang Institutional Rationalization during the Sino-Japanese War, 1937–1945’.
111 Jiang kangli, Xing zheng xue yuan li, preface, 3; Jinjian, Zhang, Xing zheng xue de li lun yu shi ji (The Theory and Practice of Administration), (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935), p. 6Google Scholar.
112 Lei, Chen, Cengxian, Wang, ‘Xing zheng san lian zhi kao cha’ (‘On the difference of administration trisection system from the administration three unite system’), Li shi dang an (Historical Archives), 4 (2006), pp. 110–111Google Scholar; Guixia, Zhou, ‘Xing zheng san lian zhi shu lue’ (‘The General Introduction of Three-in-One Administrative System’), Zhong guo xing zheng guan li(Chinese Public Administration), 11 (1994), p. 45Google Scholar; Hongming, Chen, ‘Jiang Jieshi tui xing xing zheng san lian zhi de yuan yin tan xi’ (‘An Analysis of The Reasons Jiang Jieshi Promoted Three-in-One Administrative System’), Li shi jiao xue (History Teaching), 6 (2008)Google Scholar.
113 CHCFW, pp. 25–28.
114 Yungang, Chen, ‘Zheng da fan Jiang Jingguo de xue chao’ (‘The Anti-Jiang Jingguo Student Movement in National Chengchi University’), Shi ji 2 (2004), p. 34Google Scholar.
115 Julia C. Strauss uses ‘Weberian technocracy’ to describe a highly efficient and rationalized administration filled by foreign and Chinese experts who could avoid corrupt influences from a pre-modern society by establishing Westernized, professionalized, and apolitical institutions. To reach such a politically desirable state, in Strauss’ words, required a series of ‘institutional breakthroughs’. See Strauss, Julia C., ‘The Evolution of Republican Government’, in Reappraising Republican China, (New York: Oxford University Press), pp. 81–85Google Scholar.
116 Wen-hsin Yeh points out that the essence of the GMD partification education was ‘in spite hostile to individual fulfillment and suspicious of open-ended intellectual inquiry’ and fiercely criticized by Chinese liberal intellectuals. See Yeh, Wen-hsin, The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919–1937, (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1990), p. 180CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
117 Yingshih, Yu,‘Zhong guo zhi shi fen zi de bian yuan hua’ (‘The Marginalization of Chinese Intellectuals’), in Zhong guo zhi shi fen zi lun (On Chinese Intellectuals), (Zhengzhou: Hunan People's Press, 1997), pp. 163–173Google Scholar. He observes the process in which Chinese intellectuals such as Hu Shi were culturally and politically marginalized by the party state during the first three-quarters of the twentieth century.
118 According to Bourdieu, a field is a hierarchically structured locus where a given set of resources is produced, circulated, scrambled, and consumed by agents who occupy positions in this field. See Bourdieu, Pierre, The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993) pp. 6–7Google Scholar. In this paper, the field mainly means CPS and the venues where the CPS members acted. Habitus could be seen as a particular lifestyle formed by specific socioeconomic and cultural conditions of a field, and may be used to decide whether or not an individual belongs to a social group. See Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction: a Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, trans. Nice, Richard (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 208Google Scholar. I have used this concept to describe the political agendas and practices that were generally appreciated by those people who considered themselves to be intellectuals.
119 This paper echoes John Fitzgerald's observation that the process of reorganizing the GMD into a Leninist party was never smooth and was met with much resistance from GMD liberals. The influence of the GMD liberals remained in the party untill well after it had actually adopted Leninist principles. See Fitzgerald, John, Awakening China: Politics, Culture, and Class in the Nationalist Revolution, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 191–195Google Scholar.
120 Julia C. Strauss, ‘The Evolution of Republican Government’, p. 77.
121 In his analysis of Chinese one-party states, William C. Kirby points out that the GMD had ‘developed an ability to cohabit with several generations of technical and managerial elites’. Nevertheless, he believes that the momentum of democratization could only come from quarters outside the party. This paper indicates, however, that it seems likely that the GMD might itself contain the element or tradition to transform from one-party dictatorship to democracy. See Kirby, William C., ‘The Chinese Party-state under Dictatorship and Democracy on the Mainland and on Taiwan’, in Kirby, William C. ed., Realms of Freedom in Modern China, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), p. 136Google Scholar.