¹ The heterodox William Lloyd Garrison was the architect of the New England and American Anti-Slavery Societies and a close associate of George Thompson from the mid-1830s onwards.

² ‘Tolstoi on Garrison’, in William Lloyd Garrison on Non-Resistance, Villard, F. G. (ed.), The Nation Press Printing Co., New York, 1924, pp. 49–54Google Scholar.

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⁴ The original writer in the National Anti-Slavery Standard nevertheless praised the efforts of abolitionist India reformers like George Thompson, Elizabeth Pease, William Adam, and Daniel O'Connell. See ‘British Abolitionists’, Liberator, 4 December 1840, p. 194.

⁵ Garrison, W. L. to Pease, E., 28 February 1843, in The Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, vol. 3, Merrill, W. M. (ed.), Belknap Press, Cambridge, MA, 1974, p. 125Google Scholar.

⁶ One could identify as a Garrisonian while holding contrary opinions on Christian perfectionism, disunionism, and non-voting. See McDaniel, W. C., ‘Repealing Unions: American Abolitionists, Irish Repeal, and the Origins of Garrisonian Disunionism’, Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 28, no. 2, 2008, pp. 255–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁸ Acknowledging the famine deaths in Ireland, reformers at the inaugural meeting of the PIL concluded that the disenfranchised Briton was ‘a slave to all intents and purposes’. See Report of a Public Meeting Held at the Crown and Anchor…to Explain the Principles and Objects of the Peoples’ International League, London, 1847, p. 13Google Scholar.

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¹⁵ Mallampalli, C., A Muslim Conspiracy in British India? Politics and Paranoia in the Early Nineteenth-Century Deccan, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2017, p. 176CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²³ Ibid., p. 59.

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³⁰ Established in 1833, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council could serve as a court of appeal for subjects abroad. The Company itself was charged with forwarding cases from the Sadr Diwani Adalats in the presidency towns to the attention of the committee. See Howell, P. A., The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, 1833–1876, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1979, p. 44Google Scholar.

³¹ ‘Debate at the India House’, 8 February 1843, British Library (henceforth BL), Mss Eur E932/282, f. 647.

³² ‘Debate at the East-India House’, in The Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, vol. 20, W. H. Allen, London, 1836, p. 122Google Scholar. Charles Forbes believed that this imagined parliamentarian could emulate MP Daniel O'Connell, the famed advocate of Irish interests.

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³⁴ Writing to Dalhousie in 1848, Hobhouse urged him ‘not to be afraid of Blue books, or any books over which I have a control’. See J. Hobhouse to J. Broun-Ramsay, Marquess of Dalhousie, 23 December 1848, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/27, f. 89.

³⁵ Petitioners included John Sullivan, Holt Mackenzie, John Briggs, Charles Forbes, and Joseph Hume.

³⁶ By November 1847, Thompson was convinced that he had ‘got the Govt and the folks in Leadenhall Street into such a fix’ that they would likely ‘kneel down their flag and give us victory’. See G. Thompson to R. D. Webb, 12 November 1847, Boston Public Library (henceforth BPL), Anti-slavery Collection, MS.A.1.2.v.17, f. 70.

³⁷ Gellner, E., Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and its Rivals, Hamish Hamilton, London, 1994, p. 100Google Scholar.

³⁸ British women who had honed their protest skills during the anti-sati campaign of the 1820s turned their attentions to opposing animal cruelty and vivisection in the following decade. See Zastoupil, Rammohun Roy, pp. 56, 70.

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⁴⁵ BIS committee member William Adam, secretary Francis Carnac Brown, and Garrisonian lawyer W. H. Ashurst approached BFASS representative John Scoble with this suggestion. See J. Scoble to J. Beaumont, 21 April 1841, Bodleian Library [henceforth BOD], Brit.Emp.S22.G91. Despite the ‘de-legalization’ of Indian slavery in 1843, customary forms of labour coercion continued to perplex the colonial administration decades later. In the South Indian Chingleput taluk, a series of revenue collectors in the 1880s argued that the low-caste paraiyars still lived in a state of virtual slavery under the landholding mirasidars on account of their debt peonage and lack of housing rights. The Board of Revenue, however, preferred to refer to the paraiyars as ‘farm servants’ and concluded that private charity would most efficaciously promote their uplift. See Irschick, E., Dialogue and History: Constructing South India, 1795–1895, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1994, pp. 153–90Google Scholar.

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⁴⁸ Extreme Garrisonians entertained a capacious definition of slavery as all ‘submission or subjection to control by the will of another being’. See L. Perry, Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, 1973, p. 31.

⁴⁹ Thompson, Howitt, O'Connell, and Ashurst won plaudits for opposing the convention managers’ exclusion of female delegates. See ‘Resolution of the New Hampshire Anti-Slavery Convention’, in Sixth Annual Report of the Glasgow Emancipation Society, Aird & Russell, Glasgow, 1840, p. 29Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Vernon has discussed the radicals’ adoption of a new ‘sober’ style of mobilization that challenged ‘exclusive definitions of citizenship in the public sphere’. See Vernon, J., Politics and the People: A Study in English Political Culture, c. 1815–1867, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1993, pp. 219–35Google Scholar.

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⁵² Ibid., p. 137.

⁵³ Thompson was nonetheless elected MP for Tower Hamlets in 1847. Garrison could be classified as an ‘anarchist perfectionist’ on account of his disdain for religious institutions and his rejection of third party politics. See Strong, D., Perfectionist Politics: Abolitionism and the Religious Tensions of American Democracy, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, NY, 1999, p. 38Google Scholar.

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⁵⁵ Martin and Thompson toured Scotland in the autumn of 1838 under the auspices of the APS and successfully solicited an organizational link-up with the GES.

⁵⁶ ‘Public Meeting’, Glasgow Argus, 10 September 1838, Library of Congress (henceforth LOC), Scrap books collected by George Thompson and Frederick Chesson, vol. 5, p. 63.

⁵⁷ An enigmatic figure, Martin had assisted James Silk Buckingham and Rammohun Roy with their radical, free-trade publishing ventures in the late 1820s. Upon returning to England, he attempted to find permanent employment with the Company by calling for a temporary extension of its Chinese-tea monopoly and rejecting the schemes for European colonization that he had hitherto supported. In the late 1830s, he was roundly decrying the protectionist tariffs that safeguarded the Lancashire textile manufacturers from Indian competition. See Zastoupil, Rammohun Roy, p. 124.

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⁶⁴ W. H. Ashurst, ‘Interesting Letter from England’, Liberator, 15 July 1842, p. 110. Ashurst was a mutual associate of Garrison and Giuseppe Mazzini; Garrison published a number of Mazzini's articles in the Liberator that compared American slavery with forms of Italian political oppression. See Lago, E. Dal, William Lloyd Garrison and Giuseppe Mazzini: Abolition, Democracy, and Radical Reform, Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge, LA, 2013, p. 132Google Scholar.

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⁷⁸ Prominent Garrison Edmund Quincy declared soon after that the ‘white laboring men in America’ held ‘the scepter of Sovereignty in their own hands’. If they approached a state of slavery, they had ‘nobody to blame but themselves’. See ‘Chattel Slavery and Wages Slavery’, Liberator, 1 October 1847, p. 158.

⁷⁹ Garrison, Lectures of George Thompson, p. 149.

⁸⁰ At the time, this Alliance was still accepting slaveholding clergymen into its American branches.

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¹⁵² Thompson, G., The Plot Unravelled: Speech of George Thompson, Esq., at a Great Meeting in the Hanover Square Rooms, Ridgway, Piccadilly, and Effingham Wilson, London, 1847, p. 33Google Scholar.

¹⁵³ W. L. Garrison to H. E. Garrison, 13 September 1846, The Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, vol. 3, p. 393.

¹⁵⁴ Company apologists countered that the raja was merely obliged to reaffirm his subservience to the British resident, which the second article of the 1819 treaty had initially mandated.

¹⁵⁵ Thompson was forced to publicly defend his probity, declaring in one letter to the editor of the Bengal Hurkaru that he ‘would see [his] children starve, rather than feed them on the wages of prostitution’. See Ninth Annual Report of the Glasgow Emancipation Society, David Russell, Glasgow, 1843, p. 55Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁶ Mehrotra, The Emergence of the Indian National Congress, p. 23.

¹⁵⁷ Murray, W., ‘Satara—and British Connexion Therewith’, in Selections from the Calcutta Review, vol. 3, Trübner & Co., London, 1882, p. 218Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁸ ‘Dethronement of the Raja of Sattara’, Liverpool Mercury, 23 April 1841.

¹⁵⁹ Governor General Dalhousie utilized this pseudo-legal mechanism to confiscate princely states from Hindu rulers who failed to produce a blood heir. See Marshman, J. C., The History of India, vol. 2, Serampore Press, Serampore, 1867, p. 724Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁰ ‘India and the Colonies. A Lecture by Mr. George Thompson delivered in Rose Street Chapel, Edinburgh, December 17, 1838’, LOC, Scrap books, vol. 6, p. 6.

¹⁶¹ ‘Mr. Thompson's Lecture on the Duty of Great Britain to her Hundred Million of Subjects in the East, delivered in George Street Chapel, Glasgow, on Wednesday, November 14 1838’, LOC, Scrap books, vol. 6.

¹⁶² Thompson, British India: Its Condition, p. 6.

¹⁶³ Howitt, Colonization, p. 213. This critique echoed Burke's claim that the Company rendered native princes ‘odious’ to their subjects by converting them into the instruments of the colonial regime.

¹⁶⁴ ‘Dissent by Henry St. George Tucker’, in Papers Relating to the Question of the Disposal of the Sattara State, in Consequence of the Death of the Late Raja, J. & H. Cox, London, 1849, p. 161Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁵ J. Briggs, ‘Final Report on the Raja's Government’, 1 January 1827, BOD, John Briggs Papers, MSS.Eng.hist.C333, ff. 69–71.

¹⁶⁶ J. Briggs, ‘The Phulthun Nimbalkur Family Case’, 31 October 1826, BOD, John Briggs Papers, MSS.Eng.hist.C333, ff. 21–39. Despite this friction, Briggs received a diamond ring and a sword from Pratap Singh upon his resignation in 1827; he later advocated on behalf of the raja throughout the 1840s. See Deshpande, A., John Briggs in Maharashtra: A Study of District Administration under Early British Rule, Mittal Publications, Delhi, 1987, p. 178Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁷ Feudal estates granted by a princely sovereign often in recognition of past service. Advocates in the CoP asserted that the 1819 treaty fixed the boundaries of Satara at the Neera River, but also gave the raja jurisdiction over these specific jagirs beyond its borders. See Proceedings at a Special General Court of Proprietors of East India Stock … Respecting the Dethronement of his Highness the Raja of Satara, J. Wilson, London, 1840, p. 34Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁸ Elphinstone informed the subordinate jagirdars that the raja ruled as the de facto paramount power and would determine the legitimacy of their adoptions. See ‘Dissent by John Shepherd’, in Papers Relating to the Question of the Disposal of the Sattara State, p. 165.

¹⁶⁹ Singh, P., A Letter to the Right Hon. Sir Henry Hardinge, Alex Munro, London, 1845, p. 6Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁰ Briggs, ‘Final Report on the Raja's Government’, f. 93.

¹⁷¹ In a later minute, Grant admitted that the raja ‘has a right to be heard in his own vindication’ and urged his subordinates to avoid a ‘farce of a trial’. See Bapojee, R., Rajah of Sattara: A Letter to the Right Hon. J. C. Herries, M.P., G. Norman, London, 1852, p. 46Google Scholar.

¹⁷² ‘Letter from Major-General Peter Lodwick to the Chairman of the Court of Directors’, in Papers Respecting the Case of the Raja of Sattara, J. L. Cox & Sons, London, 1842, p. 7Google Scholar.

¹⁷³ A handful of itinerants detained at Nellore in 1838 implicated Pratap Singh as the conduit linking the Raja of Jodhpur with Mubariz ud-Daula, the sponsor of Wahhabism in Hyderabad. See Sullivan, Speech of Mr. John Sullivan, in the Court of Proprietors, pp. 27–28.

¹⁷⁴ Manoel vigorously contested this charge after Joseph Hume contacted him directly in 1841.

¹⁷⁵ Papers Regarding the Motion of William Hume M.P. in Favour of the Deposed Raja of Satara, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/109. In the spring of 1841, Ovans suspected that the raja had somehow dispatched the ‘blind Brahmin’ Nursoo Punt to incite a rising of Arabs in Badami. See Raja Shahji of Satara, 1830–1848: Select Documents from the Satara Residency Records, Peshwa Daftar, Poona, Choksey, R. D. (ed.), Poona, 1974, p. 7Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁶ Briggs, J., ‘The Plot Discovered’: Speech of Major-General Briggs, Exposing the Conspiracy to Dethrone the Raja of Sattara, A. Munro, London, 1847, pp. 19–23Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ Thompson, G., The Raja of Sattara: His Innocence Declared by the Governor-General's Agent, Tyler and Reed, London, 1847, p. 23Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁸ Fisher, M., Indirect Rule in India: Residents and the Residency System, 1764–1858, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1991, p. 62Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁹ Debates at the India House: August 22^nd, 23^rd and September 24^th, 1845 on the Case of the Deposed Raja of Sattara and the Impeachment of Col. C. Ovans, Effingham Wilson, London, 1845, p. 283Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁰ According to Thompson, Grant learned that the raja had appointed Mir Afzul Ali as his agent in the summer of 1836 and trumped up the subedhar case to discredit future metropole-bound deputations. See Thompson, G., ‘The Raja of Satara’, Howitts’ Journal of Literature and Popular Progress, vol. 1, 1847, p. 47Google Scholar.

¹⁸¹ Major B. D. Basu of the Indian Medical Service lionized Bapojee as ‘the first Indian agitator in England’ and a forerunner of Congress leaders Dadabhai Naoroji, Lalmohan Ghose, and Surendra Banerjee. See Basu, B. D., The Story of Satara, R. Chatterjee, Calcutta, 1922, p. 183Google Scholar.

¹⁸² Bapojee, R., Statement of Rungo Bapojee, Accredited Agent of His Highness Purtaub Sing…at a Great Meeting in the Hanover Square Rooms, London, 1846, p. 11Google Scholar.

¹⁸³ Fisher, M., Counterflows to Colonialism: Indian Travellers and Settlers in Britain, 1600–1857, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2004, p. 280Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁴ Debates at the India House: August 22^nd, 23^rd and September 24^th, 1845, p. 171.

¹⁸⁵ G. Thompson to R. D. Webb, 11 April 1842, BPL, Anti-slavery Collection, MS.A.1.2.v.12.2, f. 43. Thompson initially communicated with Bapojee by using Briggs as a translator.

¹⁸⁶ ‘Entertainment at the Mansion-House of London’, Freeman's Journal and Daily Commercial Advertiser, 27 July 1849.

¹⁸⁷ ‘The Rajah of Sattara‘, The Times, 27 November 1846, p. 6.

¹⁸⁸ ‘Debate at the India House’, 8 February 1843, BL, Mss Eur E932/282, f. 647.

¹⁸⁹ Minutes of the General Court of Proprietors, 13 February 1840, BL, IOR/B/270, f. 112.

¹⁹⁰ J. Hogg, Speech to House of Commons, 11 July 1848, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 3rd series, vol. 100, 1848, col. 437.

¹⁹¹ ‘Dethronement of the Raja of Sattara: Proclamation’, Bombay Times and Journal of Commerce, 11 September 1839, p. 578.

¹⁹² Thompson even suggested to radical Irish publisher Richard Webb that he should reconfigure one of the raja's own dispatches as a visual prop and ‘hang it up where it might be seen’. See G. Thompson to R. D. Webb, 25 August 1842, BPL, Anti-slavery Collection, MS.A.1.2.v.12.2, f. 81.

¹⁹³ J. Briggs to G. Thompson, 2 August 1842, JRL, REAS 4/3, f. 1.

¹⁹⁴ Fisher, Counterflows to Colonialism, p. 288.

¹⁹⁵ Thompson defamed Ovans as ‘a man with all the vices, but without one of the atoning or extenuating characteristics of Warren Hastings’. See Impeachment of the Conduct of the Court of Directors, in the Case of the Raja of Sattara, Effingham Wilson, London, 1846, p. 40Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁶ Epstein, Scandal of Colonial Rule, p. 42.

¹⁹⁷ The mother denied that she had signed the letter altogether. The forger soon demanded more compensation and petitioned the Bombay government seven times before ultimately applying to a judge at Poona. See Hume, J., Speech to House of Commons, 22 July 1845, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 3rd series, vol. 82, 1845, col. 905Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁸ Debates at the India House: August 22^nd, 23^rd and September 24^th, 1845, p. 114.

¹⁹⁹ Thompson, The Raja of Sattara, p. 24.

²⁰⁰ J. Hobhouse to H. Hardinge, 25 October 1847, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/22, f. 120.

²⁰¹ ‘A Prognostic’, British Friend of India, vol. 8, no. 47, 1845, p. 177, emphasis in originalGoogle Scholar.

²⁰² ‘Mr. Thompson and the Rajah of Sattara’, Indian Examiner and Universal Review vol. 2, no. 1, 1847, p. 20Google Scholar; Anonymous, India Wrongs without a Remedy, Saunders & Sanford, London, 1853, p. 16Google Scholar.

²⁰³ Proceedings at a Special General Court of Proprietors of East India Stock, p. 51.

²⁰⁴ Kaye, J. W., The Life and Correspondence of Major-General Sir John Malcolm, G. C. B., vol. 2, Smith, Elder, and Co., London, 1856, p. 373Google Scholar.

²⁰⁵ W. Ewart, Speech to House of Commons, 6 July 1847, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 3rd series, vol. 93, 1847, col. 1334.

²⁰⁶ ‘Mr. Thompson and the Rajah of Sattara’, p. 21.

²⁰⁷ Singh, A Letter to the Right Hon. Sir Henry Hardinge, p. 32.

²⁰⁸ Debates at the India House: August 22^nd, 23^rd and September 24^th, 1845, p. 78.

²⁰⁹ Sullivan, Speech of Mr. John Sullivan, in the Court of Proprietors, p. 11. As a polemicist for the India Reform Society in the 1850s, Sullivan would continue to advocate for the perpetuation of princely states.

²¹⁰ Singh, A Letter to the Right Hon. Sir Henry Hardinge, p. 3.

²¹¹ Debates at the India House: August 22^nd, 23^rd and September 24^th, 1845, p. 151.

²¹² Thompson, The Plot Unravelled, p. 9.

²¹³ ‘Debate at the India House’, 8 February 1843, BL, Mss Eur E932/282, f. 625.

²¹⁴ Ewart, Speech to House of Commons, 6 July 1847, col. 1335.

²¹⁵ Thompson argued that Governor James Carnac had gone rogue and confiscated the raja's sovereignty without prior authorization from the governor general or the Secret Committee, thereby violating the 33rd of George III, Chapter 52, Section 43. See Minutes of the General Court of Proprietors, 18 Mar. 1846, BL, IOR/B/271, f. 169.

²¹⁶ Ninth Annual Report of the Glasgow Emancipation Society, p. 28.

²¹⁷ Appendix to the Reports of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on Public Petitions, 1845, p. 410. James Haughton and Richard Allen, the chairman and secretary of the HBIS, were also the co-founders of the Hibernian Anti-Slavery Society. See also Bric, M., ‘Debating Empire and Slavery: Ireland and British India, 1820–1845’, Slavery & Abolition, vol. 37, no. 3, 2016, p. 572CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²¹⁹ ‘The Rajah of Sattara’, Morning Chronicle, 27 November 1846. Bowring co-founded the PIL the following year. News of the Satara agitation reached the Continent, appearing in French papers like the Paris-based National. See ‘The French Press and the Raja of Sattara’, British Friend of India, vol. 8, no. 44, 1845, p. 152Google Scholar.

²²⁰ J. Hobhouse to H. Hardinge, 24 July 1847, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/22, f. 24.

²²¹ J. Hobhouse to J. L. Cary, Viscount Falkland, 24 December 1849, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/27, f. 236.

²²² J. Hobhouse to J. L. Cary, 7 June 1849, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/27, f. 176.

²²³ Bapojee, Rajah of Sattara, p. 10.

²²⁴ Fisher, M., ‘Indian Political Representations in Britain during the Transition to Colonialism’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 38, no. 3, 2004, p. 672CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²²⁶ ‘The Case of the Rajah of Sattarah’, East India Magazine, November 1841, p. 347.

²²⁷ Thornton, E., The History of the British Empire in India, vol. 6, W. H. Allen, London, 1845, pp. 85–86Google Scholar. For a refutation of Thornton's analysis, see ‘The Court of Directors and Their Hired Apologists’, British Friend of India, vol. 8, no. 44, 1845, pp. 137–44Google Scholar.

²²⁸ ‘Paper by Ross Donnelly Mangles’, p. 181.

²²⁹ Saheb, S., Memorial to Her Majesty the Queen, Union Press, Bombay, 1874, p. 314Google Scholar. By means of analogy, the ranee reasoned that the ‘humiliating terms imposed by the victorious Romans on the state of Carthage’ following the Punic Wars did not abrogate the independence of the conquered party.

²³⁰ Kashmiri intermediary Mohan Lal informed Hobhouse that an agent of the ex-raja had paid a babu in the governor general's office Rs 10,000 for copies of the Secret Committee's dispatches. See M. Lal to J. Hobhouse, 15 November 1847, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/22, f. 224.

²³¹ J. Hobhouse to J. Broun-Ramsay, 25 April 1849, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/27, f. 151.

²³² J. Hobhouse to J. Broun-Ramsay, 25 June 1849, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/27, ff. 180–181.

²³³ J. Hobhouse to J. Broun-Ramsay, 7 June 1848, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/27, f. 10.

²³⁴ While Roy initially rejected legislative ameliorants for sati and favoured working through the Bengali samaj, he publicly defended Bentinck's abolition of the practice in 1830. See Zastoupil, Rammohun Roy, p. 74.

²³⁵ Escott, B., Speech to House of Commons, 6 July 1847, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 3rd series, vol. 93, 1847, col. 1349Google Scholar.

²³⁶ Thompson, The Raja of Sattara, p. 29.

²³⁷ J. Hobhouse to J. L. Cary, 7 May 1849, BL, Broughton Papers, Mss Eur F213/27.

²³⁸ Reformers implicitly extended John Stuart Mill's claim that ‘the only security against political slavery’ in civilized states was ‘the check maintained over governors, by the diffusion of intelligence, activity, and public spirit among the governed’. See Mill, J. S., Principles of Political Economy with Some of their Applications to Social Philosophy, vol. 2, 5th ed., Parker, Son, and Bourn, London, 1862, p. 555Google Scholar.

²³⁹ Ali, S., Notes and Opinions of a Native on the Present State of India and the Feelings of Its People, George Butler, Ryde, Isle of Wight, 1848, pp. 117–21Google Scholar.

²⁴⁰ Buckingham, J. S., The Coming Era of Political Reform, Partridge, Oakey and Co., London, 1853, p. 233Google Scholar.

²⁴¹ Lewin, M., Speech of Malcolm Lewin, Esq., Delivered at the Quarterly Meeting of the Court of Proprietors of the East India Company, Wednesday, December 19, 1855, Edward Stanford, London, 1856, p. 20Google Scholar. A former judge, Lewin had been removed from the bench in 1846 for acquitting Hindus accused of anti-Christian rioting in Tinnevelly.

²⁴² Ibid., pp. 16–17.

²⁴³ Lewin was particularly incensed by the Madras Torture Commission's revelation of state-sponsored violence. See Lewin, M., The Way to Lose India: With Illustrations from Leadenhall Street, James Ridgway, London, 1857, p. 6Google Scholar.

²⁴⁴ ‘Our Relation to the Princes of India’, Westminster Review, vol. 69, 1858, p. 251Google Scholar.

²⁴⁵ Stephens, J., ‘The Phantom Wahhabi: Liberalism and the Muslim Fanatic in Mid-Victorian India’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 47, no. 1, 2013, p. 47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴⁶ Ibid., p. 41.