Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
The Philippines in the immediate post-war years may be described as a nation in search of an identity. This preoccupation with what one journalist has dubbed ‘the question of identity’ spurred a sudden interest in the research and discussion of things Filipino: Filipino dance, theater, literature, language, music, art and cultural traditions. After four hundred and fifty years of colonial rule the Filipino intelligentsia began to wonder if indeed the western legacy of colonial rule was the annihilation of the very essence of Filipino culture. Under the aegis of American rule Filipinos were adamant about proving to their colonizers that they had been good pupils in western democratic ideals and were fit to govern themselves. From the 1920s to the early 1940s, the Filipino had become a sajonista (pro-American). The Japanese colonizers who replaced the Americans in the second world war were appalled not only at the pro-Americanism of the Filipino but at the magnitude of American influence absorbed by Filipino culture. In fact it was the Japanese who promoted the use of Tagalog and the ‘revival’ and appreciation of Filipino cultural traditions as part of the policy of ‘Asia for the Asians’. Once independence was achieved at last in 1946, the focus shifted. The nagging question was no longer ‘Are we western enough to govern ourselves?’ but its opposite—‘Have we become too westernized to the point of losing ourselves?’.
1 Joaquin, Nick, ‘Pop Culture: The American Years, The Filipino as Sajonista (1900s–1940s)’, in Roces, Alfredo (ed.), Filipino Heritage (hereafter FH), vol. 10 (Manila, 1978), pp. 2733–44.Google Scholar
2 This was not the first time the question of identity became an issue. In the late nineteenth century the early nationalists of the propaganda period were the first to identify themselves as Filipinos. For a discussion of the early propagandists and their approach to the Filipino identity an excellent study is Schumacher, John, The Propaganda Movement, 1880–1895 (Manila, 1973). In fact, the intelligentsia of the early post-war years looked back at the activities of these early propagandists for inspiration. A bookshop and art gallery (owned by one of the fiction writers discussed in this paper—Francisco Sionil Jose) was called Solidaridad, and his quarterly journal named Solidarity (first published in 1966), because it intended to perpetuate the tradition of the newspaper La Solidaridad.Google Scholar See Jose's, comments in ‘The Writer who Stayed Behind’ in Morales, Alfredo T. (ed), From Cabugaw to Rosales: A Filipino's Journey to Justice and Nationhood, F. Sionil Jose and His Fiction (Quezon City, 1989), pp. 119–20. La Solidaridad was the journal used by the nineteenth century ilustrado proto-nationalists in Spain to voice their criticisms of the Spanish colonials and to demand reforms in the colonial political and religious policies. Indios Bravos was a cafe opened in Mabini St, Manila, by a group of artists and writers in the 1960s and early 1970s. These intellectuals liked to meet regularly at the cafe to discuss issues. Indios Bravos was the name given by Jose Rizal to the group of ilustrado propagandists in Spain. These were the same people who published La Solidaridad. The name ‘Indios Bravos’ itself advertised their identity—they were ‘Indios’.Google Scholar See Schumacher, , The Propaganda, pp. 213–16.Google Scholar
3 The Americans still retained their grip through the presence of military bases, and in the privileges of the parity amendment to the Philippine constitution which allowed Americans equal rights with Filipino citizens in the exploitation of Philippine natural resources.Google Scholar
4 There is a very brief (3 short pages) discussion on the search for identity as an important theme in Philippine fiction of the years 1945–1972 by Joseph A. Galdon, written as part of his review of the prevailing themes in the critical essays on Philippine literature published in Philippine Studies.Google Scholar See Galdon, Joseph A., ‘Introduction’, in Galdon, Joseph A. (ed.), Philippine Fiction: Essays From Philippine Studies 1953–1972 (Quezon City, 1972), pp. xi–xiv.Google Scholar For another essay summarizing the themes in the Philippine novel in English see Galdon, Joseph A., ‘Romance and Realism: The Philippine Novel in English’, in Galdon, Joseph A. (ed), Essays on the Philippine Novel in English (Quezon City, 1979), pp. 1–15.Google Scholar
5 Renato Constantino's works are required readings for Philippine history courses in universities and colleges in the Philippines. His book, The Philippines, A Past Revisited, is a textbook used at the University of the Philippines (UP). His interpretation of history was challenged by American historian Glenn May who lamented the fact that this ‘distorted’ view of history was propagated at the UP and his works cited as gospel truth by the students. This challenge provoked a retort from some UP history professors. It must be pointed out, however, that Glenn May did not separate the view of Constantino the historian, and Constantino, the nationalist. Although Constantino's interpretations may be faulted, his reputation among many Filipinos is still that of a nationalist. For an insight into the debate see May, Glenn, ‘A Past Revisited: A Past Distorted’, Diliman Review, 31, 2 (03–04 1983).Google Scholar This article was reprinted in his book A Past Recovered (Quezon City, 1987), pp. 3–24.Google Scholar For replies to May's article see, Epistola, Silverino V., ‘The Empire Strikes Back’, Diliman Review 31, 4 (07–08, 1983)Google Scholar, and Magno, Alex, ‘Historical Fact and Historical Meaning’, Diliman Review, 31, 3 (05–06, 1983).Google Scholar
6 See Constantino, Renato, Neocolonial Identity and Counter-Consciousness (New York, 1978)Google Scholar, Constantino, Renato, The Philippines: The Continuing Past (Quezon City, 1979)Google Scholar, Constantino, Renato, Dissent and Counter-Consciousness (Quezon City, 1970)Google Scholar, Constantino, Renato, The Nationalist Alternative (Quezon City, 1979)Google Scholar, and Constantino, Renato, The Making of a Filipino (Quezon City, 1969).Google Scholar
7 Constantino, , Neocolonial Identity, pp. 66 and 69.Google Scholar
8 Recto, Claro M., ‘Our Lingering Colonial Complex’, in Constantino, Renato (ed.), Recto Reader, Excerpts from the Speeches of Claro M. Recto (Manila, 1965), p. 9.Google Scholar For more information on Recto's thoughts see this volume. For a glimpse of the thoughts of Recto's protégé and successor Lorenzo Tañada, see Tañada, Lorenzo, Nationalism. A Summons to Greatness (Quezon City, 1965).Google Scholar
9 Castro, Fernando, Nationalism Filipino First (Manila, 1959), p. 9.Google Scholar
10 Although there is some literature on the Filipino First policy there is practically nothing on how Filipino entrepreneurs, publishers and religious took over the top positions previously filled by foreigners. These data were taken from a chapter of a biography of one Filipino business manager who had made it to a top position in this period and succeeded in becoming a top technocrat in the martial law period. See Joaquin, Nick, Jaime Ongpin the Enigma. A Profile of the Filipino as Manager (Manila, 1990), ch. 11, pp. 130–42.Google Scholar
11 See Reyes, Cid, Conversations on Philippine Art (Manila, 1989).Google Scholar This book is a collection of interviews with artists conducted by art critic Cid Reyes. The interviews were largely carried out in the 1970s although a couple were done right before the publication date. See also Torres, Emmanuel, ‘Nationalism in Filipino Art ‘“Hot” and “Cool”’, in Coseteng, Alice M. L. (ed.), Philippine Modern Art and its Critics (Manila, 1972).Google Scholar The article was originally published in Esso Silangan XIV, (06 1969).Google Scholar For a pictorial essay which argues that the Filipino identity is an issue in art from the post-war years to the 1960s see Perez, Rodrigo D. III, ‘Identity Motifs in Philippine Painting’, The Filipinas Journal of Science and Culture, vol. 1 (Manila, 1981), pp. 103–11.Google Scholar
12 See Reyes, , Conversations on Philippine Art.Google Scholar
13 For a compilation of interviews with the first generation of Filipino writers in English see Fernandez, Doreen G., and Alegre, Edilberto N. (eds), The Writer and his Milieu. An Oral History of First Generation Writers in English (Manila, 1984).Google Scholar A second volume compiles the interviews with the second generation of writers in English; that is, the generation discussed in this paper. See Fernandez, Doreen G. and Alegre, Edilberto N. (eds), Writers and their Milieu, An Oral History of Second Generation Writers in English (Manila, 1987). Unfortunately while the first volume captures successfully the life and times of the writers, the second volume is disappointing. The interviews are separate pieces and the ‘milieu’ never materializes. (In the first volume the authors speak of both their lives and of their contemporaries.) At the same time key authors are not included in the volume and replaced by journalists. Established authors such as Francisco Sionil Jose, Alejandro Roces and Gilda Cordero-Fernando are conspicuously absent.Google Scholar
14 Rosca, Ninotchka, ‘Ka Amado: Labor's Guiding Light’, in Roces, Alfredo (ed.), FH, vol. 10, p. 2551.Google Scholar
15 Ibid., p. 2552.
16 Bautista, Cirilo F., ‘Two Poets, Two Rebels: Villa and Hernandez’, in The Filipinas Journal of Science and Culture, vol. 4 (Manila, 1982), p. 66.Google Scholar
17 Hernandez, Amado V., Isang Dipang Langit (Manila, 1961), p. 30Google Scholar, or Juan's, E. San translation of the poems published under the title Rice Grains: Selected Poems (New York, 1966), p. 39.Google Scholar See also Rosca, Ninotchka, ‘Ka Amado’, pp. 2551–2.Google Scholar
18 Reyes, Soledad S., Nobelang Tagalog 1905–1975, Tradisyon at Modernismo (Quezon City, 1982), p. 127.Google Scholar
19 Hernandez, Amado V., Mga Ibong Mandaragit (Quezon City, 1969), pp. 180–1.Google Scholar
20 Rizal, Jose, the Philippine national hero wrote two novels (The Social Cancer, and El Filibusterismo) exposing the evils of Philippine society under Spanish rule. Both books are classics in Philippine literature and history and are required reading in all Philippine schools.Google Scholar
21 Hernandez, , Mga Ibong, p. 116.Google Scholar
22 Ibid., p. 113.
23 Ibid., p. 248.
24 Ibid., p. 113.
25 See Morales, (ed.), From Cabugaw. Like most anthologies, the essays in the collection are not equally successful. Some are extremely laudatory of F. Sionil Jose, some overinterpret his works, and some provide good insights on the novels.Google Scholar
26 Although Tree was published in 1978 it was serialized as The Balete Tree in 1956.Google Scholar
27 The titles of the five novels in their chronological order (as opposed to the order in which they were written) are, Poon (published in 1984), Tree (published in 1978), My Brother, My Executioner (published in 1979), The Pretenders (published in 1962), and Mass (published in 1983).Google Scholar
28 Jose, Sionil, The Pretenders (Manila, 1962).Google Scholar See ‘The Writer who Stayed Behind’, in Morales, (ed.), From Cabugaw, p. 118.Google Scholar
29 Jose, , The Pretenders, p. 121.Google Scholar
30 Ibid., p. 184.
31 Ibid., p. 47.
32 A similar observation is made by historian Bernad, Miguel A. in ‘The Problem of Integrity’, in Morales, (ed.), From Cabugaw, pp. 10–11. Bernad is critical of this interpretation which classifies all ilustrados as opportunists since this simplistic viewpoint does not apply to some ilustrados like Jose Rizal and Gregorio del Pilar.Google Scholar
33 The Pretenders, opening page.Google Scholar
34 Ibid., p. 46.
35 Ibid., p. 40.
36 Ibid., p. 218.
37 Ibid., p. 38.
38 Podberezsky, Igor, ‘The Creative Work of F. Sionil Jose—A Russian View’, in Morales, (ed), From Cabugaw, p. 47.Google Scholar
39 Jose, F. Sionil, Tree (Manila, 1978), p. 1.Google Scholar
40 Ibid., p. 2.
41 Ibid., p. 1.
42 Ibid., p. 133.
43 Ibid.
44 Jose, F. Sionil, ‘The God Stealer’ in David-Maramba, Asuncion (ed.), Philippine Contemporary Literature (Manila, 1965), p. 115.Google Scholar
45 Rosca, Ninotchka, ‘Our Anglo-Saxon Legacy’, in Roces, Alfredo (ed.), FH, vol. 10, p. 2718.Google Scholar
46 Joaquin, Nick, The Woman who had Two Navels (Manila, 1972 edition), p. 204. This novel was first published in 1961 by Regal Printing Press and in 1972 by Solidaridad Publishing House.Google Scholar
47 Ibid., p. 115.
48 de Jesus, Edilberto Jr., ‘Vision and Revision in Nick Joaquin's Portrait of the Artist as Filipino’ in The Past Revisited. Three Studies of Nick Joaquin's Portrait of the Artist as Filipino (Manila, 1966), p. 26.Google Scholar
49 Joaquin, Nick, A Portrait of the Artist as Filipino (Manila, 1966 edition), p. 53. (The play was first published in 1952).Google Scholar
50 Ibid., p. 54.
51 Ibid., p. 122.
52 Ibid., p. 40.
53 Ibid., p. 68.
54 Pablo, Lourdes Busuego, ‘The Spanish Tradition in Nick Joaquin’, in Galdon, (ed.), Philippine Fiction, p. 61.Google Scholar
55 Joaquin, Nick, quoted in Podberezsky, ‘The Creative Work of F. Sionil Jose’, p. 46.Google Scholar
56 Mojares, Resil B., Origins and Rise of the Filipino Novel A Generic Study of the Novel until 1940 (Quezon City, 1983), p. 345.Google Scholar
57 Fernandez, and Alegre, , Writers and their Milieu, p. 151.Google Scholar
58 Rosca, Ninotchka, ‘Our Anglo-Saxon Legacy’, p. 2718.Google Scholar
59 Nepomuceno, Josefina G., ‘A Theory of Development of Filipino Colonized Consciousness’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1981.Google Scholar
60 The First Quarter Storm refers to the period between January and March 1970 when the students marched in rallies and demonstrations against the Marcos government and the US embassy. For a good account of the First Quarter Storm by a journalist who covered the events see Lacaba, Jose F., Days of Disquiet, Nights of Rage. The First Quarter Storm and Related Events (Manila, 1982).Google Scholar
61 For the only discussion of the rise of the Filipino manager in the church, in the foreign companies and multinational corporations see Joaquin, Nick, Jaime Ongpin, ch. 11.Google Scholar
62 Among Nick Joaquin's biographies include that of the Aquinos, Vice-President Salvador Laurel and technocrat Jaime Ongpin.Google Scholar
63 Fernandez, and Alegre, , Writers and Their Milieu, p. 151.Google Scholar
64 Pilipino is the national language—a result of the drive to create a national language based on Tagalog.Google Scholar
65 Benigno, Teodoro, ‘What Makes a Filipino a Filipino?’, in Benigno, Teodoro, Here's the Score (Manila, 1990), pp. 285–7.Google Scholar This book is a one-year compilation of the columns Benigno wrote for The Philippine Star commencing 26 June 1989.Google Scholar
66 MaNaguit, Socorro G., ‘A Hunter of the Race’, Philippines Your Fiesta Island Magazine, vol. V, I Q, 1990, p. 62. This is a pictorial essay on the works of artist Roberto Feleo.Google Scholar
67 Lopez, Salvador P., ‘Return to the Primitive’, in David-Maramba, Asuncion (ed.), Philippine Contemporary Literature (Manila, 1962), p. 266.Google Scholar
68 Artist Cabrera, Ben, interview by Reyes, Cid, in Reyes, Conversations on Philippine Art, p. 166.Google Scholar See also Zobel, Fernando, interview by Cid Reyes, p. 54Google Scholar, and Aguinaldo, Lee, interview by Cid Reyes, p. 122Google Scholar, Albano, Raymundo quotes Luz, Arturo saying ‘A Filipino artist creates Filipino art’, interview by Cid Reyes, p. 166, Alfredo Roces, interview by Cid Reyes, pp. 102–3Google Scholar, and Medalla, David Cortez, interview by Cid Reyes, p. 146, in the same volume.Google Scholar
69 Vicente Manansala, interview by Cid Reyes, in ibid., p. 22.
70 Cid Reyes, in ibid., p. 192.