¹ Manor, James, ‘What Do They Know of India Who Only India Knows?’, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, Vol. 48, No. 4, 2010CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Ruparelia, Sanjay, Reddy, Sanjay, Harris, John and Corbridge, Stuart (eds), Understanding India's New Political Economy—A Great Transformation?, Routledge, London and New York, 2011Google Scholar.

³ Morris-Jones, Wyndraeth Humphreys, ‘India after Indira: A Tale of Two Legacies’, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 7, No. 2, 1984, p. 246Google Scholar.

⁴ Rajni Kothari in the Illustrated Weekly of India, 8 June 1984.

⁵ Kohli, Atul, Democracy and Discontent: India's Growing Crisis of Governability, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ This is indeed one of the main factors identified by Atul Kohli as the root of the crisis of governability. See Kohli, Democracy and Discontent. Note: in 1978 the Congress Party split. The faction that followed Mrs Gandhi was named Congress (I)–‘I’ for ‘Indira’.

⁷ For example, Manor, James, ‘Anomie in Indian Politics’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 18, No. 19/21, 1983Google Scholar; Brass, Paul, The Politics of India Since Independence, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1994CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Chapter 3; Rudolph, Lloyd I. and Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, In Pursuit of Lakshmi—The Political Economy of the Indian State, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1987Google Scholar, Chapter 4; Pai, Sudha, ‘The Congress Party and Six National Elections: 1964–1984’ in Mukherjee, Pranab and Mukherjee, Aditya (eds), A Centenary History of the Indian National Congress, Vol. V, Academic Foundation, New Delhi, 2011Google Scholar.

⁸ Morris-Jones, W. H.The Parliament in India, Longmans Green, London, 1957Google Scholar. Morris-Jones argued that ‘the way in which parliamentary democracy works depends, more than we may like to admit, on the balance of powers between political parties’ (p. 113).

⁹ The Indian Administrative Service (IAS) represents the highest echelon of India's bureaucratic structure. Our analysis will be mostly concerned with this section of the bureaucracy.

¹⁰ Guha, Ramachandra, India after Gandhi, MacMillan, London, 2007, p. 535Google Scholar.

¹¹ Jagmohan would go on to hold several cabinet positions in the 1990s.

¹² The Hindu, 20 September 1981.

¹³ S. K. Mishra, interview, Delhi, 21 December 2010.

¹⁴ Naresh Chandra, interview, Delhi, 14 December 2010.

¹⁵ Indian Express, 7 September 1979 and 21 November 1979.

¹⁶ Indian Express, 4 June 1980; Nihal Singh, My India, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1982, p. 83.

¹⁷ Indian Express, 10 August 1981.

¹⁸ Indian Express, 1 July 1980.

¹⁹ Known as ‘the Centre’.

²⁰ See Manor, James, ‘The Electoral Process Amid Awakening and Decay: Reflections on the Indian General Election of 1980’, in Lyon, P. and Manor, J. (eds), Transfer and Transformation: Political Institutions in the New Commonwealth, Leicester University Press, Leicester and New York, 1983Google Scholar.

²¹ President's Rule refers to direct rule from New Delhi.

²² Indian Express, 9 March 1980.

²³ S. K. Mishra, interview, Delhi, 21 December 2010.

²⁴ Indian Express, 16 January 1981. This is particularly true for the Hindi belt.

²⁵ Hindustan Times, 2 February 1982.

²⁶ Indian Express, 2 January 1981.

²⁷ Jha, Prem Shankar, In the Eye of the Cyclone: The Crisis in Indian Democracy, Viking, New Delhi, 1994, p. 38Google Scholar.

²⁸ See Raghavan, E. and Manor, J., Broadening and Deepening Democracy: Political Innovation in Karnataka, Routledge, New Delhi, 2009Google Scholar, Part II.

²⁹ The Hindu, 15 November 1981.

³⁰ India Today, 1 May 1983.

³¹ Rama Rao was popularly known as NTR.

³² Further details about this sordid operation can be found in Raghavan and Manor, Broadening and Deepening Democracy, Chapter 7.

³³ Tummala, Krishna K., ‘Democracy Triumphant in India: The Case of Andhra Pradesh’, Asian Survey, Vol. 26, No. 3, 1986, p. 391CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ Krishnan, K. P. and Somanathan, T. V., ‘Civil Service: An Institutional Perspective’, in Kapur, Devesh and Metha, Pratab Bhanu (eds), Public Institutions in India—Performance and Design, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2005, p. 299Google Scholar.

³⁵ Krishnan and Somanathan, ‘Civil Service’, p. 306.

³⁶ One of the best accounts of the relationship between Mrs Gandhi and the judiciary is that of Austin, Granville, Working a Democratic Constitution—A History of the Indian Experience, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999Google Scholar.

³⁷ Formally, the clash was between the legislative and the judiciary. However, as we shall see below, parliament never had a high degree of autonomy from the executive.

³⁸ Rudolph, Lloyd I. and Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, ‘Redoing the Constitutional Design: From an Interventionist to a Regulatory State’, in Kohli, Atul, The Success of India's Democracy, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2001, p. 187Google Scholar.

³⁹ Of course, this was only part of the problem. Indeed, the fact that the landowning castes comprised the most significant part of the Congress Party's social base in most states explains to a great extent why land reform was implemented in the way it was.

⁴⁰ Namely, Justice A. N. Grover, Justice K. S. Hegde, and Justice J. M. Shelat.

⁴¹ Pratap Bhanu Metha, ‘India's Judiciary: The Promise of Uncertainty’, in Kapur and Pratab Metha (eds), Public Institutions.

⁴² Noorani, A. G., ‘The Prime Minister and the Judiciary’, in Manor, J. (ed.), Nehru to the Nineties, Hurst & Co, London, 1994Google Scholar.

⁴³ Law minister, H. R. Gokhale, even threatened the Supreme Court in parliament; see ibid, p. 106.

⁴⁴ Indian Express, 2 August 1980.

⁴⁵ For example, Indian Express, 2 October 1980.

⁴⁶ Hindustan Times, 7 January 1981.

⁴⁷ Times of India, 15 January 1980.

⁴⁸ The note is reproduced in Noorani, ‘The Prime Minister and the Judiciary’, p. 108.

⁴⁹ From the Bar Council of India's reply to the government press note, reproduced in ibid, p. 109.

⁵⁰ Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution, p. 532, note 55.

⁵¹ Indian Express, 5 December 1980.

⁵² Ibid.

⁵³ Mrs Gandhi quoted in Noorani, ‘The Prime Minister and the Judiciary’, p. 111.

⁵⁴ Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution, p. 532.

⁵⁵ Rudolph and Rudolph, ‘Redoing the Constitutional Design’.

⁵⁶ The word ‘relatively’ needs to be stressed here. Especially in times of political crisis, the president of a republic can—and indeed must—play a decisive role, as happened in India during the period of political instability post-1989, or as happened in this author's country (Italy) during the severe political and economic crisis of late 2011.

⁵⁷ Indian Express, 26 November 1980.

⁵⁸ Indian Express, 13 November 1980.

⁵⁹ Times of India, 15 October 1982.

⁶⁰ Indian Express, 16 January 1981; Hindustan Times, 22 February 1982.

⁶¹ Indian Express, 27 March 1982.

⁶² Times of India, 14 August 1982.

⁶³ India Today, 16 March 1983.

⁶⁴ Hindustan Times, 1 May 1982,

⁶⁵ J. Manor, ‘The Presidency’, in Kapur and Pratab Metha (eds), Public Institutions.

⁶⁶ Austin, G., The Indian Constitution: Cornerstone of a Nation, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1996, p. 140Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ J. Manor, ‘The Prime Minister and the President’, in Manor (ed.), Nehru to the Nineties.

⁶⁸ This made the proclamation of the emergency illegal.

⁶⁹ MPs’ fear of arrest surely played a role.

⁷⁰ Reddy had been chosen by the Congress to be the Party's candidate for the presidency in 1969, but in the course of the dramatic struggle for power between Mrs Gandhi and the ‘Syndicate’, which eventually led to the split of the Party, she decided instead to back Giri, V. V.. Masani, Zareer, Indira Gandhi: A Biography, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1975Google Scholar; and Malhotra, Inder, Indira Gandhi: A Personal and Political Biography, Northeastern University Press, Boston, 1991Google Scholar, provide two richly detailed accounts of this episode.

⁷¹ India Today, 1 April 1984.

⁷² Indian Express, 15 October 1979.

⁷³ Indian Express, 17 December 1980.

⁷⁴ Indian Express, 22 June 1984.

⁷⁵ As we will see below, the second half of Mrs Gandhi's final term in office was marked by a major insurgency in Punjab. The Akali Dal was the political soul of this insurgency.

⁷⁶ Indian Express, 15 July 1984.

⁷⁷ Seminar, No. 302, October 1984.

⁷⁸ Maiorano, Diego, ‘Mrs Gandhi's Final Term and the Remaking of the Congress (I)'s Social Base’, India Review, Vol. 11, No. 1, 2012CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁹ Essential Service Maintenance Act 1981, article 2.17.

⁸⁰ Maiorano, ‘Mrs Gandhi's Final Term’.

⁸¹ Minister of Finance, Budget Speech Before the Lok Sabha, 1981.

⁸² Indian Express, 23 April 1983.

⁸³ Times of India, 18 September 1982.

⁸⁴ Times of India, 8 September 1982.

⁸⁵ The central government backed another piece of legislation introduced in the Orissa Legislative Assembly—controlled by the Congress (I)—which threatened to subject newspapers to the will of the state government; see Chittaranjan Alva, ‘What the Bihar Press Bill Means’, Social Scientist, Vol. 10, No. 12, 1982.

⁸⁶ Times of India, 12 November 1982.

⁸⁷ Indian Express, 14 August 1982.

⁸⁸ India Today, 16 June 1983.

⁸⁹ India Today, 16 August 1983.

⁹⁰ Maiorano, ‘Mrs Gandhi's Final Term’.

⁹¹ The following brief summary of the debate is largely drawn from Noorani, A. G., The Presidential System—The Indian Debate, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1989Google Scholar, and Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution.

⁹² Indian Express, 19 October 1979.

⁹³ It later turned out that the author of the paper was A. R. Antulay, Congress (I) chief minister of Maharashtra in the early 1980s.

⁹⁴ Indian Express, 4 June 1980 and 8 June 1980.

⁹⁵ Indian Express, 10 June 1980.

⁹⁶ Indian Express, 22 June 1980.

⁹⁷ Indian Express, 8 December 1980 and 29 January 1981.

⁹⁸ The Hindu, 2 March 1981.

⁹⁹ Indian Express, 15 December 1980.

¹⁰⁰ Indian Express, 29 April 1984; Times of India 27 August 1984; India Today, 16 June 1984.

¹⁰¹ Mrs Gandhi in Indian Express, 28 January 1981.

¹⁰² Reproduced in Noorani, The Presidential System, Appendix III.

¹⁰³ Times of India, 29 April 1984.

¹⁰⁴ Indian Express, 4 May 1984.

¹⁰⁵ Blitz, 2 June 1984.

¹⁰⁶ India Today, 16 May 1984.

¹⁰⁷ We have seen above how Baharul Islam was appointed to the Supreme Court.

¹⁰⁸ Indian Express, 27 August 1984.

¹⁰⁹ India Today, 16 June 1984.

¹¹⁰ Indian Express, 28 August 1984.

¹¹¹ Indian Express, 31 August 1984.

¹¹² India Today, 16 August 1984.

¹¹³ He made the same proposition at the Press Club of Calcutta a few days before Mrs Gandhi's assassination. The full text of his address is reproduced in Noorani, The Presidential System, Appendix IV.

¹¹⁴ Economic and Political Weekly, 20 October 1984.

¹¹⁵ Indeed, this is the view of most of the observers with whom this author spoke in Delhi in late 2010 to early 2011. Interviewees included Sir Mark Tully, Prem Shankar Jha, Inder Malhotra, George Verghese, and Subhash Agrawal. Politicians who were close to Mrs Gandhi also denied that there was any plan to change the constitution on the eve of the elections. Interviews with Vasant Sathe, Bishma Narain Singh, and Natwar Singh.

¹¹⁶ Shourie, Arun, Mrs Gandhi's Second Reign, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1983, p. 224Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Constitution, article 80. These were K. Ramamurthi, a Congress (I) member from Tamil Nadu, and Gulam Rasool Kar, a Congress (I) member from Jammu and Kashmir.

¹¹⁸ Indian Express, 14 June 1980.

¹¹⁹ Namely, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh.

¹²⁰ In Sikkim, President's Rule was imposed shortly thereafter.

¹²¹ See Wallack, Jessica, ‘India's Parliament as a Representative Institution’, India Review, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2008CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rudolph and Rudolph, ‘Redoing the Constitutional Design’; Verney, D. Douglas, ‘From Quasi-Federation to Quasi-Confederacy? The Transformation of India's Party System’, Publius, Vol. 33, No. 4, 2003CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²² For example, Singh, Mahendra P. and Verney, Douglas V., ‘Challenges to India's Centralized Parliamentary Federalism’, Publius, Vol. 33, No. 4, 2003CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²³ For some references, see Bagchi, Amaresh, ‘Rethinking Federalism: Changing Power Relations between the Center and the States’, Publius, Vol. 33, No. 4, 2003CrossRefGoogle Scholar, or Verney, Douglas V., ‘Federalism, Federative Systems, and Federations: The United States, Canada, and India’, Publius, Vol. 25, No. 2, 1995Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Arora, Balveer, ‘Adapting Federalism to India: Multilevel and Asymmetrical Innovations’, in Arora, Balveer and Verney, Douglas V. (eds), Multiple Identities in a Single State—Indian Federalism in Comparative Perspective, Konark Publishers, New Delhi, 1995Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ For a detailed account of Indian federal institutions, see Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution. See also Ved Marwah, ‘Use and Abuse of Emergency Powers: The Indian Experience’, in Arora and Verney (eds), Multiple Identities, and the Sarkaria Commission Report (hereafter SCR). The report is available on the Interstate Council's website: < http://interstatecouncil.nic.in >, [accessed 4 October 2013]. The Sarkaria Commission was appointed in mid-1983 to investigate the state of centre-state relations.

¹²⁶ Bhargava, P.K., ‘Transfers from the center to the states in India’, Asian Survey, Vol. 24, No. 6, 1984CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁷ Asok Chanda, quoted in Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution, p. 620.

¹²⁸ In 1969, following the states’ protests, the Planning Commission adopted the Gadgil formula as the basis for the distribution of plan resources to the states.

¹²⁹ The so-called licence-Raj refers to the series of authorisations that were needed to operate a private business in India.

¹³⁰ Bagchi, ‘Rethinking Federalism’.

¹³¹ Kothari, Rajni, ‘The Congress “System” in India’, Asian Survey, Vol. 4, No. 12Google Scholar.

¹³² SCR, Chapter 10.

¹³³ Ibid, Chapter 11.

¹³⁴ Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution, p. 619, note 20.

¹³⁵ Arora, ‘Adapting Federalism to India’.

¹³⁶ Article 356 confers on the president the right to declare ‘President's Rule’ (i.e. direct rule from the centre) in one of the states of the Indian Union, if the governor of that state—a centrally appointed position—is satisfied that the ‘government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of [the] Constitution’.

¹³⁷ Manor, J., ‘Centre-State Relations’, in Kohli, Atul (ed.), The Success of India's Democracy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2001Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Dua, Bhagwan D., ‘Presidential Rule in India: A Study in Crisis Politics’, Asian Survey, Vol. 19, No. 6, 1979CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³⁹ Ved Marwah, ‘Use and Abuse of Emergency Powers: The Indian Experience’, in Arora and Verney (eds), Multiple Identities, p. 142.

¹⁴⁰ Malhotra, Indira Gandhi, p. 70.

¹⁴¹ Morris-Jones, W. H., The Government and Politics of India, Hutchinson & Co, London, 1964, p. 152Google Scholar.

¹⁴² Sathyamurthy, T. V., ‘Impact of Centre-State Relations on Indian Politics: An Interpretative Reckoning 1947–1987’, in Chatterjee, Partha (ed.), State and Politics in India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1997, p. 245Google Scholar.

¹⁴³ J. Manor, ‘Parties and the Party System’, in Chatterjee (ed.), State and Politics in India.

¹⁴⁴ Jaffrelot, Christophe, India's Silent Revolution—The Rise of the Lower Castes, Hurst & Co., London, 2003Google Scholar, Part 2.

¹⁴⁵ In 1982 the Congress (I) failed to secure an absolute majority in all the states that went to the polls (Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, and West Bengal). In 1983, it won in the municipality of Delhi and in Assam (in the latter case, most opposition parties boycotted the polls) but lost in Jammu and Kashmir, Andhra Pradesh, and Karnataka.

¹⁴⁶ Indian Express, 19 February 1980. The precedent had been set by the Janata Party in 1977 when it dismissed nine Congress-led state assemblies, on the grounds that as Mrs Gandhi at the centre had been badly rejected by the people, her Party could not legitimately govern in the states. The Supreme Court had endorsed this view. In the Janata Party's defence, one could argue that the post-emergency context was completely different from that of early 1980.

¹⁴⁷ For example, Weiner, Myron, Sons of the Soils—Migration and Ethnic Conflict in India, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1978Google Scholar; and Baruah, Sanjib, India Against Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1999Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Manor, ‘Centre-State Relations’.

¹⁴⁹ Indian Express, 4 December 1979.

¹⁵⁰ Indian Express, 26 February 1980.

¹⁵¹ Indian Express, 22 October 1980.

¹⁵² Times of India, 9 March 1982.

¹⁵³ Indian Express, 28 January 1980.

¹⁵⁴ President's Rule was imposed from December 1979 to December 1980; from June 1981 to January 1982; and from March 1982 to February 1983.

¹⁵⁵ India Today, 1 May 1983.

¹⁵⁶ Times of India, 3 November 1982.

¹⁵⁷ Economic and Political Weekly, 29 November 1983.

¹⁵⁸ India Today, 1 May 1983.

¹⁵⁹ India Today, 1 March 1983.

¹⁶⁰ India Today, 16 May 1983.

¹⁶¹ Interview, New Delhi, 16 January 2011.

¹⁶² India Today, 16 May 1983.

¹⁶³ I am not suggesting that revising the electoral rolls would have solved all the problems in Assam or that detecting foreigners would have been easy or even feasible. Rather, I am arguing that revising the electoral rolls, or at least trying to do so, would have eased the tension and perhaps the 1983 bloodbath could have been avoided.

¹⁶⁴ Reported in Baruah, India Against Itself, p. 131.

¹⁶⁵ Indian Express, 8 January 1983.

¹⁶⁶ India Today, 16 May 1983.

¹⁶⁷ Baruah, India Against Itself, p. 133.

¹⁶⁸ India Today, 1 May 1983.

¹⁶⁹ Two very detailed accounts of the Punjab crisis are: Tully, Mark and Jacob, Satish, Amritsar—Mrs Gandhi's Last Battle, Jonathan Cape, London, 1985Google Scholar; Nayar, Kuldip and Singh, Khushwant, Tragedy of Punjab—Operation Bluestar and After, Vision Books, New Delhi, 1984Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁰ Wallace, Paul, ‘Religious and Ethnic Politics: Political Mobilization in Punjab’, in Frankel, Francine and Rao, M.S.A. (eds), Dominance and State Power in Modern India—Vol. 2. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1990Google Scholar.

¹⁷¹ Or, to be more precise, the party of the Sikhs belonging to the Jat caste cluster.

¹⁷² The first version of the resolution was drafted in 1973. The 1982 version of the resolution, which was ‘officially’ endorsed by Sant Longowal, is reproduced in Nayar and Singh, Tragedy of Punjab, Annexure A.

¹⁷³ This had been promised by Mrs Gandhi as early as 1969, when Sant Fateh Singh, an Akali Dal faction leader, threatened to burn himself to death if Chandigarh was not handed over to Punjab. See Tully and Jacob, Amritsar, p. 51.

¹⁷⁴ Jeffrey, Robin, What's Happening to India?—Punjab, Ethnic Conflict, Mrs Gandhi's Death and the Test for Federalism, MacMillan, London, 1986Google Scholar, Chapter 8.

¹⁷⁵ Mark Tully, interview, New Delhi, 10 December 2010.

¹⁷⁶ Frankel, Francine, India's Political Economy 1947–2004, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005, p. 671Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ India Today, 1 December 1982 and 16 December 1982.

¹⁷⁸ Prem Shankar Jha, interview, New Delhi, 2 December 2010.

¹⁷⁹ Nayar and Singh, Tragedy of Punjab, p. 45.

¹⁸⁰ Jeffrey, , What's Happening to India?, p. 154Google Scholar.

¹⁸¹ Akbar, M. J., India: The Siege Within, Penguin, Harmondsworth 1985, p. 196Google Scholar.

¹⁸² Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution, p. 541.

¹⁸³ The Hindu, 24 January 1983.

¹⁸⁴ Economic and Political Weekly, 26 March 1983.

¹⁸⁵ India Today, 1 April 1983.

¹⁸⁶ The Hindu, 6 April 1983.

¹⁸⁷ Indian Express, 1 April 1983.

¹⁸⁸ Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution, p. 542. The other members of the Commission were former cabinet secretary and IAS member, B. Sivaraman, and former member of the Planning Commission, S. R. Sen.

¹⁸⁹ Collection of statements presented at the Srinagar Meeting, 5–7 October 1983, printed as Centre-State Relations, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1984.

¹⁹⁰ SCR, Chapter 6.

¹⁹¹ Manor, ‘Centre-State Relations’.

¹⁹² Austin, Working a Democratic Constitution, p. 627.

¹⁹³ Arun Nehru, quoted in Malhotra, Indira Gandhi, p. 297.

¹⁹⁴ ‘Notes on the present situation in J&K discussed with the PM on 5^th jan 1984’, B. K. Nehru Papers, Subject File 80, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi (hereafter NMML). B. K. Nehru's view that the Congress (I) deliberately created chaos in order to destabilize the government is shared by many observers, such as Tavleen Singh, quoted in Schofield, Victoria, Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War, I. B. Tauris, London, 2003, p. 146Google Scholar, or Arun Shourie in India Today, 16 September 1983 and 1 September 1983.

¹⁹⁵ In practical terms, little changes.

¹⁹⁶ ‘Notes on the present situation in J&K discussed with the PM on 5^th jan 1984’, B. K. Nehru Papers, Subject File 80, NMML.

¹⁹⁷ Sten Widmalm, ‘The Rise and Fall of Democracy in Jammu and Kashmir’, Asian Survey, Vol. 37, No. 1, 1997, p. 150.

¹⁹⁸ Ashok Mitra in the Illustrated Weekly of India, 5 January 1986.

¹⁹⁹ Economic and Political Weekly, 8 September 1984.

²⁰⁰ Krishna K. Tummala, ‘Democracy Triumphant in India: The Case of Andhra Pradesh’, Asian Survey, Vol. 26, No. 3, 1986, p. 391.

²⁰¹ Indian Express, 19 July 1984.

²⁰² The Hindu, 16 August 1984.

²⁰³ Raghavan and Manor, Broadening and Deepening Democracy, Chapter 7.

²⁰⁴ The Congress (I) government in Sikkim lasted about two weeks, after which President's Rule was imposed.

²⁰⁵ That is, the 52nd Amendment to the constitution.

²⁰⁶ Illustrated Weekly of India, 8 June 1984.