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Crafting Colonial Anxieties: Silk and the Salvation Army in British India, circa 1900–1920*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 February 2016
Abstract
In the early twentieth century, the Salvation Army in British India transformed its public profile and standing, shifting from being an organization seen by the state as a threat to social order, to being partner to the state in the delivery of social welfare programmes. At the same time, the Army also shaped discussion and anxieties about the precarious position of India's economy and sought to intervene on behalf of the state—or to present itself as doing so—in the rescue of India's traditional industries. The Army was an important actor in debates about the future of traditional industries such as silkworm rearing and silk weaving, and was able to mobilize public opinion to press provincial governments for resources with which to try to resuscitate and rejuvenate India's silk industry. Although the Army's sericulture initiatives failed to thwart the decline of India's silk industry, they generated significant momentum, publicity, and public attention, to some extent transforming the Army's standing in British India and beyond.
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Footnotes
*
This article was written while I was, all too briefly, the Moses and Mary Finley Research Fellow, a privilege for which I wish to thank the Master and Fellows of Darwin College, Cambridge. I also wish to thank Stephen Cummins, Sujit Sivasundaram, and the editors and reviewers of this journal for reading the entire draft and offering useful suggestions and corrections.
References
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50 Anon., The Hindu Village Artisan, p. 12.
51 Ibid., p. 13.
52 Note: although the Salvationists adopted Indian names for themselves while working on the subcontinent, the choice of John and Dick as the names for the Indian weavers in this poem is probably partly on artistic grounds, so as not to interfere with metre and rhyme.
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57 An extended examination of the Army's necessary intervention in the subcontinent's agricultural and industrial sectors appeared in the first ‘industrial’ special issue of TWC(I): Singh, F. (1911). Industrial India, TWC(I), 17:6, pp. 1–3.
58 For the role of Staff Captain Maxwell in learning from Gujarati weavers and developing the Army's warping machine, see Berry, E. A. (2008). ‘From Criminals to Caretakers: The Salvation Army in India, 1882–1914’, unpublished PhD thesis, Northeastern University, pp. 243–44.
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117 Empire Day was the forerunner of Commonwealth Day, and Arbour Day was arguably the forerunner of ‘Van Mahotsav’, the annual tree-planting festival first celebrated in 1950 in independent India.
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119 Ibid., pp. 1–2. The following year, the advantages of mulberry were advanced alongside those of eucalyptus. See Singh, F. (1912). Arbour Day Catechism, TWC(I), 18:5, p. 10Google Scholar.
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122 Anon., Report, 1917–18, p. 96.
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125 Anon., Report, 1908, p. 10.
126 Anon., Report, 1916–17, pp. 81–82; Anon., Review, 1919–20, p. 52; Anon., Review, 1920–21, p. 37; Anon. (1923). Review of Agricultural Operations in India 1921–22, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 63Google Scholar.
127 Anon., Report, 1916–17, pp. 81–82.
128 Badenoch, Punjab Industries, pp. 11–12. Booth-Tucker had also convinced the Punjab Department of Agriculture of the merits of this proposal, and they, too, distributed seed to boys’ primary schools. See Anon. (1913). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1913, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 7Google Scholar.
129 Anon., Review, 1919–20, p. 52; Anon. Review, 1921–22, p. 63.
130 Anon., Review, 1920–21, p. 37.
131 Anon., Report, 1908, p. 10.
132 Coventry, Report, 1909–10, p. 82; Anon., Report, 1910–11, p. 62; Anon. (1916). Report on the Progress of Agriculture in India for 1914–15, Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, p. 50Google Scholar; Anon., Review, 1920–21, p. 37. Note: The shake-up of the department came in 1898, when it was realized that the provincial government's provision of agricultural education and information and its promotion of scientific enquiry were limited. See Anon. (1899). Report on the Operations of the Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Punjab, For the Year Ending 30th September 1898, Civil and Military Gazette Press, LahoreGoogle Scholar. The establishment of the Lyallpur experimental farm, mentioned above, was an outcome of this transformation.
133 Anon., Annual Report, 1904–05, p. 36; Anon., Annual Report, 1905–06 and 1906–07, pp. 29–30.
134 Anon., Report, 1910–11, p. 23.
135 Anon., Report, 1911–12, p. 21; Anon., Report, 1912–13, p. 22. Before this time, Lala Vishwa Nath Sahai was employed as the agricultural assistant, in which capacity he undertook some entomological research, sending samples each month to Maxwell-Lefroy, with whom he met for a fortnight of training each year; see Anon. (1905). Report of the Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th September 1904, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 7Google Scholar; Anon. (1906). Report of the Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th September 1905, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 12Google Scholar. The assistant's work, however, was entirely preoccupied with insect pests.
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137 Anon. (1913). Notes from the Educational Department Simla, TWC(I), 19:1, p. 17Google Scholar.
138 Such a pamphlet was written in 1913 by E. Jackson, manager of the farm in Bangalore. For the announcement of its publication, see Anon. (1913). Sericulture [extract from the Bombay Guardian, 9 May 1913], TWC(I), 19:6, p. 15Google Scholar.
139 Curiously, the intake of students is not mentioned in TWC(I) or other Army publications; instead, see Anon. (1916). Bulletin of the Imperial Institute, Vol. 14, John Murray, London, p. 477Google Scholar.
140 See, for example, Barnett, The Salvation Army in India, p. 205.
141 Prakash, G. (1999). Another Reason. Science and the Imagination of Modern India, Princeton University Press, PrincetonGoogle Scholar.
142 Anon. (1915). Weaving and Silk Competitions, TWC(I), 21:1, pp. 11–12Google Scholar.
143 In fact, the Army struggled to adjudicate a winner from the entries received in 1915; see Anon. (1915). Weaving and Silk Competitions, TWC(I), 21:4, p. 13Google Scholar.
144 Termination of the silk experiment in the forest was announced—almost in code—as the ‘return’ of Akbar and Fazal Bibi to Lahore after six years. See Singh, D. (1919). A Sunday in Lahore, TWC(I), 25:5, p. 3Google Scholar.
145 Anon., Report, 1911, p. 4. Note: Ghulam Sadiq raised 379 ounces of seed that year.
146 Anon. (1912). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1912, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 7Google Scholar; Anon., Report, 1913, pp. 6–7. The maund was equivalent to approximately 82 lbs, and the seer—which was one-fortieth of a maund—was equivalent to approximately 2 lbs.
147 Anon., Report, 1913, pp. 6–7.
148 Anon. (1914). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1914, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 5Google Scholar.
149 Parker, Working Plan, especially p. 12.
150 Singh, R. (1919). Settlement Siftings, TWC(I), 25:6, p. 7Google Scholar; Anon. (1921). Changa Manga Settlement, TWC(I), 27:12, p. 2Google Scholar.
151 Anon., Report, 1916–17, p. 82.
152 It seems the Army opened the school before receiving sanction from the Punjab government. See Anon. (1915). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1915, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 3Google Scholar.
153 Dutini, (1915). The O’Dwyer Silk Farm and Institute, Simla, TWC(I), 21:11, p. 10Google Scholar.
154 Anon. (1916). The O’Dwyer Silk Farm and Institute, TWC(I), 22:6, p. 3Google Scholar; Anon., Report, 1916–17, p. 82.
155 Ibid., pp. 3–4. For the difficulties facing Punjabi industrialists in establishing modern mills, see Latifi, A. (1911). The Industrial Punjab: A Survey of Facts, Conditions and Possibilities, Longmans, Green & Co., Bombay, pp. 26–27Google Scholar; Badenoch, Punjab Industries, pp. 6–8.
156 Anon. (1919). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1919. Part I., Government Printing, Lahore, p. 6Google Scholar.
157 See, for example, Das and Soranapoo, Silk Farm and Boarding School; Anon. (1922). Souls and Silk, TWC(I), 28:5, p. 1Google Scholar; Anon. (1922). [no title], TWC(I), 28:7, p. 2Google Scholar.
158 This is certainly the view taken by the Punjab Department of Agriculture. See Anon., Report, 1920, p. 11.
159 Dewey, ‘New Industrial Policy’, p. 234 and passim.
160 Anon. (1921). Sialkot District, with Maps. 1920, Superintendent Government Printing, Lahore, p. 128Google Scholar.
161 Maxwell-Lefroy and Ansorge, Report, Vol. I, p. 106. For the Punjab Department of Agriculture's response to Maxwell-Lefroy's gentler and earlier exhortations, see Anon. (1916). Report of the Department of Agriculture, Punjab. For the Year Ending 30th June 1916, Civil and Military Gazette Press, Lahore, p. 3Google Scholar.
162 Maxwell-Lefroy and Ansorge, Report, Vol. I, pp. 57–58, 106.
163 Ibid., pp. 106–7.
164 Ibid., p. 109.
165 Ibid., p. 105.
166 Ibid., pp. 55–56.
167 Ibid., pp. 108–9.
168 Ibid., p. 108.
169 Lally, Trial, Error and Economic Development in Colonial Punjab, passim.