Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T11:11:52.578Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Hygienic Nature: Afforestation and the greening of colonial Hong Kong*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 January 2014

ROBERT PECKHAM*
Affiliation:
Department of History, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China Email: [email protected]

Abstract

This article examines the ‘greening’ of Hong Kong in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, with an emphasis on the afforestation of the colony's ‘barren’ mountainsides from the 1880s. To date, histories of Hong Kong have tended to focus on the colonial state's urban interventions, particularly on the draconian measures it took to ‘sanitize’ Chinese districts. In contrast, this article connects Hong Kong's urban development with the history of green space and the cultivation of ‘nature’. While the state sought to transform the ‘barren rock’ into a visible correlate of the colony's aspiring status as an imperial hub in Asia, the promotion of hygiene and health provided a further rationale for tree-planting. The article argues that colonial Hong Kong provides insights into the ‘tropicalization of modernity’ and the constitutive processes by which colonial power was naturalized and legitimated through planning practices that extended from the urban to the natural. A study of Hong Kong's afforestation underscores the importance of the natural environment as a ‘contact zone’ between colonial and ‘native’ cultures; it also reveals the extent to which the equation of a ‘green’ landscape with economic (re)production and colonial order, functioned as a critical trope for framing race and labour.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

This article has benefited from conversations with many colleagues, and I should like to thank, in particular, John Carroll, Angela Ki Che Leung, Christopher Munn, and David Pomfret. My thanks, also, to Thomas Warren at the HSBC Asia-Pacific Archives, and to the anonymous reviewer.

References

1 Abbas, Ackbar, Hong Kong: Culture and the Politics of Disappearance (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), p. 71Google Scholar.

2 From a somewhat different perspective, Jeyamalar Kathirithamby-Wells, in her study of imperial forestry in Peninsular Malaysia, has argued that tropical forests were central to development (and colonial governmentality); see Nature and Nation: Forests and Development in Peninsular Malaysia (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2005).

3 See Jasanoff, Sheila, ‘The Idiom of Co-Production’ in Jasanoff, Sheila (ed.), States of Knowledge: The Co-Production of Science and Social Order (New York and London: Routledge, 2004), pp.112 (pp. 2–3)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 S. T. Dunn, ‘Report on the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (11 April 1904), Hong Kong Government Gazette [hereafter, GG], Vol. 50, No. 38 (17 June 1904), pp. 1128–1135 (p.1129).

5 W. J. Tutcher, ‘Report on the Botanic and Forestry Department’ (23 March 1917), Hong Kong Administrative Reports [hereafter, AR] (1916), Appendix N, pp. 1–22 (pp. 5–6).

6 Lau, C. P., Ramsden, L., and Saunders, R. M., ‘Hybrid Origin of “Bauhinia Blakeana” (Leguminosae: Caesalpinioideae), Inferred Using Morphological, Reproductive, and Molecular Data’, American Journal of Botany, Vol. 92, No. 3 (2005), pp. 525533CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 There is a large and growing bibliography on forestry, empire, and environmentalism, particularly in a South Asian context; see, for example, Skaria, Ajay, Hybrid Histories: Forests, Frontiers and Wilderness in Western India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999)Google Scholar; Kathirithamby-Wells, Nature and Nation; Rajan, S. Ravi, Modernizing Nature: Forestry and Imperial Eco-Development, 1800–1950 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Yet, there has been little focus on empire and forestry in South East Asia, including Hong Kong; see, however, Fan, Fa-ti, British Naturalists in Qing China: Science, Empire and Cultural Encounter (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2004)Google Scholar. Beattie, Jamesdiscusses empire-wide and local expressions of imperial ‘environmental anxieties’ in Empire and Environmental Anxiety: Health, Science, Art and Conservation in South Asia and Australasia, 1800–1920 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 For an account of the shifting meanings of ‘improvement’ in relation to botany, empire, and the expansion of government powers, see Drayton, Richard, Nature's Government: Science, Imperial Britain, and the ‘Improvement’ of the World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), pp. 85128Google Scholar.

9 Duncan, James S., The City as Text: The Politics of Landscape Interpretation in the Kandyan Kingdom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 1718Google Scholar.

10 Price, J. M., ‘Tree Planting’ (28 August 1877), GG, Vol. 23, No. 50 (17 November 1877), pp. 506509Google Scholar (pp. 507–508).

11 See Morphy, H.'s analysis of colonialism, history and the construction of place in the context of Northern Australia; ‘Colonialism, History and the Construction of Place: The Politics of Landscape in Northern Australia’ in Bender, Barbara (ed.), Landscape: Politics and Perspectives (Oxford: Berg, 1993), pp. 205243 (p. 206)Google Scholar.

12 As Anne McClintock has argued, race and gender are ‘articulated categories’—that is categories which ‘come into existence in and through relation to each other’; see Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York and London: Routledge, 1995), pp. 4–5.

13 Pratt, Marie Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 67Google Scholar.

14 Abbas, Hong Kong, p. 14.

15 On the ways in which local settings moderated worldwide concerns, see Beattie, Empire and Environmental Anxiety.

16 Price, ‘Tree Planting’, p. 507.

17 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent, Botanic and Afforestation Department’ (15 April 1880), GG, Vol. 26, No. 23 (26 May 1880), pp. 433–437 (p. 435); see also Ford's insistence on the scientific importance of the Botanical Gardens in Great Britain, Colonial Office, General Correspondence: Hong Kong, Series 129 [hereafter, CO129] 183 (11 March 1878), pp. 282–286.

18 Duncan, James S., In the Shadows of the Tropics: Climate, Race and Biopower in Nineteenth-Century Ceylon (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), pp. 18 (p. 1)Google Scholar.

19 Ford, ‘Report of the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (22 February 1890), GG, Vol. 36, No. 20 (3 May 1890), pp. 363–371 (p.369).

20 Bentham, George, Flora Hongkongensis: A Description of the Flowering Plants and Ferns of the Island of Hongkong (London: Lovell Reeve, 1861), p. 7Google Scholar. Despite the recurrent descriptions of Hong Kong's environmental ‘deficiencies’, early travellers also noted how Hong Kong's ‘barrenness’ did not extend to the whole of the island; see Flora Hongkongensis, p. 8. Far from being a ‘barren rock’, pre-British Hong Kong was populated by agricultural and fishing communities; see Hayes, James, ‘Hong Kong Island Before 1841’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 24 (1981), pp. 105142Google Scholar.

21 Ford, ‘Report of the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (22 February 1890), p. 368. On the ways in which the colonial narrative of the ‘barren rock’ has been challenged, see Ngo, Tak-Wing, ‘Colonialism in Hong Kong Revisited’ in Ngo, Tak-Wing (ed.), Hong Kong's History: State and Society Under Colonial Rule (London and New York: Routledge, 2002), pp. 12Google Scholar; Carroll, John M., Edge of Empire: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2007 [2005]), pp. 164165Google Scholar.

22 Hoe, Susanna and Roebuck, Derek, The Taking of Hong Kong: Charles and Clara Elliot in Chinese Waters (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009 [1999]), p. 158Google Scholar.

23 Alcock, Sir Rutherford, The Capital of the Tycoon: A Narrative of a Three Years’ Residence in Japan, Vol. 1 (London: Longman, Roberts, & Green, 1863), pp. 1617Google Scholar.

24 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent, Botanic and Afforestation Department’ (15 April 1880), p. 436. The tension between Price and Ford blew up into open hostility in 1878, with Price petitioning Sir Michael Hicks Beach at the Colonial Office for Ford's removal on the grounds that considerable funds would be spared if the post of superintendent were abolished and the responsibilities for forestry merged with those of the surveyor general. In the event, Price's proposal was rejected with a memorandum by Hooker that urged the government to extend, rather than curtail, the scope of Ford's activity.

25 John Pope Hennessy, ‘The Governor's Report on the Blue Book’ (29 April 1881), AR (1879–1880), paragraph 128.

26 There were, of course, contending visions of how the landscape was to be developed; see, for example, the superintendent's opposition to a proposal to run the new cable tramway to the Peak through part of the Public Gardens; Dunn, ‘Minute on the Peak Tramway Bill by the Superintendent, Botanical and Forestry Department’ (26 May 1909), Sessional Papers [hereafter, SP] (1909), pp. 41–42.

27 Smith, Albert, To China and Back: Being a Diary Kept Out and Home (London: Chapman & Hall, 1859), p. 23Google Scholar.

28 Ibid, p. 29.

29 Griffiths, D. A. and Lau, S. P., ‘The Hong Kong Botanical Gardens, a Historical Overview’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 26 (1986), pp. 5577 (pp. 58–60)Google Scholar; see also Griffiths, D. A., ‘A Garden on the Edge of China: Hong Kong, 1848’, Garden History, Vol. 16, No. 2 (1988), pp. 189198CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 Cantlie, ‘Hong-Kong’, in The British Empire, Vol. 1: India, Ceylon, Straits Settlements, British North Borneo, Hong-Kong, with an introduction by Sir R. West (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co, 1899), p. 520Google Scholar.

31 Griffiths and Lau, ‘The Hong Kong Botanical Gardens’, p. 65.

32 See the arguments made by Peckham, Robert and Pomfret, David M., who note that ‘the era of colonial public health should perhaps be understood, not in terms of the demise of enclavism, but rather as its radical reaffirmation’; ‘Introduction: Medicine, Hygiene, and the Re-ordering of Empire’ in Peckham, Robert and Pomfret, David M. (eds), Imperial Contagions: Medicine, Hygiene, and Cultures of Planning in Asia (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013), pp. 114 (p. 4)Google Scholar.

33 For an account of island metaphors in colonial discourse, see Vaidik, Aparna, who notes the ambiguity of islands as Edenic and ‘wild’ spaces: ‘The Wild Andamans: Island Imageries and Colonial Encounter’ in Kumar, Deepak, Damodaran, Vinita, and D’Souza, Rohan (eds), The British Empire and the Natural World: Environmental Encounters in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 1142Google Scholar; for a comparative perspective on the island trope in nineteenth-century Europe, see Peckham, Robert S., ‘The Uncertain State of Islands: National Identity and the Discourse of Islands in Nineteenth-Century Britain and Greece’, Journal of Historical Geography, Vol. 29, No. 4 (2003), pp. 499515CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on ‘tropical’ islands within the context of utopian, physiocratic, and medical thinking in the history of environmentalist ideas, see, classically, Grove, Richard H., Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600–1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

34 See Bryant, R. L., ‘Romancing Colonial Forestry: The Discourse of “Forestry as Progress” in British Burma’, Geographical Journal, Vol. 162, No. 2 (1996), pp. 169172CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 Fortune, Robert, Three Years’ Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China: Including a Visit to the Tea, Silk, and Cotton Countries (London: John Murray, 1847), p. 12Google Scholar.

36 Corlett, Richard T., ‘Environmental Forestry in Hong Kong: 1871–1997’, Forest Ecology and Management, Vol. 116, Nos 1–3 (1999), pp. 93105 (p. 93)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Corlett suggests that deforestation most likely occurred in the period between 1300 and 1600 CE. For accounts of the human impact on the flora of Hong Kong, see: ‘Human impact on the Flora of Hong Kong Island’ in Jablonski, Nina G. (ed.), The Changing Face of East Asia During the Tertiary and Quaternary [Proceedings of the Fourth Conference on the Evolution of the East Asian Environment] (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1997), pp. 400412Google Scholar; Daley, P. A., ‘Man's Influence on the Vegetation of Hong Kong’ in Thrower, L. B. (ed.), The Vegetation of Hong Kong: Its Structure and Change (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1995), pp. 4456Google Scholar; Dudgeon, David and Corlett, Richard, Hills and Streams: An Ecology of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

37 See, however, Griffiths and Lau, ‘The Hong Kong Botanical Gardens’; Fan, British Naturalists, p. 65.

38 Frederick Flippance, ‘Report of the Botanic and Forestry Department’, AR (1939), Appendix N, pp. 1–17 (p. 1).

39 Nicolson, Ken, The Happy Valley: A History and Tour of the Hong Kong Cemetery (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010), p. 37Google Scholar.

40 On Ford's remuneration for this diverse work, see the correspondence: CO 129/230 (1 February 1886), pp. 490–497; CO 129/230 (6 August 1886), pp. 448–453; CO 129/230 (19 August 1886), pp. 453–456.

41 A number of currencies were in use in Hong Kong during the nineteenth century, including Spanish and Mexican silver dollars. In 1862/3 the government made the silver dollar legal tender, issuing its own coinage; see Spalding, William F., Eastern Exchange Currency and Finance, 3rd edition (London: Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1920 [1917]), pp. 316335Google Scholar.

42 ‘Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council’ (12 November 1877), GG, Vol. 23, No. 51 (24 November 1877), pp. 521–528 (p. 525); Pope Hennessy, ‘The Governor's Report on the Blue Book’ (29 April 1881), paragraph 129.

43 Ibid, paragraph 128.

44 However, there is some ambiguity in the estimates of trees planted, with discrepancies in the statistics reported in different official documents. Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (22 March 1882), GG, Vol. 28, No. 13 (25 March 1882), pp. 324–327 (p. 326); Ford ‘Report from the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (4 April 1883), GG, Vol. 29, No. 17 (14 April 1883), pp. 344–349 (p. 349).

45 Pope Hennessy, ‘The Governor's Report’ (29 April 1881), paragraph 133.

46 Flippance, ‘Report of the Botanical and Forestry Department’ (1939), p. 1.

47 Ford, ‘Report of the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (25 June 1891), GG, Vol. 37, No. 32 (18 July 1891), pp. 572–580 (p. 577).

48 Dunn and Tutcher were the coauthors of The Flora of Kwangtung and Hong Kong (China) (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1912).

49 Flippance, ‘Report of the Botanic and Forestry Department’ (1939), p. 3, 15.

50 Ibid, p. 1; see, also, ‘Report on the Social and Economic Progress of the People of the Colony of Hong Kong’, AR (1939), p. 21. However, the possibilities that large-scale forestry in Hong Kong might supply the timber market for house-building and ship-building were discussed; see, in this context, the correspondence between the surveyor general and J. D. Humphreys in GG, Vol. 23, No. 50 (17 November 1877), p. 510. Ford had argued for the cultivation of camphor trees; see CO 129/163 (14 May 1905), pp. 490–493; CO 129/303, pp. 319–321.

51 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (4 April 1883), p. 348.

52 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent for the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (18 April 1881), GG, Vol. 28, No. 11 (11 March 1882), pp. 269–272 (p. 272).

53 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (4 April 1883), p. 347.

54 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (25 June 1891), p. 572; see also, CO 129/206 (20 November 1882), pp. 220–228.

55 Department staff included two senior officers (one part-time), three intermediate officers, three foresters, 13 forest guards and 35 ‘others’; see Flippance, ‘Report of the Botanical and Forestry Department’ (1939), p. 5. The frequent failures of contractors to fulfil their planting contracts forced the Botanical and Forestry Department to take over the large forestry operations previously carried out by contractors in 1907; see Dunn, ‘Report on the Botanical and Afforestation Department’, GG [Supplement No. 15] (31 July 1908), pp. 417–434 (p. 421).

56 ‘Report on the Condition and Prospects of Hongkong by his Excellency Sir G. William Des Voeux, Governor’ (31 October 1889), SP (1889), pp. 289–304 (p. 297).

57 Pope Hennessy, ‘The Governor's Report on the Blue Book’ (29 April 1881), paragraph 128.

58 Price, ‘Tree Planting’, p. 507.

59 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent, Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (18 April 1881), p. 272.

60 Price, ‘Tree Planting’, p. 507.

61 Ford, ‘Report of the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (13 April 1888), GG, Vol. 34, No. 33 [Supplement] (14 July 1888), pp. 703–709 (p. 708).

62 Clark, James Hyde, Story of China and Japan: Embracing Their Geographical Positions (Philadelphia: Oriental Publishing, 1894), p. 118Google Scholar; see, also, The Chronicle and Directory for China, Corea, Japan etc. (Hong Kong: Hongkong Daily Press, 1884), p. 243.

63 Eitel, Ernest J., Europe in China: The History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882 (Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1895), p. 403Google Scholar.

64 Cunynghame, Arthur Augustus Thurlow, An Aide-de-Camp's Recollections of Service in China, a Residence in Hong Kong, and Visits to Other Islands in the Chinese Seas, Vol. 2 (London: Saunders and Otley, 1844), p. 150Google Scholar.

65 ‘The Extension of Hong Kong from a Sanitary Point of View’, British Medical Journal, Vol. 1, No. 1955 (18 June 1898), pp. 1608–1609 (p. 1608).

66 Ibid.

67 Dunn, ‘Report on the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (1908), p. 506.

68 McClintock, Imperial Leather, p. 5.

69 Chadwick, Osbert, ‘Report on the Sanitary Condition of Hong Kong’ in Parliamentary Papers, Vol. 26. China: Correspondence, Annual Reports, Conventions, and Other Papers Relating to the Affairs of Hong Kong 1882–99 (Shannon: Irish University Press, 1971 [1882]), pp. 97160, 99–100Google Scholar.

70 Ibid, p. 97.

71 On early nineteenth-century European responses to tropical lands ‘as an object of colonial fear and desire, utility and aesthetics’, see Arnold, David, The Tropics and the Traveling Gaze: India, Landscape, and Science, 1800–1856 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006), p. 3Google Scholar.

72 James Cantlie, ‘Hong-Kong’, pp. 498–531, 499.

73 Mann, Michael and Sehrawat, Samiksha, ‘A City With a View: The Afforestation of the Delhi Ridge, 1883–1913’, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 43, No. 2 (2009), pp. 543570CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent for the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (18 April 1881), p. 272.

75 Lobscheid, William, A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education and the Government Schools of Hongkong; with Remarks on the History and Religious Notes of the Inhabitants of this Island (Hong Kong: China Mail, 1859), p. 26Google Scholar.

76 Recalton, James, China Through the Stereoscope: A Journey Through the Dragon Empire at the Time of the Boxer Uprising (London and New York: Underwood & Underwood, 1901), p. 57Google Scholar.

77 Ibid, pp. 57–58.

78 Ibid, p. 77.

79 ‘The Name of Hong Kong’, Hongkong Daily Press (5 February 1873), p. 2.

80 Price, ‘Site for Central School’ (25 April 1876), GG, Vol. 23, No. 50 (17 November 1877), p. 501.

81 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent, Botanic and Afforestation Department’ (30 April 1884), GG [Supplement] (24 May 1883), pp. 466–477 (p. 470). On Ford's trips to Mainland China, see the correspondence: CO 129/202 (20 September 1882), pp. 593–596 and CO 129/206 (8 July 1882), pp. 166–169.

82 ‘When the Hongkong Government cut a road, known as the Gap, to the Happy Valley, the Chinese community was thrown into a state of abject terror and fright, on account of the disturbance which this amputation of the dragon's limbs would cause to the Feng-shui of Hongkong. . .’; see Eitel, Ernest J., Feng-shui, or, The Rudiments of Natural Science in China(London: Trübner & Co., 1873), p. 2Google Scholar.

83 See ‘Notes on the Vegetation of the West River’, Hongkong Daily Press (4 September 1882), p. 2.

84 Eitel, Feng-shui, p. 5.

85 Ibid, p. 53.

86 Ibid.

87 Ford, ‘Report on the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (27 May 1895), GG, Vol. 61, No. 28 (8 June 1895), pp. 657–671 (p. 661).

88 Manson, Cantlie and William Hartigan, who had formed a joint medical practice in Hong Kong, taught other areas in the syllabus. On Ford's role in teaching botany to medical students, see Ford, ‘Report of the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (13 April 1888), p. 706.

89 Ford, Charles, Kai, Ho, and Crow, William Edward, ‘Notes on Chinese Materia Medica’, China Review, Vol. 15, No. 4 (1887), pp. 214220Google Scholar (p. 214).

90 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent, Botanic and Afforestation Department’ (18 April 1881), p. 272.

91 See Bryant, ‘Romancing Colonial Forestry’.

92 See Hamilton, Sheilah E., Watching over Hong Kong: Private Policing, 1841–1941 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2008), pp. 8387Google Scholar.

93 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent, Botanic and Afforestation Department’ (4 April 1883), p. 348.

94 Ford, ‘Report on the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (4 February 1897), SP (1897), pp. 23–130 (p. 126).

95 Dunn, ‘Report on the Botanical and Forestry Department’ (1908), p. 422.

96 ‘Petition of Residents at Western End of the City’, Appendix A, Report of the Commissioners to Enquire into the Cause of the Fever Prevailing in the Western District (Hong Kong: Noronha, 1888), p. 1.

97 Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent for the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (18 April 1881), p. 272.

98 Although picnics posed dangers to the woods: a party which disembarked for a picnic at Deep Water Bay was responsible for one of the worst fires of 1893; Ford, ‘Report from the Superintendent for the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (7 May 1894), GG, Vol. 40, No. 25 (12 May 1894), pp. 432–440 (p. 437).

99 Bhabha, Homi, The Location of Culture (London and New York: Routledge, 1994), p. 114Google Scholar.

100 Eitel, Feng-shui, p. 3.

101 Dunn, ‘Report on the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (11 April 1904), p. 1129.

102 Dunn, , ‘New Chinese Plants’, Journal of Botany, Vol. 46 (1908), pp. 324326Google Scholar.

103 Arnold, David, ‘Envisioning the Tropics: Joseph Hooker in India and the Himalayas, 1848–1850’ in Driver, Felix and Martins, Luciana (eds), Tropical Visions in an Age of Empire (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2005), pp. 137155 (p. 143)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 Simpson, W. J., The Maintenance of Health in the Tropics(London: John Bale and Danielsson, 1905), p. 35Google Scholar.

105 Bruce, Sir Charles, The Broad Stone of Empire: Problems of Crown Colony Administration, Vol. 2 (London: Macmillan, 1910), pp. 142143Google Scholar.

106 Kennedy, Dane, The Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), pp. 5455Google Scholar.

107 Moore, W. J., Health in the Tropics, Or Sanitary Art Applied to Europeans in India(London: John Churchill, 1862), p. 12Google Scholar.

108 Ibid, p. 122.

109 Anders, J. M., Houseplants as Sanitary Agents; or, The Relation of Growing Vegetation to Health and Disease; Comprising also a Consideration of the Subject of the Practical Floriculture and of the Sanitary Interests of Forests and Plantations(Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1887)Google Scholar.

110 Kingzett, C. T., Nature's Hygiene: A Systematic Manual of Natural Hygiene(London: Baillière, Tindall, & Co., 1888)Google Scholar.

111 Henry, Augustine, Forests, Woods and Trees in Relation to Hygiene (London: Constable & Co., 1919), p. viCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

112 Ibid, p. v.

113 See, for example, ‘The Virtues of the Eucalyptus’, China Mail (23 March 1877), p. 3.

114 Lowson, James A., ‘The Epidemic of Bubonic Plague in Hong Kong, 1894’ (1 March 1895), GG, Vol. 61, No. 16 (13 April 1895), pp. 369422Google Scholar (p. 395).

115 Worboys, Michael, Spreading Germs: Diseases, Theories, and Medical Practice in Britain, 1865–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

116 For an analysis of how ‘wild’ frontier places were understood to exert a disruptive influence on the balance of the ‘humours’, see Valenčius, Conevery Bolton, The Health of the Country: How American Settlers Understood Themselves and Their Land (New York: Basic Books, 2002)Google Scholar.

117 ‘Police Notification’ (29 March 1876), GG, Vol. 22, No. 14 (1 April 1876), p. 166.

118 ‘Destroying Trees’, Hongkong Daily Press (6 April 1878), p. 2.

119 Governor Des Voeux to Lord Knutsford, CO129/237 (4 April 1888), pp. 306–310.

120 Fan, British Naturalists in Qing China, p. 65.

121 Governor Sir Pope Hennessy to the Earl of Kimberley, CO 129/189 (2 August 1880), pp. 198–237.

122 Price, ‘Tree Planting’ (28 August 1877), pp. 507, 509; ‘Cultivation of the “Eucalyptus” in Hongkong’, GG, Vol. 25, No. 12 (26 March 1879), p. 152, which contains a report by Ford dated 12 March 1879.

123 Pope Hennessy, ‘The Governor's Report on the Blue Book’ (29 April 1881), paragraph 25.

124 ‘Report of the Commissioners appointed by His Excellency Sir G. William Des Voeux to Enquire into the Cause of the Fever Prevailing in the Western District’ (Hong Kong: Noronha, 1888), p. viii.

125 Ibid.

126 Kennedy, Magic Mountains, pp. 55–60.

127 Ford, ‘Report of the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (22 February 1890), p. 370.

128 Ford, ‘Report of the Superintendent of the Botanical and Afforestation Department’ (25 June 1891), p. 579.

129 Ibid.

130 Vandergeest, Peter and Peluso, Nancy Lee, ‘Empires of Forestry: Professional Forestry and State Power in Southeast Asia, Part 1’, Environment and History, Vol. 12 (2006), pp. 3164 (p. 32)Google Scholar.

131 Ibid, p.31.

132 See Kennedy, Magic Mountains, pp. 39–40.

133 Vernon, James, ‘Border Crossing: Cornwall and the English (imagi)nation’, in Cubitt, G. (ed.), Imagining Nations (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), pp. 153172 (p. 156)Google Scholar.

134 Allom, Thomas, China, in a Series of Views, Displaying the Scenery, Architecture, and Social Habits of that Ancient Empire, Vol. 2 (London: Fisher, Son, & Co., 1843), pp. 3334Google Scholar.

135 Loch, Granville G., The Closing Events of the Campaign in China: The Operations in the Yang-Tze-Kiang and the Treaty of Nanking (London: John Murray, 1843), pp. 1821Google Scholar.

136 McGhee, Robert James Leslie, How We Got into Pekin: A Narrative of the Campaign in China of 1860 (London: Richard Bentley, 1862), p. 34Google Scholar.

137 Jan Oosthoek, ‘The Colonial Origins of Scientific Forestry in Britain’ (2007), http://www.eh-resources.org/colonial_forestry.html, [accessed 6 October 2014].

138 Dunlap, Thomas R., ‘Remaking the Land: The Acclimatization Movement and Anglo Ideas of Nature’, Journal of World History, Vol. 8, No. 2 (1997), pp. 303319CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pandian, M. S. S., ‘Hunting and Colonialism in the Nineteenth-Century Nilgiri Hills of South India’ in Grove, Richard H., Damodaran, Vinita, and Sangwan, Satpal (eds), Nature and the Orient: The Environmental History of South and Southeast Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 272297Google Scholar.

139 See, in this context, McNeil, Kenneth's discussions of the conflicted representations of the ‘Highlands’ in Scotland, Britain, Empire: Writing the Highlands, 1760–1860 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.