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² This article contributes to recent trends in scholarship on Japan's international history by bringing in cultural materials to the study of diplomacy and by linking international affairs to domestic circumstances. A recent example of these trends can be seen in the forum on ‘Early-twentieth-century Japan in a global context’ in the October 2014 issue of American Historical Review. See Louise Young's introduction to the forum: ‘Introduction: Japan's new international history’, American Historical Review, vol. 119, no. 4, October 2014, pp. 1117–28.

³ For discussions within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding the foreign policy impact of withdrawal from the League of Nations, see, for example, ‘Teikoku no Renmei dattai tsūkoku go ni okeru Renmei kakushu senmon kikan, Jōsetsu Kokusai Shihō Saibansho oyobi Kokusai Rōdō Kikan to no kyōroku ni kan suru ken’ (File No. B.9.12.0.3-3) and ‘Kokusai Renmei dattai kettei no sai torishirabe taru senrei oyobi dattai kettei no keika’ (File No. B.0.0.0.2), in Gaimushō Gaikō Shiryōkan; for a public discussion by a Foreign Ministry official, see Michikazu, Matsuda, ‘Renmei dattai tsūkoku made no keika narabi ni sono igi’, Gaikō jihō, vol. 681, 15 April 1933, p. 108.Google Scholar

⁴ Motoichi, Yuhara, Shinsei chūgaku shūshin kyōhon, revised and expanded by Hyōgo, Kondō, vol. 2, Tokyo Kaiseikan, Tokyo, 1933, pp. 110–11Google Scholar. Though Yuhara died in 1931, this revision still listed his name as author.

⁵ On textbooks’ influence, see Hein, L. and Selden, M., ‘The lessons of war, global power, and social change’, in Censoring History: Citizenship and Memory in Japan, Germany, and the United States, Hein, L. and Selden, M. (eds), M.E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY, 2000, p. 4Google Scholar.

⁶ That standard narrative can be found, for example, in Nish, I., Japanese Foreign Policy in the Interwar Period, Praeger, Westport, CT, 2002.Google Scholar

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¹² The phrase was rendered in Japanese variously as kokusaishin or intānashonaru maindo. Some writers used both, glossing the characters for kokusaishin with the phonetic transliteration of the English words.

¹³ Butler, N. M., The International Mind: An Argument for the Judicial Settlement of International Disputes, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1912, p. x.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ibid., pp. 102–3.

¹⁵ Lincicome, M., ‘Nationalism, imperialism, and the international education movement in early twentieth-century Japan’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 58, no. 2, May 1999, p. 355.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁷ Nitobé, I., ‘Explanatory note’, in International Morality: Chapters Extracted from the ‘Chugaku Shūshin’ Text-Book on Morals for Use in Secondary Schools in Japan, Tomoeda, T. (ed.), Geneva, 1926, p. 3Google Scholar. As headmaster of the elite First Higher School, then on the faculty at Tokyo University, Nitobe had himself imparted an internationalist mindset to a group of students who would go on to become prominent figures in the promotion of cooperative foreign relations (see Burkman, Japan and the League of Nations, p. 162). The book's author, Tomoeda Takahiko (1876–1957), was a professor of ethics at Tokyo Higher Normal School.

¹⁸ ‘Nurturing the international mind in Japan’, The Messenger of Peace, vol. 52, October 1927, pp. 290–1.

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²¹ Iriye, Power and Culture, pp. 117, 120.

²² Ken, Kanezaki, ‘Dai Tōa Kaigi to Kyōdō Sengen’, Nihon oyobi Nihonjin, vol. 428, January 1944, p. 15.Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., pp. 16–17.

²⁴ Monbushō, Shotōka shūshin (1943), reprinted in Tokiomi, Kaigo (ed.), Nihon kyōkasho taikei kindai-hen, Vol. 3 Shūshin, Kōdansha, Tokyo, 1962, p. 492Google Scholar.

²⁵ Much has been written on this episode in international history. Some notable English-language works include Burkman, Japan and the League of Nations, pp. 165–93; Nish, I., Japan's Struggle with Internationalism: Japan, China, and the League of Nations, 1931–3, Kegan Paul International, London, 1993Google Scholar; and Thorne, C., The Limits of Foreign Policy: The West, the League, and the Far Eastern Crisis of 1931–1933, Hamish Hamilton, London, 1972CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Maggie Clinton demonstrates that the Manchurian and Ethiopian crises together prompted Chinese leaders to question the League's role in maintaining the uneven international hierarchy and its commitment to collective defence for weaker countries such as China. As in Japan, many leaders continued to support internationalist principles, but others began to promote isolationism—a trend that was not visible in Japan. Clinton, M., ‘Ends of the universal: the League of Nations and Chinese fascism on the eve of World War II’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 48, no. 6, 2014, pp. 1740–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ ‘Kokusai Renmei dattai ni kan suru shōsho’ no yomikata to taii, Monbushō, Tokyo, 1933, p. 1.

²⁸ Abel, J. R., The International Minimum: Creativity and Contradiction in Japan's Global Engagement, 1933–1964, University of Hawai‘i Press, Honolulu, 2015, pp. 35–6, 85–6.Google Scholar

²⁹ On the IPR, see Akami, Internationalizing the Pacific; Mari, N., ‘Taiheiyō mondai chōsakai to Nihon no chishikijin’, Shisō, vol. 728, February 1985, pp. 104–27Google Scholar; and Wilson, S., ‘The Manchurian crisis and moderate Japanese intellectuals: the Japan Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 26, no. 3, July 1992, pp. 507–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ Burkman, Japan and the League of Nations, pp. 182–3.

³¹ Nitobé, I., Lectures on Japan: An Outline of the Development of the Japanese People and Their Culture, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1938, p. 335.Google Scholar

³² Ibid., pp. 324–5.

³³ Inazō, Nitobe, ‘Nitobe's last words: address at the Inaugural Dinner, at the Banff Conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations, 1933’, in Nitobe Inazō: The Twilight Years, Eiichirō, Uchikawa (ed.), Kyo Bun Kwan, Tokyo, 1985, pp. 173–4.Google Scholar

³⁴ See, for example, his introduction to Tomoeda, International Morality, p. 3.

³⁵ Hotta, Pan-Asianism and Japan's War, pp. 83–6.

³⁶ Lu, D., Agony of Choice: Matsuoka Yōsuke and the Rise and Fall of the Japanese Empire, 1880–1946, Lexington Books, Lanham, MD, 2002, pp. 81–2Google Scholar. On the rhetoric of Manchuria as Japan's ‘lifeline’, see Young, L., Japan's Total Empire: Manchuria and the Culture of Wartime Imperialism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1998, pp. 88–95.Google Scholar

³⁷ Yōsuke, Matsuoka, ‘Junēbu yori kaerite’, Seiyū, vol. 394, June 1933, p. 12Google Scholar; Yōsuke, Matsuoka, ‘Jufu hikiage ni sai shite Matsuoka daihyō kataru’, Gaikō jihō, vol. 679, 15 March 1933, p. 96Google Scholar; Yōsuke, Matsuoka, Nihon koritsu sezu: Kokusai Renmei dattai isshūnen, Tokyo Nichi-nichi Shinbunsha, Tokyo, 1934, p. 26.Google Scholar

³⁸ Matsuoka, ‘Junēbu yori kaerite’, p. 16.

³⁹ Lu, Agony of Choice, pp. 80–95.

⁴⁰ Matsuoka, Nihon koritsu sezu, p. 8.

⁴¹ Gotō, Kokusaishugi no keifu. On the goals of the conference and focus of Ōshima's writings, see pp. v–x.

⁴² These pressures came from all directions: civilian and military government bureaucracies, politicians in the Diet, and even the force of public opinion. See Lincicome, M., Imperial Subjects as Global Citizens: Nationalism, Internationalism, and Education in Japan, Lexington Books, Lanham, MD, 2009, pp. 101–2Google Scholar; Abel, International Minimum, pp. 34–53; Yoshiaki, Yoshimi, Grassroots Fascism: The War Experience of the Japanese People, trans. Mark, E., Columbia University Press, New York, 2015, pp. 96–110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴³ Hein and Selden, ‘Lessons of war’, p. 4.

⁴⁴ Ibid., p. 8.

⁴⁵ Marshall, B. K., Learning to Be Modern: Japanese Political Discourse on Education, Westview Press, Boulder, CO, 1994, p. 82.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Wray, H. J., ‘A study in contrasts: Japanese school textbooks of 1903 and 1941–45’, Monumenta Nipponica, vol. 28, no. 1, 1973, p. 70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁷ Peter Cave has shown the impact on content of textbook approval and adoption processes in contemporary Japan. Cave, P., ‘Japanese colonialism and the Asia-Pacific War in Japan's history textbooks: changing representations and their causes’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 47, no. 2, 2013, pp. 542–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁸ For examples of popular media messages resembling those found in textbooks, see Hikomatsu, Kamikawa, ‘Renmei dattai ato no kokusai jōsei’, Chūō kōron, vol. 48, no. 9, September 1933, pp. 343–51Google Scholar; ‘Renmei dattai to shin gaikō seisaku’, Asahi Shinbun, 25 February 1933, p. 3; Hiroto, Saigusa, ‘Tōa kyōdōtai no ronri’, Chūō kōron, vol. 54, no. 1, January 1939, pp. 114–23Google Scholar; and Bukichi, Yamada, ‘Kokusai Renmei dattai ato no Nihon’, Nihon oyobi Nihonjin, vol. 268, 1 March 1933, pp. 9–14Google Scholar. For a study of such messages, see Abel, International Minimum, pp. 25–53, 81–139, 175–217.

⁴⁹ Kaigo Tokiomi, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, pp. 638–43; Tomitarō, Karasawa, ‘Kyōkasho no rekishi’, Shisō, vol. 378, December 1955, pp. 60–9Google Scholar; H. J. Wray, ‘Changes and continuity in Japanese images of the Kokutai and attitudes and roles toward the outside world: a content analysis of Japanese textbooks, 1903–1945’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Hawaii, 1971.

⁵⁰ Marshall, Learning to be Modern, p. 133. For an English translation, see King Hall, R. (ed.), Kokutai no hongi: Cardinal Principles of the National Entity of Japan, trans. Owen Gauntlett, J., Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1949CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ For an English translation of this document, see ‘The Imperial Rescript on Education’, in Sources of Japanese Tradition, vol. 2, W. T. de Bary, C. Gluck, and A. Tiedemann (eds), Columbia University Press, New York, 2005, pp. 139–40.

⁵² Hirokiyo, Tsubouchi, Kokumin gakkō no kodomotachi: Senjika no ‘kami no kuni’ kyōiku, Sairyūsha, Tokyo, 2003, pp. 27–9Google Scholar.

⁵³ Nasu Keiko studies the worldview promoted, for example, in wartime middle-school history textbooks in her article ‘Senjika Monbushō hensan chūtō rekishi kyōkasho ni okeru “Ajiya” ninshiki’, Nihon shokuminchi kenkyū, vol. 19, 2007, pp. 17–33. See also Caiger, J., ‘The aims and content of school courses in Japanese history, 1872–1945’, in Japan's Modern Century: A Special Issue of Monumenta Nipponica Prepared in Celebration of the Centennial of the Meiji Restoration, Skrzypczak, E. (ed.), Sophia University, Tokyo, 1968, pp. 51–81Google Scholar. For a broader analysis of the principles promoted in wartime elementary ethics textbooks, see Tatsuhiko, Tomita, ‘Jinjō shōgakkō shūshin kyōkasho no bunseki’, Gakujutsu kenkyū (Kyōiku shinrigaku hen), vol. 48, February 2000, pp. 1–15Google Scholar. On Confucian rhetoric in wartime Japanese ethics textbooks, see Yamashita, S. H., ‘Confucianism and the Japanese state, 1904–1945’, in Confucian Traditions in East Asian Modernity: Moral Education and Economic Culture in Japan and the Four Mini-Dragons, Wei-ming, Tu (ed.), Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1996, pp. 132–54.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Passin, H., Society and Education in Japan, Kodansha International, New York, 1982, pp. 84–5, 154.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 644.

⁵⁶ Marshall, Learning to be Modern, p. 136.

⁵⁷ On the structure of the prewar and wartime educational system, see Passin, Society and Education in Japan, pp. 103–5, 308.

⁵⁸ Lincicome, Imperial Subjects as Global Citizens, pp. 85–6.

⁵⁹ Martin, B., Japan and Germany in the Modern World, Berghahn, New York, 1995, pp. 41–2.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Quoted in Lincicome, Imperial Subjects as Global Citizen, p. 102.

⁶¹ Monbushō Kyōgakukyoku (ed.), Shinmin no michi, Monbushō, Tokyo, 1941, p. 6. An English translation of this text was published as ‘The way of subjects’, in Tolischus, O. D., Tokyo Record, Reynal and Hitchcock, New York, 1943, pp. 405–27.Google Scholar

⁶² Several editions of the elementary ethics textbooks for each grade level are reproduced in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei kindai-hen.

⁶³ Monbushō, Jinjō (1922), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 194; and Monbushō, Jinjō (1939), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 345.

⁶⁴ For example, Ōse, Chūgaku shin shūshin, p. 94; Konishi, Kaitei Shōwa chūgaku shūshin sho, pp. 112–13; Yuhara, Shinsei chūgaku shūshin kyōhon, pp. 111–14.

⁶⁵ King Hall, R., Shūshin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation, Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, 1949, pp. 100–2Google Scholar, notes 17, 19.

⁶⁶ On the Boshin Rescript, see, for example, Gluck, C., Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1985, pp. 91–2Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Quoted in full under the title ‘Imperial Rescript’ in The Japan Christian Year-Book, 1909, http://www.archive.org/stream/thejapanchristia07unknuoft/thejapanchristia07unknuoft_djvu.txt, [accessed 7 February 2018].

⁶⁸ Yuhara, Shinsei chūgaku shūshin kyōhon, p. 115. Other textbooks that discuss the Boshin Rescript in similar ways include, for example, Konishi, Kaitei Shōwa chūgaku shūshin sho, p. 113; and Monbushō, Jinjō shōgaku shūshin sho (1939), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 345.

⁶⁹ Monbushō, Jinjō (1939), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 345; Monbushō, Jinjō shōgaku shūshin sho (1922), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 195.

⁷⁰ Wray, ‘Changes and continuity’, p. 254.

⁷¹ Konishi served as a school inspector early in his career, then became head professor of pedagogy at Kyoto Imperial University. He was named university president in March 1933, but this ethics scholar was himself embroiled in an ethical crisis three months later, resigning over the Takigawa Incident, in which the university's submission to government pressure to fire a professor suspected of communist activities prompted the Law Faculty to resign en masse.

⁷² Konishi, Kaitei Shōwa chūgaku shūshin sho, pp. 111–12.

⁷³ The lone exception was the 1943 sixth-grade textbook, which focused on contemporary international cooperation without providing historical background.

⁷⁴ Monbushō, Jinjō (1939), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 346; Hall, Shūshin, p. 101, note 19.

⁷⁵ Monbushō, Shihan shūshin sho, vol. 2, Kyōgaku Tosho, Tokyo, 1939, pp. 102–3.

⁷⁶ Even after Japan's formal withdrawal from the League, the government continued cooperation with activities and auxiliary organs that were deemed ‘non-political’, especially the areas of intellectual cooperation, the welfare of women and children, opium traffic, and public health. See Abel, International Minimum, pp. 37–40.

⁷⁷ Ōse Jintarō, Chūgaku shin shūshin, 1927, 3rd edn, vol. 3, Tokyo Kaiseikan, Tokyo, 1936, pp. 97–9.

⁷⁸ Monbushō, Jinjō (1939), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 345; ibid., p. 95; Monbushō, Shihan, p. 102.

⁷⁹ Monbushō, Jinjō (1939), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 346; Yuhara, Shinsei chūgaku shūshin kyōhon, p. 80; Monbushō, Shihan, p. 102; and Ōse, Chūgaku shin shūshin, p. 96. Also see Konishi, Kaitei Shōwa chūgaku shūshin sho, p. 115.

⁸⁰ Ōse, Chūgaku shin shūshin, pp. 94–9.

⁸¹ Quotation is from ‘The Imperial Rescript on Education’, p. 140.

⁸² Konishi, Kaitei Shōwa chūgaku shūshin sho, p. 113.

⁸³ Yuhara, Shinsei chūgaku shūshin kyōhon, pp. 82–7, 113–15.

⁸⁴ Ibid., pp. 110–11.

⁸⁵ Monbushō Kyōgakukyoku, Shinmin no michi, p. 16, translation modified from ‘The way of subjects’, p. 413.

⁸⁶ Ibid., p. 415.

⁸⁷ Monbushō, Shihan, p. 100.

⁸⁸ Monbushō, Shotōka shūshin (1943), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 492.

⁸⁹ On the promotion of such a role for Japan through middle-school history textbooks, see Nasu, ‘Senjika Monbushō hensan chūtō rekishi kyōkasho’.

⁹⁰ Abel, International Minimum, pp. 194–217.

⁹¹ Duara, ‘Imperialism of “free nations”’, pp. 211–13.

⁹² Akira Iriye shows that this was a general trend among the great powers, including Japan, in the 1930s, in Iriye, A., Cultural Internationalism and World Order, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1997, pp. 91–130.Google Scholar

⁹³ Monbushō, Jinjō (1922), reprinted in Kaigo, Nihon kyōkasho taikei, p. 195.

⁹⁴ Yuhara, Shinsei chūgaku shūshin kyōhon, p. 109.

⁹⁵ Ōse, Chūgaku shin shūshin, p. 100.

⁹⁶ Collins, S., The 1940 Tokyo Games: The Missing Olympics: Japan, the Asian Olympics and the Olympic Movement, Routledge, New York, 2007, pp. 38–40; and Abel, International Minimum, pp. 108–39Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Ōse, Chūgaku shin shūshin, p. 103.

⁹⁸ For example, see contributions by Ashida Hitoshi and Narusawa Reisen in ‘Dai jūni kai Orimupikku Tokyo kaisai ni kan suru kansō oyobi kakuhōmen e no kibō to chūmon’, Kaizō, vol. 18, no. 9, 1936, pp. 296–7.

⁹⁹ Hideichi, Sasaki, Shin Nihon chūgaku shūshin sho, vol. 3, Meguro Shoten, Tokyo, 1938, p. 87.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ For example, Kōtarō, Kishihara, ‘Nihon wa ikanaru baai ni mo Renmei o yūdatsu subeshi’, Nihon oyobi Nihonjin, vol. 268, 1 March 1933, p. 54Google Scholar; Iwane, Matsui, ‘Ajia Renmei ron’, Gaikō jihō, vol. 679, 15 March 1933, p. 12Google Scholar; Motosaburō, Takada, ‘Renmei dattai no igi’, Gaikō jihō, vol. 680, 1 April 1933, p. 342Google Scholar; Tadao, Yamakawa, ‘Renmei dattai no kahi: Aku made Renmei o shidō seyo’, Kaizō, vol. 3, March 1933, p. 74Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ On the post-1933 resurgence of pan-Asianism, see Abel, International Minimum, pp. 44–53; Aydin, Politics of Anti-Westernism, pp. 166–74 ; and Hotta, Pan-Asianism, pp. 75–106.

¹⁰² Konishi, Kaitei Shōwa chūgaku shūshin sho, pp. 118–19.

¹⁰³ Passin, Society and Education in Japan, p. 157.

¹⁰⁴ Lincicome, ‘International education movement’, p. 356.

¹⁰⁵ Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths, p. 154.

¹⁰⁶ For example, Passin, Society and Education in Japan, p. 159.

¹⁰⁷ Havens, T. R. H., Valley of Darkness: The Japanese People and World War Two, W.W. Norton, New York, 1978, pp. 138–42Google Scholar; Marshall, Learning to be Modern, p. 136.

¹⁰⁸ Cave, P., ‘Story, song, and ceremony: shaping dispositions in Japanese elementary schools during Taisho and early Showa’, Japan Forum, vol. 28, no. 1, 2016, pp. 13, 23.Google Scholar

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