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³ Metcalf, B. (1982). Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900, Princeton University Press, New JerseyGoogle Scholar; Stark, U. (2007). An Empire of Books: The Naval Kishore Press & the Diffusion of the Printed Word in Colonial India, Permanent Black Press, New Delhi, pp. 285–291Google Scholar.

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⁷ Jamal al-Din Afghani is the better known radical transnationalist of the period.

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¹¹ Nizami, K. A. (1951). Shah Waliullah and Indian Politics in the 18^th century, Islamic Culture, xxv, 135Google Scholar.

¹² Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony.

¹³ Ensemble, ‘Japan's global claim to Asia and the world of Islam’. I borrow this phrase from Ensemble who uses it to describe how in the early 20^th century Japan's Asiatic political ambitions tied in with the objectives of pan-Islamist nationalists of all hues located in critical niches like Istanbul, Mecca, Paris etc. According to her the coming together of global aspirations of Muslims and imperial Japan's international relations energized pan-Islam. Muslim ‘outlaws’ discussed here were ordinary individuals and thus I do not use the term nationalist for them. This also meant they had more options available to them for connectivity.

¹⁴ In this sense it was different from the trans-nationalism as used by Prasenjit Duara. Duara, P. (1996). Rescuing History from the nation: Questioning narratives of modern China, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, p. 3Google Scholar. For diaspora nationalism see Ho, E. (2004). Empire through diasporic eyes: the view from the other boat, Comparative Studies in Society and History 46:2, 210–246Google Scholar; for specifically Tamil diasporas see Amrith, S. (2009). Tamil Diasporas across the Bay of Bengal, American Historical Review, 114:3, 547–572Google Scholar.

¹⁵ The late nineteenth century was a crucial moment in the history of modern Empires when the ‘foreign’ and the ‘domestic’ leaned on each other like never before. For the Ottoman and British cases see Deringil, S. (1991). Legitimacy structures in the Ottoman Empire: Abd al–Hamid II 1876–1909, International Journal of Mid East Studies, 23:3, 345–359Google Scholar; Cole, J. R. I. (2002). ‘Shaikh al Ra'is and Sutan Abdulhamid II: The Iranian dimension of Pan-Islam’, in Gershoni, I., Erdem, H. and Wokock, U.Histories of the Modern Middle East, Lynne Rienner, Colorado, pp. 167–185Google Scholar; Litvak, M. (2000). A failed manipulation: the British, the Oudh Bequest and the Shi Ulama of Najaf and Karbala, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 27:1, 69–89Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Anderson, The Indian Uprising; For movement along imperial webs that emanated from India see Metcalf, T. (2007). Imperial Connections. India in the Indian Ocean Arena, 1860–1920, University of California, BerkeleyGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ Ho, E. (2006). The Graves of Tarim. Genealogy and Mobility across the Indian Ocean, University of California, Berkeley, pp. 60–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ Ibid., p. 49.

¹⁹ Buzpinar, T. S. (1993). Abdulhamid II and Sayyid Fadl Pasha of Hadhramaut: An Arab Dignitary's Ambitions (1876–1900), The Journal of Ottoman Studies 13, 227–228Google Scholar; Ho, Graves of Tarim. Enseng Ho has shown that this trans-cultural Muslim ecumene and its cultural exchanges were crucial to the formation of the Alawi way, both at home and in the diaspora.

²⁰ Foreign Office (henceforth FO) 685/2, part II, Syed Hamid bin Syed Boobaker Moonuffer to Abdur Razzack, Vice Consul Jeddah, 27 October 1889. The dual status of such Arab émigrés often created problems for imperial powers as they saw such men as both suspect as well as possessing immense potential as trans-cultural middlemen. See the case of Syed Hamid bin Syed Boobaker Moonuffar who, clearly a Hadhramaut Arab, had lived in Calicut which he considered his home. In 1889 he petitioned to the Indian Government from Mecca asking for help to get back home to Calicut. He had lived in Mecca for 40 years and still yearned to get back to Calicut.

²¹ Buzpinar, Abdulhamid II and Sayyid Fadl Pasha, pp. 227–239.

²² Dale, S. (1980). Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier: the Mappilas of Malabar 1498–1922, Oxford University Press, New York, pp. 127–137Google Scholar. The shrine still exists.

²³ Dale, S. (1997). ‘The Hadhrami Diaspora in South-Western India: the Role of the Sayyids of the Malabar Coast’ in Freitag, U. and Clarece-Smith, W. G.Hadrami Traders, Scholars and Statesmen in the Indian Ocean, 1750s–1960s, Brill, Leiden, pp. 175–184Google Scholar.

²⁴ Dale, Mappilas of Malabar, pp. 156–158; Wood, C. (1987). The Moplah Rebellion and its Genesis, People's Publishing House, New Delhi, p. 49Google Scholar.

²⁵ For accounts of how Empires intersected in the Hijaz over pilgrims’ documents see Singha, R. (2009). ‘Passports, ticket and India-rubber stamp: the problem of the pauper pilgrim in colonial India, 1882–1925’, in Fischer-Tine, H. and Tambe, A.The Limits of British Colonial Control in South Asia. Spaces of Disorder in the Indian Ocean region, Routledge, London, pp. 49–83Google Scholar. For imperial cooperation and contestations over medical emergencies see reports of Abdur Razzack in FO 685/1: Cholera report of 1881; also draft report on Cameron, 17 November 1882; Haj report 1882, part I.

²⁶ See Hurgronje, S. (2007). Mecca in the latter part of nineteenth century: daily life, customs and learning. Muslims of the East Indies Archipelago, 2nd edition, Brill, LeidenGoogle Scholar. Fascinating details of political discussions that the pilgrims from India and Indonesia (jawahs) had about their European political masters and the strategies they worked out in order to come to terms with new circumstances. Indians were always more critical of the British than the Malay and Jawah were about the Dutch. For secret societies of all political hues in Mecca see FO 685/1, Consul Zohrab's letter Book, 1879, ff. 381–386.

²⁷ FO78/3615, L No. 230–1317, F. Loch, Political Resident Aden, to Sec. to Govt., Bombay, 20 November 1877.

²⁸ Ibid.

²⁹ Ibid., enclosure no 250–1556, F. Loch, Resident at Aden, to C. Gonne, Sec. to Govt. of Bombay, Pol. Dept., 22 November 1878.

³⁰ Ibid., L No. 11/70 F. Loch, Political Resident at Aden, to Sec. to Govt. Bombay, 15 January 1878.

³¹ Ibid., Enclosure no 250–1556, F Loch, Resident at Aden, to C. Gonne, Sec. to Govt. of Bombay, Pol. Dept., 22 November 1878.

³² Ibid., Sayid Abdal Rehman bin Hosain bin sahl to Hasan Ali Rajab Ali, Agent to High Govt., 13th November 1878.

³³ Ibid.

³⁴ Ibid., L No. 11/70, F. Loch, Political Resident at Aden, to Sec. to Govt. Bombay, 15 January 1878.

³⁵ Ibid., Al Ghurrah tribals were incensed at his harsh treatment to their tribe for practising magic. They revolted.

³⁶ L No. 3–9, F. Loch, Resident at Aden, to C. Gonne, Sec. to Govt. of Bombay, Pol. Dept. 3 January 1879. Al Ghurrah also objected to his efforts to divert water away from their lands.

³⁷ Jalal, A. (2008). Partisans of Allah. Jihad in South Asia, Permanent Black, New Delhi, pp. 58–113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ FO78/3615, L No. 11/70, F. Loch, Political Resident at Aden, to Sec. to Govt. Bombay, 15 January 1878.

³⁹ Ibid., India Office to the Under Secretary of State, Foreign Office, 9 June 1879.

⁴⁰ Bayly, C. A. (2000). Empire and Information. Intelligence Gathering & Social Communication in India 1780–1870, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000Google Scholar.

⁴¹ FO78/3615, India Office to the Under Secretary of State, Foreign Office, 9 June 1879.

⁴² Ibid., L No. 130, Lt. Col. W. F. Prideaux, Pol. Resident in the Persian Gulf, to T. H. Thornton, Offic. Sec. to Govt. of India, Foreign Dept, 18 May 1877. Lt. Col. S. B. Miles, Pol. Agent at Muscat, investigated into the claims of the Sultan over Dhofar. He doubted the veracity of these claims. Ibid., L No. 210, Lt. Col. S. B. Miles, Pol. Agent and Consul, Muscat, to Lt. Col. W. F. Prideaux, Officiating. Pol. Resident in Persian Gulf, 10 May 1877.

⁴³ Ibid.

⁴⁴ For an excellent account of the late Ottoman Empire see Hanioglu, M. S. (2008). A Brief History of the late Ottoman Empire, Princeton University Press, New JerseyGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁵ Deringil, Legitimacy structures in the Ottoman state.

⁴⁶ FO 78/3615, L No. 1098, Resident at Istanbul to Marquess of Salisbury, 12 February 1880.

⁴⁷ Buzpinar, Abdulhamid II and Sayyid Fadl Pasha, p. 237. He argues that such overtures by Fadl were meant to please the British so that they could help him reclaim Dhofar.

⁴⁸ FO 78/3615, L No. 1098, Resident at Istanbul to Marquess of Salisbury, 12 February 1880.

⁴⁹ FO685/2 part II, L No. 15, Confidential, FO to Govt of India, 3 December 1888.

⁵⁰ Ibid.

⁵¹ Ibid., L No. 15, Confidential, FO to Govt of India, 3 December 1888.

⁵² FO 78/3615, India Office to Under Secretary of State, Foreign Office, 12 March 1880.

⁵³ Ibid., Sayyid Fadl Moplah, Governor of Dhofar, to Gov. of Aden, 1877.

⁵⁴ For his stay as the guest of Abd al-Hamid II at Istanbul see Buzpinar, Abdulhamid II and Sayyid Fadl, p. 228.

⁵⁵ FO 78/3615, L No. 192/916 of 1879, Aden Residency to Sec. to Govt. Bombay, 5 June 1879.

⁵⁶ Ibid., Memorandum of Hugo Marometh, 30 August 1879, Istanbul.

⁵⁷ Reid, A. (2005). Indonesian Frontier: Achenese and other Histories of Sumatra, Singapore University Press, Singapore, pp. 226–248Google Scholar; Laffan, M. (2003). Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia. The Umma Below the Wind, Routledge, London, pp. 114–141Google Scholar; Jalal, Self & Sovereignty, pp 190–194. Anthony Reid shows Caliph-centric pan-Islam as a colonial construct. Laffan shifts the focus away from the Caliph to Cairo where anti-British movement and French radical ideas invigorated Indonesian nationalists. In the case of India, Ayesha Jalal has convincingly argued the case for Muslim universalisms.

⁵⁸ FO78/3615, Resident in Constantinople to Marquess of Salisbury, Constantinople, 7 April 1880. One Mr Ede, an Englishman in Istanbul, was always suspect in the Resident's eye because of his commercial dealings with Fadl and plans for trade with the Hadhramaut area.

⁵⁹ Reid, Indonesian Frontier, pp. 237–238, 241. Zahir was a religious and legal reformer and had reached Acheh in 1864 after interesting stints in Europe, Egypt, Arabia, Malaya and India. Because of him, hopes of Ottoman help lingered. In 1890 a Turkish warship in Singapore created excitement as it revived hopes of protection. Letters from Acheh were sent to its Turkish commander but clearly nothing came out of this.

⁶⁰ Ibid., p. 238. He pulled out an 1850 firman from the archives that declared Acheh as a protectorate of the Ottomans. This was effective face-saving for him. The Caliph very gently, in a non-persuasive way, stated his political sovereignty over Acheh. It was dismissed instantly by Holland. Soon the Porte dismissed Zahir with a minor decoration for himself and a Vizirial letter for his Sultan that summed up Turkey's attempts to help Acheh.

⁶¹ Ibid., p. 238. Some Singapore Arabs launched an appeal amongst their compatriots in the Straits Settlements and Java which was said to have raised 100,000 Spanish dollars for the Achenese cause by the end of 1874.

⁶² FO 78/3615, L No. 42–208, Brig. F. Loch, Political Resident Aden, to Sec. to Govt. of Bombay, Pol. Dept., 4 February 1879.

⁶³ Ibid., Resident at Constantinople to India Office, 20 January 1881.

⁶⁴ Dale, Moplahs of Malabar, pp. 166–167. It was this living martyr status coupled with the correspondence he engaged in with the people of Malabar that made him a suspect in the murder of Conolly.

⁶⁵ FO/685/1, III Misc. 1873–1882, W. Logan, Commissioner Calicut, to Consul at Jeddah, 29 December 1881.

⁶⁶ Dale, Moplahs of Malabar, p. 168. The nercca ceremony that commemorated the martyrs of 1848 was enacted at Fadl's father's shrine at Mambram every year until the early twentieth century.

⁶⁷ FO/685/1, III Misc. 1873–1882., L No. 348, Chief Sec. to British Consul at Jeddah, 5 July 1881.

⁶⁸ FO78/3615, L No. 307, Resident at Therapia to Earl Granville, 31 August 1880.

⁶⁹ Ibid., Resident at Constantinople to Marquess of Salisbury, Constantinople, 13 December 1879.

⁷⁰ Ibid., A Block to India Office, 14 December 1880.

⁷¹ Ibid., Resident Istanbul to India Office, 6 January 1881.

⁷² IOR L/P&S/3/252, L No. 156, Lord Dufferin to Granville, Constantinople, 4 March 1882.

⁷³ Buzpinar, Abdulhamid and Sayyid Fadl, p. 239.

⁷⁴ Powell, A. (1993). Muslims and Missionaries in Pre-Mutiny India, Curzon Press, Richmond, Surrey, pp. 221–222Google Scholar. She argues that he and his father both had stints as mir-munshis in the service of Maharaja Hindu Rao. And the Maharaja had earlier given refuge to followers of Sayyid Ahmad Shahid. This may have influenced him towards their monist Tariqa-i-Muhammadiya ideology.

⁷⁵ Ibid., p. 221. See for a detailed biographical account of him.

⁷⁶ Adravi, Maulana Asir. (2004). Mujahid Islam. Maulana Rahmatullah Kairanwi, Farid Books, Delhi, pp. 288–289Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Ibid., p. 293.

⁷⁸ Gaborieu, M. (1995). ‘Late. Persian, Early Urdu: The case of “Wahhabi” Literature (1818–1857)’ in Delvoye, N.Confluence of Cultures: French contributions to Indo-Persian Studies, Manohar, New Delhi, pp. 170–191Google Scholar; Pearson, H. (2008). Islamic Reform and Revival in nineteenth century India. The Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah, reprint Yoda Press, New DelhiGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁹ Hourani, A. (1963). Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798–1939, Oxford University Press, New York, p. 105Google Scholar; Commins, D. D. (1990). Islamic Reform. Political and Social Change in late Ottoman Syria, Oxford University Press, New York, pp. 24–29Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Adravi, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, pp. 302–303.

⁸¹ Ibid., p. 318; Zafar, H. M. A. (2007). Rahmatullah Kairanwi aur un kei Muasareen, Takhleeqat Publishers, Lahore, pp. 480–481Google Scholar.

⁸² Ibid., p. 319; Ibid, p. 461.

⁸³ Adravi, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, pp. 322–323. He also notes here his royal welcome (shahana isteqbal) and the award of Rs. 5,000, and gifts of precious rosaries that he received from the Caliph.

⁸⁴ Ibid., p. 324. This is Turkey's largest royal library which was established by Sultan Hamid Pasha. Kairanwi's brother was made the director of this library—a great honour, and he remained permanently lodged in Istanbul throughout his life.

⁸⁵ Ibid., pp. 326–330.

⁸⁶ FO 685/2, part I, British Consulate Jeddah to the Sec. to Govt. of India, 22 June 1883. In 1883 the British Consul in Jeddah received two letters from Kairanwi in which he pleaded that he wished to go back to India. The Consulate made enquiries into his case via dragomans and reliable Indian agents and found his behaviour during his residence in Mecca ‘perfectly unobjectionable’. Relying on two Indians—Hassan Johar and Hafizuddin, who knew Kairanwi for 12 years—they recommended to the government that Kairanwi be allowed to go back to India. The Consulate said that notwithstanding ‘his real or supposed share in 1857’ he had a very uneventful life and stint at Mecca. He is ‘much respected, it appears as a man the morality of whose life is in conformity with his religion’ he lives very ‘quietly and has no connection with public affairs religious or political’. The Consulate was of the view that this act of generosity would be appreciated not just by Kairanwi but also by influential people in Mecca.

⁸⁷ Ibid., Junior Sec. to Govt of NWP & Oudh to Sec. to Govt. of India, Foreign Depts., 3 September 1883.

⁸⁸ Ibid., Extract from the list of persons eminent for disloyalty in the district of the Meerut Division, 24th November 1858.

⁸⁹ Col. P. D. Henderson's note, 21 July 1888, Foreign Dept., Secret I, Proceedings June 1889, Nos. 1–8, R/1/1/98.

⁹⁰ Commins, Islamic Reform, pp. 24–29; For details of Siddiq Hasan see, Saeedullah, . (1973). The Life and Works of Muhammad Siddiq Hasan Khan. Nawab of Bengal, Ashraf Press, LahoreGoogle Scholar.

⁹¹ Makdisi, I. (2006). ‘Theatre and radical politics in Beirut, Cairo and Alexandria: 1860–1914’, Occasional paper, Centre for Contemporary Arab Studies. Edmund A. Walsh school of Foreign Service, GW University, pp. 8–18, 23–4.

⁹² Ibid., p. 12.

⁹³ Laffan, Islamic Nationhood, pp. 114–141.

⁹⁴ W-4087, Abdur Razzack, ‘Report on Mecca Pilgrims. Sanitation and Medical Report, 1879’, p. 121.

⁹⁵ Razzack, Abdur, ‘Report on educational facilities in the Hijaz in 1885’, Burdett, A. L. P. (ed.), Records of the Hijaz 1798–1925, 10 vols., Slough, Archive Edition 1996, vol. 4, p. 402Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ This is the classic commentary by the Egyptian scholar Ibn Suyuti (1445–1505) that is used throughout the Muslim world.

⁹⁷ Zafar, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, pp. 463–464.

⁹⁸ Ibid., p. 463; Adravi, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, p. 313.

⁹⁹ Ibid., pp. 465, 468–469.

¹⁰⁰ Adravi, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, p. 313. Faiz Ahmed Khan of Aligarh gifted him a part of his house that he owned in Mecca. A Patna notable, Mir Wahid Husain, while on haj donated a substantial amount of money with which a hostel for 50 students was built. And Kairanwi bought the malba (debris) of a kutubkhana (library) located in the courtyard of the haram for Rs. 1,500.

¹⁰¹ Maulana Muhammad Masud Shamim Kairanwi, ‘Mecca Muazamah almi tareekh kaa eik roshan baab’, typescript, pp. 70–71. She had heard of Kairanwi because of his widely publicized debates held in Delhi and Agra with the Protestant missionary Padre Pfander. She agreed to donate lavishly to his madrasa when on a pilgrimage to the haram-sharif she heard that there was no other place except this madrasa where the children of muhajirs could have a decent education.

¹⁰² Zafar, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, pp. 474–475. The story goes that she dreamt that she was in a beautiful house in heaven but one which had no water provisions. And she experienced immense thirst and kept looking for water. This dream inspired her to donate the rest of her money to Kairanwi's madrasa for water supply.

¹⁰³ For a discussion on the making of the Dars-i Nizamiyya in Awadh see, Robinson, F. (2001). The Ulama of Farangi Mahal & Islamic Culture in South Asia, C. Hurst, London, pp. 46–55Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Zafar. Rahmatullah Kairanwi, pp. 472–473.

¹⁰⁵ Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahal, pp. 240–251.

¹⁰⁶ Zafar. Rahmatullah Kairanwi p. 484.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., pp. 482–483, 521. Hazrat Thanawi of the Deoband fame, exercised his qirrat with guidance from Qari Abdullah. He became so good in practice that when he recited the Quran crowds collected below his window and people could not make out whether it was his voice or that of Qari Abdullah. The madrasa soon became a centre that encouraged students from all over the world to perfect the art of qirrat and use it as a global connector.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., p. 521. See list of 14 qaris. These include qari Abdul Rahman of Allahabad, maulvi Suleiman of Bhopal, qari Mizan Shah of Nadwat ul-Ulama, Lucknow and qari Abdul Malik of madrasa Furqania in Lucknow.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., p. 483. Citing the Safar-i-Hijaz of Maulana Sarf-ul Haq.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., p. 517.

¹¹¹ Col. P. D. Henderson's note, 21 July 1888, Foreign Dept., Secret I, Proceedings June 1889, Nos. 1–8, R/1/1/98.

¹¹² Zafar, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, p. 484.

¹¹³ Ibid., p. 473.

¹¹⁴ Laffan, Islamic Nationhood, p. 38.

¹¹⁵ Ibid., p. 61.

¹¹⁶ Zafar. Rahmatullah Kairanwi, pp. 518–20. See list of names of his students and their placements.

¹¹⁷ Ahmad, B. (nd). Tazkirah Haji Imdadullah Makki, Kitab Bhawan, Delhi, p. 50Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Ibid., pp. 51. Financial networks, between Indian Muslims and the Palestine waqfs as well as between trusts of Indian royalty and Shia ulema from Iraq and Iran, that provided the base for social relations and political manipulations across the imperial assemblages of the nineteenth century have been documented by Omar Khalidi and Meir Litvak respectively. See Khalidi, O. (2009–2010). Indian Muslims and Palestinian Awqaf, Jerusalem Quarterly, 40, 52–58Google Scholar; Litvak, M. (2001). Money, Religion, and Politics: the Oudh bequest in Najaf and Karbala, 1850–1903, Journal of Middle East Studies, 33:1, 1–21Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Faruqi, N. A. (1979). Marqumat Imdadiyah, Maktabah-i-Burhan, Delhi, p. 77Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Zafar, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, pp. 502–503. He invited the son of maulana Nanatavi, maulana Hafiz Muhammad Ahmad, to come over and enrole at madrasa Saulatiya for further education.

¹²¹ Barkati, M. K. K. (1974). Faislah Hafte Maslah. Tausihhat wa Tashreehat, (Urdu Tr. Of Imdadullah Makki's book with the same title), Farooqia Book Depot, Delhi, p. 49Google Scholar. While at Mecca he wrote an extremely important book in Arabic called Faislah Hafte Maslah (Verdict on Seven Issues) that focused on issues of custom and ritual that were mooted and caused friction between different sects of Muslims. He identified seven such issues—five practical (amli) and two intellectual (ilmi)—that divided Muslims. He was very clear that he did not want Muslims to quarrel over these issues. He wanted no further discussion or debate (munazara) on these matters except a consensus because his movement (tehreek) for unity amongst Muslims was so obviously the need of the hour.

¹²² Zafar, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, p. 306.

¹²³ Kairanwi, R. (1867). Izharul Haq, Imperial Printing Press, IstanbulGoogle Scholar. This was the Arabic edition first published in two volumes in Istanbul in 1867. The Urdu Translation titled, Bible sei Quran Tak, was translated by Maulana Akbar Ali. The Urdu version is used here. See Kairanwi, R.Izharul Haq, Tr. Ali, A. (1968). Bible sei Quran Tak, Maktabah Darul Ulum, Karachi, 1968, 2 Vols., Vol. 2, pp. 1–24Google Scholar. For instances of tehreef lavzi see pp. 90–101.

¹²⁴ Kairanwi, R. (1876). Ibtalul Taslis, Mir Hasan Rizvi Press, Delhi, pp. 10–64Google Scholar. This is a 64–page text in which Kairanwi takes on the missionary challenge and demolishes Christian beliefs about the Trinity and the idea of Christ as the Son of God via his reading of the Christian literature. He details the empirical fallacies, logic deficiency, and lack of scientific veracity in Christian literature as compared with the Islamic one.

¹²⁵ Kairanwi, Bible sei Koran Tak, vol. II, Discussion on veracity and scientificity, pp. 270–273.

¹²⁶ Ibid, pp. 191–194.

¹²⁷ Robinson, F. (2000). ‘Religious change and the self in Muslim South Asia since 1800’, in Robinson, F., Islam and Muslim History in South Asia, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp. 105–121Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Ibid., pp. 358–362, 380.

¹²⁹ Ibid., p. 372.

¹³⁰ Robinson, F. (2006). ‘Islam & the Impact of print in South Asia’ in Robinson, F.Islam & Muslim History in South Asia, Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2000, pp. 66–104Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Saeedullah, The Life and Works of Muhammd Siddiq Hasan Khan, p. 84.

¹³² L No. 212, Foreign Dept. to Marquess of Hartington, Sec. of State for India, nd, ff 1251–1257, L/PS/7/26 part 6 1880 Pol. Sec. letters from India 1880.

¹³³ Ozcan, A. (1997). Pan-Islamism. Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain (1877–1924), Brill, Leiden, p. 18Google Scholar.

¹³⁴ Adravi, Rahmatullah Kairanwi, p. 309.

¹³⁵ Ibid.

¹³⁶ Dale, ‘The Hadhraami Diaspora’, p. 179.

¹³⁷ Buzpinar, Abdulhamid II and Sayyid Fadl, p. 239.

¹³⁸ Ibid.

¹³⁹ See 1882 Haj reports of Abdur Razzack, the British Vice Consul at Jeddah. FO/881/4845 and FO/881/5113.