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Confucian Patriotism and the Destruction of the Woosung Railway, 1877
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
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The slow growth of railways is undoubtedly one of the most astonishing features of the history of modernization in China. The Chinese government often gave as its reasons for opposition to railway development the fact that improved communications would facilitate foreign military expansion, that railways obstructed the feng-shui, that mandarin and peasant alike were opposed to the railway, and that railways destroyed the livelihood of the common people. But, until recently, these explanations have never been given serious consideration, despite the fact that Ch'ing officials discussed railway-policy in these terms in a major debate in 1866–67. This is partly because historians have found it difficult to accept Chinese objections to railway development at their face-value, and partly because Chinese officials themselves, seeing that foreigners were unimpressed by Chinese arguments against railway construction, offered others which they thought would be more acceptable to the Western mind. This essay, however, tries to analyse Chinese objections as a coherent body of thought that might be said to xpress 'Confucian Patriotism'. It considers in detail the events surround-ing the destruction of the Woosung railway.
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References
1 Several recent studies are worthy of note: Kuo-Ch'i, Li, Chung-kuo tsao-ch'i li t'ieh-lu ching-ying (Early railway development in China) (Nankang, 1961);Google ScholarRosenbaum, Arthur L., ‘Chinese Railway Policy and the Response to Imperialism: the Peking–Mukden Railway, 1895–1911’, Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i, II, 1: 38–70 (October 1969);Google Scholar and Currie, B. C., ‘The Woosung Railroad (1872–1877)’, Papers on China (Harvard University), 20: 49–85 (1966).Google Scholar
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76 Ibid., pp. 8–14. For a brief summary of this memorial see Kuhn, Philip A., Rebellion and its enemies in late imperial China: militarization and social structure, 1796–1864 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), p. 124.Google Scholar On Shen as a censor, see my article, ‘Dynastic crisis and censorial response: Shen Pao-chen in 1854’, Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies (The Chinese University of Hong Kong).Google Scholar
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82 Feng's communication to Medhurst, 20 February 1876, F.O. 682/356/9. For an English translation of this document, see F.O. 228/571, Encl. No. 12 in Medhurst to Wade, 26 February 1876, and F.O. 228/577, pp. 76–80. The protest of Feng's predecessor, Shen Ping-ch'eng, has not been preserved but is summarized in Li Tsung-hsi's communication to the Tsungli Yamen of 24 September 1873. See Tsungli Yamen Archives, ‘Chiang-su Ying-jen tsu-ti’ (The lease of land by the British in Kiangsu), T'ung-chih 12/8/3. I am grateful to Mr Wang Erh-min for this reference.Google Scholar
83 Feng's argument here is nothing but an exercise in diplomatic bargaining, for he knew as well as the British that had a proper application been filed, the Chinese would still have refused permission. In this connecion, it is interesting to note a conversation between Ch'eng-lin of the Tsungli Yamen and Mayers in which the latter asked what would the answer have been had the British applied according to proper procedure. To this, Ch'eng-lin replied immediately, ‘Of course, it would have been pu chun [not permitted].’ See Mayers' memorandum to Wade, 17 March 1876. F.O. 228/577, pp. 144–51.Google Scholar
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85 Depositions of Chin Hsing-hsing (one of the local headmen) and his wife, Chin Su (alias Su Chin-chin), 30 Nov. 1875; Feng Shou-ching to Medhurst, January 1876; Medhurst to Feng Chün-kuang, 12 February 1876. F.O. 682/356/2, 3, 4, 5, respectively. See also the petition of Chin Su to Medhurst, 13 December 1875, and Medhurst to Wade, 26 February 1876. F.O. 228/577, pp. 20–21 and 6–18, respectively.Google Scholar
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87 Medhurst to Feng Chün-kuang, 12 February 1876. F.O. 682/356/5 and F.O. 228/577, pp. 48–56. See also NCH, 24 February 1876.Google Scholar
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89 Feng Chün-kuang to Medhurst, 18 February and 8 March 1876. F.O. 682/356/7 and F.O. 228/577, pp. 210–14. See also Feng's communication to Medhurst and Peter Parker, no date. F.O. 682/350/1.Google Scholar
90 Medhurst to Wade, 29 January and 26 February 1876. F.O. 228/571 and 228/577, pp. 6–18.Google Scholar
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92 U.S. Consul Peter Parker to Shanghai Taotai shen Ping-Ch'eng 21 March 1873. F.O. 682/356/14. U.S. Vice-consul General O.B. Bradford, who had been instrumental in the early stages of the founding of the Woosung Company, also admitted to the fact that the land for the road was purchased ‘far above the real market value of the property’. See Bradford to Shen Ping-ch'eng, 19 March 1873. F.O. 228/577, pp. 104–5.Google Scholar
93 Medhurst to Wade, 7 December 1876. F.O. 228/573.Google Scholar
94 Medhurst to Wade, 20 March 1876; Feng to Medhurst, 18 February 1876; and Mayers to Wade, 25 October 1876. F.O. 228/577, pp. 205–9; 682/356/7; and 228/577, pp. 390–3. Some improvements were made subsequently. On 25 Nov. 1876 Feng and Medhurst arrived at an agreement whereby fences or ditches were to be constructed on both sides of the railway with crossings for pedestrians and animals. The agreement made no reference to the construction of higher bridges. Feng's promulgation, 25 Nov. 1876, F.O. 233/78, No. 6.Google Scholar
95 NCH, 18 September 1877.Google Scholar
96 Ibid., 19 August 1876.
97 Shang-hai yen-chiu tzu-liao, pp. 315–16. The same source speaks of many people wanting to go to Woosung for an excursion, and concludes that the railway had become a fad (pp. 316–17). Chinese sources frequently refer to the passengers as yu-k'o (‘tourists’). The NCH also reported that the original engines of the railway were ‘specially intended for holiday and excursion traffic’. (22 Sep. 1877). For railway fares, see Medhurst to Wade, 3 July 1876, F.O. 228/572.Google Scholar
98 NCH, 8 February 1877.Google Scholar
99 The petition was presented c. 2 Oct. 1877. See Jardine and Woosung Co. to the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce, 2 Oct. 1877, F.O. 233/78, No. 18. According to this source, the Chinese accounted for half of the Company's shareholders.Google Scholar
100 Chiao-t'ung-shih, Vol. 12, pp. 10–11.Google Scholar
101 For example, Li Hung-chang harboured such fears when he was operating in Shanghai during the early 1860s. See Kwang-ching, Liu, ‘The Confucian as patriot and pragmatist: Li Hung-chang's formative years, 1823–1866’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 30 (1970), 18, 30.Google Scholar
102 NCH, 22 November 1877.Google Scholar
103 Mayers cites Articles XI and XII to support his argument. See Mayer's memorandum to Wade, 17 March 1876. F.O. 228/577, pp. 138–41. See also Prince Kung's assertion of Chinese sovereignty over Shanghai in his communication to Wade, 22 March 1876. F.O. 228/577, pp. 170–7.Google Scholar
104 Medhurst to , 29 January 1876. Medhurst wrote: ‘The latter part of the project [the extension of the railway from Woosung to Soochow] seems to have been suspected by the authorities, for the Governor-General [Shen], on his last visit here, visited the spot, and placing his foot authoritatively down, gave positive orders that the line should on no account be permitted to cross the creek.’ However, at that time, Shen was not yet aware of the fact that the Woosung Road and its proposed extension was intended to be a railway, not a road. In a later communication to Wade, Medhurst revealed that ‘the company certainly contemplate extending their operation whenever means and opportunity make it desirable’. (26 Feb. 1876). F.O. 228/571.Google Scholar
105 NCH, 15 February and 2 June 1877.Google Scholar
106 Ibid., 2 June 1877.
107 Shen to Tsungli Yamen, 17 January 1877. Hai-fang tang, I, 940b–941b. It is important to note that, according to Medhurst, members of the China Merchants' Company and other influential Chinese had also taken shares in the Woosung Company. There is no evidence, however, that Shen was aware of the fact, which would no doubt be viewed as an act of betrayal, and would have contributed to his hostility towards the railway. See Medhurst to Wade, 13 April 1876. F.O. 228/571 and 228/577, pp. 300–11.Google Scholar
108 In May 1876, five of the Company's cargo carriages were converted into passenger cars but twelve freight carriages arrived from Britain soon after. Each of them had a capacity of five tons. Chiao-t'ung-shih, Vol. 12, p. 4. On smuggling and duties evasion, see Feng Chün-kuang to Medhurst, 23 February 1876. F.O. 682/356/11. For an English translation of this document, see F.O. 228/571, Encl. 14, and F.O. 228/577, pp. 88–96.Google Scholar
109 Medhurst to Wade, 26 February 1876. F.O. 228/571.Google Scholar
110 Medhurst to Feng, 23 February 1876, Encl. 13 in Medhurst to Wade, 26 February, 1876. F.O. 228/571 and 228/577, pp. 82–7. It is instructive to note that Thomas Wade remarked on the margin of the document that Medhurst should have said that the rules of shipping and landing merchandize at Woosung could not be modified without the approval of the Chinese government. He also questioned Medhurst's wisdom in refusing to make the said pledge. There is no evidence that Medhurst gave any assurance to the Chinese subsequently. In fact, Medhurst might well have acted under the pressure of the local foreign community not to make the pledge, for soon afterwards, Bradford (U.S. Vice-consul General) wrote to Feng in the following terms: ‘If, however, steamers should be deterred there [Woosung] by a lack of water on the bar, and it becomes convenient to land or discharge cargo there, I see no reason why you should object to such cargo being transported over the road.’ F.O. 228/571 (12 Apr. 1876). In addition, the provisional regulations of the Woosung Tramway Co. also stated that the carriages of the railway should be of such a type that would facilitate passenger traffic and freight service between Shanghai and Woosung. There is, however, no evidence that the Chinese were aware of this.Google Scholar
111 Currie, ‘Woosung Railroad’, p. 73.Google Scholar
112 Such an inference is not entirely unfounded. Even as late as 2 Oct. 1877, three weeks before the destruction of the railway, Jardine and the Woosung Company wrote to the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce saying, in part, that ‘the carriage of goods would greatly add to the receipts and… would be a great benefit to the people as well as to the proprietors of the line…’ F.O. 233/78, No. 18.Google Scholar
113 Shen's memorial, 18 July 1867 (Foochow). Hai-fang tang, II, 75b. In this memorial he referred to the Navy Yard School as the ‘root’ of the whole ship-building establishment. He also argued elswhere that, with regards to China's relations with foreign countries, the superior policy was the preservation of sovereignty; it was for this purpose that the Chinese engaged themselves in self-strengthening. Shen 's memorial, 16 December 1867 (Peking). Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo, T'ung-chih 53: 26a.Google Scholar
114 Ibid., 5.
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116 NCH, 1 September. 1877. The British protest was filed with the Tsungli Yamen on 8 August Li Kuo-ch'i, T'ieh-lu ching-ying, p. 44.Google Scholar
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119 Feng to Mayers, 23 April 1876.Google Scholar
120 Mayers to Wade, 25 October F.O. 228/577, pp. 394–8.Google Scholar
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122 NCH, 22 July 1876.Google Scholar
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124 Mayers to Wade, 17 April 1876. F.O. 228/577, pp. 356–61.Google Scholar
125 Mayers to Wade, 25 October 1876. F.O. 228/577, pp. 390–3.Google Scholar
126 A reverse situation occurred in 1841, during the Opium War, when the officials lost the confidence of the people, resulting in a popular belief that ‘the officials are afraid of barbarians, but the barbarians are afraid of the people’. Kwang-ching, Liu, ‘Nineteenth-century China: the disintegration of the old order and the impact of the West’, in Ho, Ping-ti and Tsou, Tang (eds), China in Crisis (Chicago, 1968), Vol. 1. pp. 98–9.Google Scholar
127 NCH, 12 August 1876.Google Scholar
128 Chiao-t'ung-shih, Vol. 12, p. 6.Google Scholar
129 NCH, 8 October 1877.Google Scholar
130 Hung-chang, Li to Chia-mei, Chou, 23 July 1877. LWCK, Letters, 17: 15b.Google Scholar
131 Currie, ‘Woosung Railroad’, p. 62.Google Scholar
132 Li to Kuo Sung-tao, 27 February 1878. LWCK, Letters, 18: 6a. Immanuel C.Y. Hsü maintains that Shen ‘was pressured by the local gentry to buy this foreign railway and have it totally wrecked.’ I find no conclusive evidence pointing to such pressure except that coming from Wu Yüan-ping, the Governor of Kiangsu, who was vehemently opposed to the railway. One must bear in mind, however, that throughout his career, there is little evidence that Shen succumbed easily to pressure from other officials, not even Tseng Kuo-fan in the early 1860s or Li Hung-chang in the 1870s. Hsü, , The Rise of modern China (New York and London, 1970), p. 351. On the relations between Shen and Tseng Kuo-fan, see note 63 above.Google Scholar
133 Sung-tao, Kuo, Yang-chi shu-wu i-chi (Collected writings of Kuo Sung-tao) (1892), 11: 17b.Google Scholar
134 Mayers' memorandum respecting proposed railway schemes, 1 September 1865. The memorandum refers to a private interview with Li in 1863, and Mayers particularly emphasized the fact that Li's remarks ‘were made at a time when he was living, it may be said, under our protection at Shanghai; when the Mo Wang still held Soochow, and the prospect of a pacification without further European aid seemed but distant. I had long previously discovered in Li Futai a most determined enemy to the spread of European influnce.’ F.O. 233/78, No. 3.Google Scholar
135 While Li's pragmatic approach enabled him to advocate reforms which were far-reaching, his very pragmatism also led him to compromises that represented a dcrogation of Confucian principles. K. C. Liu, ‘Li Hung-chang's formative years’, p. 7.Google Scholar
136 Chiao-t'ung-shih, Vol. 12, p. 11.Google Scholar
137 In his study of Li Hung-chang, K. C. Liu defines Confucian patriotism as a concern for China in its Chung-kuo or Chung-t'u sense, which implies a solicitude for the security and independence of the land and people without at the same time a consciousness of any conflict between loyalty to the reigning dynasty and the concern for China as a country. Liu, ‘Li Hung-chang's formative years’, p. 43.Google Scholar
138 For example, in his memorandum of an interview with several members of the Tsungli Yamen on 17 September 1876, Mayers reported that while some ‘freely admitted the utility of railways’, an unidentified Chief Secretary of the Yamen ‘expressed the opinion that they are advantageous only to the rich, causing distress to the poor by destroying their means of livelihood as carters, boatmen, and the like’. F.O. 228/577, pp. 144–51. On the relationship between the policies of the T'ung-chih Restoration and opposition to railways, see Rosenbaum, ‘Chinese Railway Policy’, pp. 38–40.Google Scholar
139 Liu, K. C., ‘Li Hung-chang's formative years’, p. 43.Google Scholar
140 Levenson, Joseph R., Confucian China and its modern fate (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1958), Vol. 1, p. 74.Google Scholar
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