¹ Ghose, S. C., ‘Homoeopathy and Its First Missionary in India’, The Hahnemannian Gleanings, vol. 3:7, August 1932, p. 289Google Scholar.

² Ghose, S. C., ‘Homoeopathy and Its First Missionary in India’, The Hahnemannian Gleanings, vol. 3:10, November 1932, p. 450Google Scholar.

³ Arnold, David and Blackburn, Stuart (eds), Telling Lives in India: Biography, Autobiography and Life History, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004, pp. 8–9Google Scholar.

⁴ This is to collectively indicate the scholarship on writings of life, including autobiography, memoir, biography, travelogue, and so on. Despite differences among scholars, it is generally agreed that the term ‘life story’ is preferable to ‘life history’ as the scope of the former is considered more comprehensive, with no explicit truth claim attached to it. See Peacock, James and Holland, Dorothy, ‘The Narrated Self: Life Stories in Process’, Ethos, vol. 21:4, 1993, pp. 367–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see David Arnold and Stuart Blackburn (eds), Telling Lives in India, pp. 9–11.

⁵ A few representative examples include Orsini, Francesca, The Hindi Public Sphere, 1920–1940: Language and Literature in the Age of Nationalism, New York: Oxford University Press, 2002Google Scholar; Dalmia, Vasudha and Blackburn, Stuart (eds), India's Literary History: Essays on the Nineteenth Century, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2004Google Scholar; Gupta, Abhijit and Chakravarty, Swapan (eds), Print Areas: Book History in India, Delhi: Permanent Black; 2004Google Scholar; Venkatachalapathy, A. R., The Province of the Book: Scholars, Scribes, and Scribblers in Colonial Tamilnadu, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2012Google Scholar; Ulrike Stark, An Empire of Books: Naval Kishore Press and Diffusion of the Printed Word in Colonial India, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2007; Mir, Farina, Social Space of Language: Vernacular Culture in British Colonial Punjab, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010Google Scholar.

⁶ Chakrabarty, Dipesh, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2000, pp. 34–35Google Scholar, and Majeed, Javed, Autobiography, Travel and Postnational Identity: Gandhi, Nehru and Iqbal, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Mukhopadhyay, Bhaskar, ‘Writing Home, Writing Travel: Poetics and Politics of Dwelling’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 44:2, 2002, p. 298CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Apart from biography, history, and novel writing Mukhopadhyay includes ‘diary-writing’ as well as ‘travel writing’ as other modes of modern self-expression.

⁷ See Ghosh, Anindita, Power in Print: Popular Publishing and the Politics of Language and Culture in a Colonial Society, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006, pp. 131–33Google Scholar, and Roy, Tapti, ‘Disciplining the Printed Text: Colonial and Nationalist Surveillance of Bengali Literature’, in Chatterjee, Partha (ed.), Texts of Power: Emerging Disciplines in Colonial Bengal, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995, pp. 38–41Google Scholar.

⁸ Ibid., p. 38.

⁹ For some examples of the use of autobiography or memoir as an analytic tool in understanding gender and patriarchy and/or caste, see Sarkar, Tanika, ‘A Book of Her Own, A Life of Her Own: Autobiography of a Nineteenth-Century Woman’, History Workshop, vol. 36, 1995, pp. 35–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chatterjee, Partha, ‘Women and the Nation’, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1993, pp. 135–57Google Scholar; Rege, Sharmila, Writing Caste, Writing Gender: Reading Dalit Women's Testimonios, Delhi: Zuban, 2006Google Scholar; Mukherjee, Meenakshi, ‘The Unperceived Self: A Study of Five Nineteenth-century Autobiographies’, in Chanana, Karuna (ed.), Socialisation, Education and Women: Explorations in Gender Identity, Delhi: Orient Longman, 1988Google Scholar; Forbes, Geraldine and Raychaudhuri, Tapan (eds), The Memoirs of Dr. Haimabati Sen, from Child Widow to Lady Doctor, Delhi: Roli Books, 2000Google Scholar; Burton, Antoinette, ‘The Purdahnashin in Her Setting: Colonial Modernity and the Zenana in Cornelia Sorabji's Memoirs’, Feminist Review, vol. 65, 2000, pp 145–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For other kinds of exploration around autobiography, see Hatcher, Brian, ‘Sanskrit Pandits Recall Their Youth: Two Autobiographies from Nineteenth-century Bengal’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 121:4, 2001, pp. 580–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kaviraj, Sudipta, ‘The Invention of Private Life: A Reading of Shibnath Shastri's Autobiography’, in Arnold, David and Blackburn, Stuart (eds), Telling Lives in India, pp. 83–115Google Scholar; Kumar, Uday, ‘Autobiography as a Way of Writing History: Personal Narratives from Kerala and the Inhabitation of Modernity’, in Chatterjee, Partha and Aquil, Raziuddin (eds), History in the Vernacular, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2008Google Scholar.

¹⁰ There is a long-established scholarly tradition of political biographies by historians of imperialism. For some earlier representative examples, see Percival Spear, Master of Bengal: Clive and His India, Thames and Hudson, 1975; Rosselli, John, Lord William Bentinck: Making of a Liberal Imperialist, 1774–1839, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974Google Scholar; Stein, Burton, Thomas Munro: The Origins of the Colonial State and His Vision of Empire, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989Google Scholar; Zastoupil, Lynn, John Stuart Mill and India, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994Google Scholar. For more recent critical historical explorations of the lives and thoughts of major nationalist figures, see Nanda, B. R., Three Statesmen: Gokhale, Gandhi and Nehru, New Delhi and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998Google Scholar; Brown, Judith M., Jawaharlal Nehru: A Political Life, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003Google Scholar; Zachariah, Benjamin, Nehru, London, New York: Routledge, 2004Google Scholar; Wolpert, Stanley, Gandhi's Passion: Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001Google Scholar; Bose, Sugata, His Majesty's Opponents: Subhas Chandra Bose and India's Struggle against Empire, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ For some recent explorations, see Eaton, Richard, Social History of Deccan, 1300–1761: Eight Indian Lives, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Raheja, Gloria Goodwin, Listen to the Heron's Words: Reimagining Gender and Kinship in North India, University of California Press, 1994Google Scholar; Bhadra, Gautam, ‘Four Rebels of Eighteen Fifty-Seven’, in Guha, Ranajit and Spivak, Gayatri (eds), Selected Subaltern Studies, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988, pp. 129–78Google Scholar; Anderson, Clare, Subaltern Lives: Biographies of Colonialism in the Indian Ocean World, 1790–1920, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² For a relation between microhistory and biography, see Lepore, Jill, ‘Historians Who Love Too Much: Reflections on Microhistory and Biography’, Journal of American History, vol. 88:1, 2001, pp. 129–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ For a recent exploration on the current relation between biography and history, see AHR Roundtable Special Issues, ‘Historians and Biography’, American Historical Review, vol. 114:3, June 2009. Also see the special issue ‘Biography and History: Inextricably Interwoven’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 40:3, Winter 2010. Especially see Wolpert, Stanley, ‘Biography as History: A Personal Reflection’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 40:3, 2010, pp. 399–412CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A recent volume exploring similar questions is Ramaswamy, Vijaya and Sharma, Yogesh (eds), Biography as History: Indian Perspectives, Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2009Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Bourdieu, Pierre, ‘The Biographical Illusion’, in Gay, Paul du, Evan, Jessica and Redman, Peter (eds), Identity: A Reader, London: Sage Publications, 2000, pp. 299–305Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Of course, individual-centric, microhistorical studies need to be distinguished from the specialization of ‘intellectual history’, which, while engaging in individual-centric analysis, essentially deals with the ideas and intellectual trajectories of major thinkers.

¹⁶ See Stewart, Tony K., ‘One Text from Many: Caitanya Caritamrita as ‘Classic and Commentary’, in Callewaert, Wianad and Snell, Rupert (eds), According to Tradition: Hagiographical Writing in India, Harrasowitz Verlag Wiesbaden, 1994, pp. 231–48Google Scholar, and Kumar, Uday, ‘Writing the Life of the Guru, Chattampi Swamikal, Sree Narayan Guru and Modes of Biographical Construction’, in Ramaswamy, Vijaya and Sharma, Yogesh (eds), Biography as History: Indian Perspectives, Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2009, pp. 53–87Google Scholar; Quintman, Andrew, Yogin and the Madman: Reading the Biographical Corpus of Tibet's Great Saint Milarepa, New York: Columbia University Press, 2013Google Scholar.

¹⁷ The article refers interchangeably to homoeopathy as both ‘science’ and ‘medicine’ as it was often perceived and championed in Bengal as a new scientific therapy from the West. For a historiographic overview of the complex relation between history of medicine and history of science that throws light on the evolving understanding and connotations of ‘science’ with regard to ‘medicine’, see Warner, John Harley, ‘History of Science and Sciences of Medicine’, Osiris, vol. 10, 1995, pp. 164–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ For an interesting account of mesmerism in British India, see Winter, Alison, ‘Colonizing Sensations in Victorian India’, in Mesmerized: Powers of Mind in Victorian Britain, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000, pp. 187–212Google Scholar. Also see Ernst, Waltraud, ‘Colonial Psychiatry, Magic and Religion: The Case of Mesmerism in British India’, History of Psychiatry, vol. 15:1, 2004, pp. 57–68CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. For accounts of naturopathy and hydrotherapy as also Christian healing respectively, see Alter, Joseph, Gandhi's Body: Sex, Diet and Politics of Nationalism, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000, pp. 55–82Google Scholar and Hardiman, David, ‘A Subaltern Christianity: Faith Healing in southern Gujrat’, in Hardiman, David and Mukharji, Projit (eds), Medical Marginality in South Asia: Situating Subaltern Therapeutics, New York: Routledge, 2012), pp. 126–51Google Scholar.

¹⁹ For a classic study of questions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy in Victorian medicine, see Bynum, W. F. and Porter, Roy (eds), Medical Fringe and Medical Orthodoxy 1750–1850, London and Wolfeboro, New Hampshire: Croom Helm, 1987Google Scholar. Also see Cooter, Roger (ed.), Studies in the History of Alternative Medicine, New York: St Martin's Press, 1988, pp. x–xviiCrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a survey of the ways in which orthodoxy and heterodoxy were key operative terms in not only the Victorian medical world, but equally in Victorian sciences, see Winter, Alison, ‘The Construction of Orthodoxies and Heterodoxies in Early Victorian Life Sciences’, in Lightman, Bernard (ed.), Victorian Science in Context, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997, pp. 24–50Google Scholar.

²⁰ For a historical study of varieties of non-canonized practices, see Hardiman, David and Mukharji, Projit (eds), Medical Marginality in South Asia: Situating Subaltern Therapeutics, New York: Routledge, 2012Google Scholar. Medical anthropologists have predictably done more work in this direction; for instance, see Sax, William, God of Justice: Ritual Healing in the Central Himalaya, New York: Oxford University Press, 2009Google Scholar.

²¹ See, for instance, the taxonomy of medical practices delineated in ‘Agenda’, in David Hardiman and Projit Mukharji (eds), Medical Marginality in South Asia, pp. 2–3, 7.

²² For efforts at supposed harmony and syncretism, see Khaleeli, Zhaleh, ‘Harmony or Hegemony? The Rise and Fall of the Native Medical Institution, Calcutta; 1822–35’, South Asia Research, vol. 21, 2001, pp. 77–104CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

²³ See, for instance, Harrison, Mark, Public Health in British India: Anglo India Preventive Medicine 1859–1914, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994, pp. 166–200Google Scholar.

²⁴ Berger, Rachel, Ayurveda Made Modern: Political Histories of Indigenous Medicine, 1900–1955, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, pp. 2–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ For a comprehensive account of Sircar's pioneering role in the development of science and medicine in India, see Chakrabarty, Pratik, ‘Science, Morality and Nationalism: The Multifaceted Project of Mahendralal Sircar’, Studies in History, vol. 17:2, 2001, pp. 245–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Mahendralal's public ‘conversion’ to homoeopathy in 1867 was reported widely in contemporary newspapers and generated widespread public interest. For a compilation of such reports, see Sircar, Mahendralal, On the Supposed Uncertainty in Medical Science and on the Relation between Diseases and Their Remedial Agents, Calcutta: Anglo Sanskrit Press, 1903, pp. 62–67Google Scholar.

²⁶ For a detailed discussion of the expulsion, see Biswas, Arun Kumar, Collected Works of Mahendralal Sircar, Eugene Lafont and the Science Movement, 1860–1910, Kolkata: Asiatic Society, 2003, pp. 231–47Google Scholar.

²⁷ Anonymous, ‘Homoeopathy and the University of Calcutta’, Indian Medical Gazette, vol. 13, June 1878, p. 159.

²⁸ See the discussion of the Medical Bills in Berger, Rachel, ‘Ayurveda and the Making of the Urban Middle Class in North India 1900–1945’, in Wujastyk, Dagmar and Smith, Frederick (eds), Modern and Global Ayurveda: Pluralism and Paradigms, Albany: SUNY Press, 2008, pp. 103–4Google Scholar.

²⁹ A recent spate of research on the institution of the South Asian family and law unravels the ways in which the family as an institution was deeply controlled by the colonial state. Of particular relevance is Ritu Birla's work on colonial legislations and the Marwari family-firm, since homoeopathic commerce was significantly reliant on the family firm model. See Birla, Ritu, Stages of Capital: Law, Culture and Market Governance in Late Colonial India, Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2009Google Scholar. Likewise, mechanisms of surveillance of the print market by the state have been pointed out by a number of south Asian scholars, including Tapti Roy, ‘Disciplining the Printed Text’, pp. 30–61, and Farina Mir, Social Space of Language.

³⁰ A range of work has initiated interesting conversations about unorthodox, marginal, often state-censored medico-scientific practices with regard to various forms of print networks. See Adams, Vincenne, ‘The Sacred in the Scientific: Ambiguous Practices of Science in Tibetan Medicine’, Cultural Anthropology, vol. 16:1, 2001, pp. 542–75CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Ito, Akiko, ‘How Electricity Energizes the Body: Electrotherapeutics and Its Analogy of Life in Japanese Medical Context’, in Raina, Dhruv and Gunergun, Feza (eds), Science Between Europe and Asia, Historical Studies on the Transmission, Adoption and Adaptation of Knowledge, Springer, 2011, pp. 245–58Google Scholar; Joel Cabrita, ‘People of Adam: Divine Healing and Racial Cosmopolitanism in the Early Twentieth-Century Transvaal, South Africa’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 57:2, pp. 1–36; Elshakry, Marwa, Reading Darwin in Arabic, 1860–1950, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³¹ Recent studies on religious lives have begun to be especially sensitive to the role of the biographer. See Roy, Kumkum, ‘The Artful Biographer, Sandhyakar Nandi's Ramcaritam’, in Ramaswamy, Vijaya and Sharma, Yogesh (eds), Biography as History: Indian Perspectives, New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2009, pp. 17–29Google Scholar.

³² For a discussion of the ways in which colonial science and medicine thrived upon local power hierarchies and dominant class, caste, and other prejudices, see Gyan Prakash, ‘Science Gone “Native” in Colonial India’, Representations, vol. 40, Autumn 1992, Special Issue: Seeing Science, pp. 153–78. Also see Prakash, Padma, ‘Where is the Woman in Preventive and Social Medicine?’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 40:18, 2005, p. 1828Google Scholar.

³³ Livingstone, David and Withers, Charles (eds), Geographies of Nineteenth-century Science, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ See Topham, Jonathan, ‘Publishing “Popular Science” in Early Nineteenth-Century Britain’, in Fyfe, Aileen and Lightman, Bernard (eds), Science in the Marketplace: Nineteenth-century Sites and Experiences, Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2007, pp. 135–68Google Scholar; and Topham, Jonathan, ‘Scientific Publishing and the Reading of Science in Nineteenth-century Britain: A Historiographical Survey and Guide to Sources’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, Part A, vol. 31:4, 2000, pp. 559–612CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

³⁵ Bradley, James, ‘Medicine on the Margins: Hydropathy and Orthodoxy in Britain, 1840–1860’, in Ernst, Waltraud (ed.), Plural Medicine, Tradition and Modernity, 1800–2000, London and New York: Routledge, 2002, p. 34Google Scholar; and John Kucich, Ghostly Communion, Cross-cultural Spiritualism in the Nineteenth Century, UPNE, 2004—see the chapter ‘Public Spirits: Spiritualism in American Periodicals’, pp. 36–58.

³⁶ See Jenner, Mark and Wallis, Patrick (eds), Medicine and the Market in England and Its Colonies, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007Google Scholar.

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³⁸ For a couple of authoritative studies, see Darnton, Robert, The Business of Enlightenment: A Publishing History of the Encyplopaedia, 1775–1800, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987Google Scholar, and Claire, William St, The Reading Nation in the Romantic Period, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004Google Scholar.

³⁹ Raina, Dhruv and Habib, S. Irfan, ‘Ramchandra's Treatise through the ‘Haze of the Golden Sunset’: An Aborted Pedagogy’, Social Studies of Science, vol. 20:3, 1990, pp. 455–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁰ Roy, Rohan Deb, ‘Debility, Diet, Desire: Food in Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Bengali Manuals’, in Chaudhari, Supriya and Chatterjee, Rimi B. (eds), The Writer's Feast: Food and the Cultures of Representation, Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2011, pp. 179–205Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Wald, James, ‘Periodicals and Periodicity’, in Eliot, Simon and Rose, Jonathan (eds), A Companion to the History of the Book, Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2009, pp. 421–32Google Scholar.

⁴² Cantor, Geoffrey et al. (eds), Science in the Nineteenth-Century Periodical: Reading the Magazine of Nature, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004Google Scholar.

⁴³ For explorations in the study of the importance of periodicals in the Indian context, see Amit Ranjan Basu, ‘Emergence of a Marginal Science in a Colonial City: Reading Psychiatry in Bengali Periodicals’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. 41:2, 2004, pp. 103–41 Also see Projit Mukhari, Nationalizing the Body, pp. 92–100. For a recent study of literary periodicals and their readership in Bengal, see Mitra, Samarpita, ‘Periodical Readership in Early Twentieth Century Bengal: Ramananda Chattopadhyay's Prabasi’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 47:1, 2013, pp. 204–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Sharma, Madhuri, ‘Creating a Consumer: Exploring Medical Advertisements in Colonial India’, in Harrison, Mark and Pati, Biswamoy (eds), The Social History of Health and Healing in Colonial India, New York: Routledge, 2009, pp. 213–28Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See, for instance, Secord, James, ‘Scrapbook Science: Composite Caricatures in Late Georgian England’, in Shteir, A. and Lightman, B. (eds), Figuring It Out: Science, Gender, and Visual Culture, Hanover, New Hampshire: Dartmouth College Press, 2006, pp. 164–91Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Greene, Mott, ‘Writing Scientific Biography’, Journal of the History of Biology, vol. 40:4, 2007, pp. 727–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Terrall, Mary, ‘Biography as a Cultural History of Science’, Isis, vol. 97:2, 2006, pp. 306–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁷ Yeo, Richard and Shortland, Michael (eds), Telling Lives in Science: Essays in Scientific Biography, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Biswas, Arun Kumar (ed.), Gleanings of the Past and the Science Movement: In the Diaries of Drs. Mahendralal and Amritalal Sircar, Kolkata: Asiatic Society, 2000, p. 16Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ ‘Editorial’, Indian Homoeopathic Review, vol. 15:1, January 1906, p. 1.

⁵⁰ See, for instance, Arun Kumar Biswas (ed.), Gleanings of the Past, p. 16.

⁵¹ Codell, Julie, The Victorian Artist: Artists’ Lifewriting in Britain c. 1870–1910, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 2Google Scholar.

⁵² Hibbard, Allen, ‘Biographer and Subject: A Tale of Two Narratives’, South Central Review, vol. 23:3, 2006, p. 31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁵⁴ ‘Editorial: Daktar Rajendralal Dutta Sambandhe Homoeopathic Samachar er Uktir Uttor’ (‘Reply to the Remark on Dr. Rajendralal Dutta by Homoeopathic Samachar’), Hahnemann, vol. 22:3, 1939, pp. 181–83.

⁵⁵ Ghose, Sarat Chandra, Life of Dr. Mahendralal Sircar, Calcutta: Oriental Publishing Home, 1909, 1st edition, p. 55Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Mahesh Chandra Bhattacharya, ‘Preface’, Atmakatha (My Life), Calcutta: Economic Press, 1957, 4th edition, page number not cited. Likewise, the monograph Life of Dr. Mahendralal Sircar, first published in 1909, was republished in 1935 by Hahnemann Publishing Company on grounds of ‘increasing popular demand’.

⁵⁷ Julie Codell, The Victorian Artist, pp. 6–7.

⁵⁸ The Latin phrase ‘similia similibus curatur’, meaning ‘like cures like’, popularly referred to as the ‘law of similars’, was widely written about as the core principle of homoeopathy as enunciated by Hahnemann.

⁵⁹ Ray, Mahendranath, Homoeopathy Abishkorta Samuel Hahnemann er Jiboni (Biography of Samuel Hahnemann, the discoverer of Homoeopathy), Taligunj: Kasi Kharda Press, 1881, pp. 3–17Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Ghosh, Surendra Mohan, Susrut o Hyaniman (Susrut and Hahnemann), Calcutta: Bengal Medical Library, 1906, pp. 2, 6–11Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Ibid, p. 63.

⁶² See Callewaert, Wianad and Snell, Rupert (eds), According to Tradition: Hagiographical Writing in India, Harrasowitz Verlag Wiesbaden, 1994, pp. 12–13Google Scholar.

⁶³ S. C. Ghose, ‘Homoeopathy and Its First Missionary in India’, p. 451.

⁶⁴ D. N. Ray, Daktar D. N. Ray er Atmakatha (Autobiography of Dr D. N. Ray), Publisher not cited, 1929, p. 273.

⁶⁵ Ghosh, Sarat Chandra, ‘Dr. L. Salzer M.D’, Hahnemann, vol. 22:6, 1939, pp. 326–27Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Ghosh, Saratchandra, ‘Bharatbarshe Homoeopathy Chikitshar Sorbo pratham Pathopradarshak o Pracharak Dr. Rajendralal Datta’ (‘The Pioneer Physician and Perpetrator of Homoeopathy in India’), Hahnemann, vol. 22:1, 1939, p. 19Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Biographies and autobiographies of most physicians including Batakrishna Pal, Pratap Chandra Majumdar, Lokenath Maitra, D. N. Ray have elaborate details of their property acquired through homoeopathic enterprise. For instance, see Majumdar, Jitendranath, ‘Dr. Pratap Chandra Majumdar M.D’, Hahnemann, vol. 23:8, 1940, pp. 452–53Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ For instance, see Ghosh, Sarat Chandra, ‘Dr. Brajendranath Bandopadhyay M.D’, Hahnemann, vol. 23:3, 1940, p. 133Google Scholar. Also see Mukhopadhyay, Gopal Chandra, Sadhu Batakrishna Pal (Batakrishna Pal, the Great), Vol. II, Calcutta: Batakrishna Pal, 1919, pp. 168–69Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ See, for instance, Mukhopadhyay, Rashbehari, ‘Shworgiyo Raysaheb Dinabandhu Mukhopadhyay er Jiboni’ (‘Life of Late Honourable Rashbehari Mukhopadhyay’), Hahnemann, vol. 4:8, 1921, p. 293Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Ghose, S. C., ‘Homoeopathy and Its First Missionary in India’, The Hahnemannian Gleanings, vol. 3:8, September 1932, pp. 338–39Google Scholar.

⁷¹ For instance, see Mukhopadhyay, Rashbehari, ‘Shworgiyo Raysaheb Dinabandhu Mukhopadhyay er Jiboni’ (‘Life of Late Honourable Rashbehari Mukhopadhyay’), Hahnemann, vol. 4:7, 1921, p. 147Google Scholar.

⁷² Ghosh, Sarat Chandra, ‘Dr. Akshay Kumar Datta L.M.S’, Hahnemann, vol. 23:4, 1940, p. 199Google Scholar.

⁷³ Talapatra, Srish Chandra, Maheshchandra Charitkatha (Life of Mahesh Chandra), Calcutta: Economic Press, 1946, pp. 31–32Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Ibid., also see Rashbehari Mukhopadhyay, ‘Shworgiyo Raysaheb Dinabandhu Mukhopadhyay er Jiboni’ (‘Life of Late Honourable Dinabandhu Mukhopadhyay’), p. 147.

⁷⁵ Shastri, Shivnath, ‘Men I Have Seen’, Atmacharit (My Life), Calcutta: Prabasi Karjalay, 1918, reprint Dey's, 2003, pp. 503–4Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Gopal Chandra Mukhopadhyay, Sadhu Batakrishna Pal (Batakrishna Pal, the Great), Vol. II, pp. 205–7.

⁷⁷ Srish Chandra Talapatra, Mahesh Chandra Charitkatha, pp. 77–78.

⁷⁸ Holmes, Richard, ‘A Proper Study?’, in Claire, William St (ed.), Mapping Lives: The Uses of Biography, Oxford University Press, 2002, p. 12Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Julie Codell, The Victorian Artist, pp. 8–9.

⁸⁰ For a more detailed discussion on the homoeopathic practice of family businesses through intergenerational family firms, see Das, Shinjini, ‘Homoeopathic Families, Hindu Nation and the Legislating State: Making of a Vernacular Science, Bengal 1866–1941’, PhD thesis, University College London, 2012, pp. 37–80Google Scholar.

⁸¹ ‘Editorial: New Year's Retrospection and Introspection’, The Hahnemannian Gleanings, vol. 4:1, February 1933, pp. 10–11.

⁸² For instance, see Ghosh, Sarat Chandra (1939), ‘Bharatbarshe Homoeopathic Chikitshar Sorboprothom Pothoprodorshok o Pracharak Dr. Rajendralal Dutta’ (‘The Pioneer Perpetrator of Homoeopathic Treatment in India Dr Rajendralal Dutta’), Hahnemann, vol. 22:1, 1939, pp. 14–16Google Scholar.

⁸³ Sarat Chandra Ghose, ‘Homoeopathy and Its First Missionary in India’, pp. 449–50.

⁸⁴ For a discussion of Muslim elite families like the Azizi family in the modernization of traditional unani, see Alavi, Seema, Islam and Healing: Loss and Recovery of an Indo-Muslim Healing Tradition 1600–1900, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, pp. 14–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the similar powerful presence of ‘hereditary’ practising families like that of Bhai Mohan Singh Vaid or Hakim Ajmal Khan and their ties with commercial print and pharmaceuticals, see Sivaramakrishnan, Kavita, Old Potions, New Bottles: Recasting Indigenous Medicine in Colonial Punjab (1950–1945), Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2005, pp. 106–8Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Ghose, S. C., ‘Homoeopathy and Its First Missionary in India’, The Hahnemannian Gleanings, vol. 3:8, September 1932, p. 339Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Ghose, S. C., ‘Homoeopathy and Its First Missionary in India’, The Hahnemannian Gleanings, vol. 3:7, August 1932, p. 294Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Ghose, Sarat Chandra, Life of Dr. Mahendralal Sircar, 2nd edition, Calcutta: Hahnemann Publishing Company, 1935, p. 27Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ ‘Editorial Notes and News: Reminiscences of Old Torch-bearers of Homoeopathy in India’, The Hahnemannian Gleanings, vol. 9, June 1939, pp. 266–67.

⁸⁹ Chatterjee, Partha, ‘Nation and Its Pasts’, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1993, pp. 88–94Google Scholar. Also see Ali, Daud (ed.), Invoking the Past: The Uses of History in South Asia, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002Google Scholar.

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⁹² Chakrabarty, Dipesh, ‘Public Life of History: An Argument out of India’, Public Culture, vol. 20:1, 2008, p. 145CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Chatterjee, Kumkum, ‘The King of Controversy: History and Nation Making in Late Colonial India’, American Historical Review, vol. 110:5, 2005, pp. 1454–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Chakrabarty, Dipesh, ‘Public Life of History’, pp. 145–46, and Dipesh Chakrabarty, ‘Bourgeois Categories Made Global: Utopian and Actual Lives of Historical Documents in India’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 44:25, June 2009, p. 68Google Scholar. Also see Chakrabarty, Dipesh, ‘The Birth of Academic Historical Writing in India’, in Macintyre, Stuart et al. (eds), The Oxford History of Historical Writing, Vol 4: 1800–1945, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 528–29Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ See Chatterjee, Partha and Aquil, Raziuddin (eds), History in the Vernacular, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2008, pp. 1–22Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ See Kumkum Chatterjee, ‘The King of Controversy’, pp. 1464–75.

⁹⁶ Sircar, Mahendralal, ‘Hahnemann and His Work’, Calcutta Journal of Medicine, vol. 12:10, May 1887, pp. 391–416Google Scholar.

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⁹⁸ Ibid.

⁹⁹ S.C. Ghose, Preface, Life of Dr. Mahendralal Sircar, p. i.

¹⁰⁰ Srish Chandra Talapatra, Maheshchandra Charitkatha (Life of Maheshchandra), p. 3. Also see Majumdar, J. N., ‘Dr. Pratap Chandra Majumdar MD’, Hahnemann, vol. 23:5, 1940, pp. 261–67Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Mukhopadhyay, Gopal Chandra, Sadhu Batakrishna Pal (Batakrishna Pal, the Great), Vol. II, Calcutta: Batakrishna Pal, 1919, pp. 191, 292Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Ghosh, Saratchandra, ‘Daktar Mahendralal Sircar er Jibon-katha’ (‘Life of Dr. Mahendralal Sircar’), Hahnemann, vol. 22:3, 1939, pp. 137–41Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Ibid., pp. 67–71.

¹⁰⁴ Srish Chandra Talapatra, Maheshchandra Charitkatha, pp. 3–4.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid.

¹⁰⁶ Dipesh Chakrabarty, ‘Bourgeois Categories Made Global’, pp. 67–68.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., pp. 71–74.

¹⁰⁸ Lubenow, William, ‘Intimacy, Imagination, and the Inner Dialectics of Knowledge Communities: The Synthetic Society, 1896–1908’, in Daunton, Martin (ed.), The Organisation of Knowledge in Victorian Britain, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. 357–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹¹⁰ Kapila, Shruti, ‘The Enchantment of Science in India’, Isis, vol. 101:1, 2010, pp. 120–32CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

¹¹¹ See Dodson, Michael, ‘Translating Science, Translating Empire: The Power of Language in Colonial North India’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 47:4, 2005, pp. 809–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Elshakry, Marwa, Reading Darwin in Arabic, 1860–1950, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹² See Chatterjee, K., ‘Bharate Krama Samasya’ (‘Problem of Dosage in India’), Hahnemann, vol. 8:8, 1925, pp. 405–7Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Ibid.

¹¹⁴ Ibid.

¹¹⁵ Ibid.

¹¹⁶ Sircar, Mahendralal, ‘Hahnemann and His Work’, Calcutta Journal of Medicine, vol. 12:10, May 1887, pp. 391–416Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Skipwith, F. C., ‘Homoeopathy and Its Introduction into India’, Calcutta Review, vol. 17, 1852, p. 19Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ For a standard study of Brahmoism as a Western-inspired reform agenda in search of a modern, rational religion, see Kopf, David, The Brahmo Samaj and the Shaping of the Modern Indian Mind, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1979Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Quoted in Sivanath Shastri, ‘Men I Have Seen’, in Atmacharit (My Life), pp. 506–7.

¹²⁰ Sircar, Amritalal, Obituary Notice of Mahendralal Sircar CIE, MD, DL, Calcutta: Anglo Sanskrit Press, 1905, pp. 30–33Google Scholar. See especially ‘Dr Sircar and Hindu Orthodoxy’, p. 49.

¹²¹ Majumdar, J. N., ‘Dr. Pratap Chandra Majumdar M.D’, Hahnemann, vol. 23:6, 1940, pp. 322–24Google Scholar.

¹²² Ibid, pp. 323–24.

¹²³ Ibid, p. 323.

¹²⁴ Majumdar, Jitendranath, ‘Dr. Pratap Chandra Majumdar M.D’, Hahnemann, vol. 23:5, 1940, pp. 261–62Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ F. C. Skipwith, ‘Homoeopathy and Its Introduction into India’, p. 43.

¹²⁶ Although there is an apparent contradiction in the concurrent homoeopathic self-articulations through Brahmo and Hindu rhetoric, it is more a reflection of that among many Brahmo leaders themselves, especially after the schism of 1866. One needs to remember the varying degrees of Hindu empathies of many Brahmo leaders of the later nineteenth century, including Keshab Chandra Sen, Rajnarain Basu or even Rabindranath Tagore among others.

¹²⁷ For instance, see Talapatra, Srish Chandra, Mahesh Chandra Charitkatha (Life of Mahesh Chandra), Calcutta: Economic Press, 1946Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Anindita Ghosh, Power in Print, pp. 24–25.

¹²⁹ See, for instance, Srivastan, R., ‘Concept of “Seva” and the “Sevak”, in the Freedom Movement’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 41:5, 2006, pp. 427–38Google Scholar, and Kaur, Raminder, Performative Politics and the Cultures of Hinduism: Public Uses of Religion in Western India, London: Anthem Press, 2003, p. 157Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ Bhattachrya, Kalikumar, ‘Ashar Alok’ (‘Light of Hope’), Hahnemann, vol. 7:2, 1924, p. 80Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Wood, James C., ‘Value and Limitations of Homoeopathy’, The Hahnemannian Gleanings, vol. 3, December 1932, p. 501Google Scholar.

¹³² Mahendranath Ray, Homoeopathy Abishkorta Samuel Hahnemann er Jiboni, pp. 23–24.

¹³³ F. C. Skipwith, ‘Homoeopathy and Its Introduction into India’, pp. 22–23.

¹³⁴ Ghosh, Himangshushekhar, ‘Hahnemann O Adhunik Bigyan’ (‘Hahnemann and Modern Science’), Hahnemann, vol. 23:1, 1940, pp. 22–23Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ Ibid. p. 20.

¹³⁶ Bandopadhyay, Bhupendranath, ‘Smriti Sabha’ (‘Memorial Meeting’), Hahnemann, vol. 9:1, 1926, p. 34Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ Himangshushekhar Ghosh, ‘Hahnemann O Adhunik Bigyan’, p. 20.

¹³⁸ The journal Hahnemann, for instance, published a series of poems on Hahnemann in its different issues in 1925, which were titled variously as ‘Prabhu Hahnemann er Proti’, ‘Guru Hahnemann er Proti’, ‘Maharshi Hahnemann er Proti’, and so on. For instance, see Bhattacharya, Kalikumar, ‘Prabhu Hahnemann er Proti’ (‘To Hahnemann the Divine’), Hahnemann, vol. 8:5, 1925, p. 1Google Scholar.

¹³⁹ Biswas, Radharaman, ‘Deboddeshe’ (‘To the Almighty’), Hahnemann, vol. 23:1, 1940, p. 19Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Anonymous, ‘Presidential Address at the Annual Meeting of the Midnapore Hahnemann Association’, Hahnemann, vol. 10:2, 1927, pp. 65–66Google Scholar.

¹⁴¹ Ghosh, Saratchandra, ‘Hahnemann’, Hahnemann, vol. 22:1, 1939, p. 1Google Scholar.

¹⁴² Shankar De, Ajit, ‘Shantir Shandhan’ (‘In Search of Peace’), Homoeopathy Pracharak, vol. 2:1, April 1928, pp. 42–45Google Scholar.

¹⁴³ Michael Dodson, ‘Translating Science, Translating Empire’, pp. 809–35.

¹⁴⁴ Basanta Datta (ed.), ‘Review by Samaj Darpan’, Datta's Homoeopathy Series in Bengalee, 3, March 1876, promotional advertisement at the end.

¹⁴⁵ For discussions on colonial administrative efforts at translation of Western knowledge for pedagogic purposes, see Pande, Ishita, Medicine, Race and Liberalism in British Bengal: Symptoms of Empire, London and New York: Routledge, 2010, pp. 77–82Google Scholar, and Michael Dodson, ‘Translating Science, Translating Empire’, pp. 809–35.

¹⁴⁶ It should be noted that Hahnemann was the name of a number of journals circulating in Bengal since the late nineteenth century. Hahnemann edited by Basanta Kumar Datta was different from Hahnemann published by the Hahnemann Publishing Company of the Bhars.

¹⁴⁷ Kumar Datta, Basanta, ‘Homoeopathic Bangla Sahitya’ (‘Homoeopathic Bengali Literature’), Hahnemann, vol. 2:12, 1884, p. 222Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Ibid., p. 183.

¹⁴⁹ Ibid.

¹⁵⁰ Although there have been some critical explorations in science biographies in Anglo-American scholarship, yet, in a recent anthology on new sites to study science, Bernard Lightman urges a more serious engagement with science biographies. See Lightman, Bernard and Fyfe, Aileen (eds), Science in the Marketplace: Nineteenth-Century Sites and Experiences, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007, p. 14Google Scholar.

¹⁵¹ Appadurai, Arjun, ‘Archive and Aspiration’, in Brouwer, Joke and Mulder, Arjen (eds), Information Is Alive, Rotterdam: V2_Publishing/NAI Publishers, 2003, p. 16Google Scholar.

¹⁵² Ibid., p. 16.

¹⁵³ Ibid., p. 17.

¹⁵⁴ Kumar Datta, Basanta, ‘Homoeopathic Bangla Sahitya’, Homoeopathic Bengali Literature, 1884, Hahnemann, vol. 2:10, 1884, p. 182Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁵ For a substantive discussion of these questions in relation to the entire corpus of life histories in South Asia, see David Arnold and Stuart Blackburn (eds), Telling Lives in India, pp. 2–3, 19–22.

¹⁵⁶ Kaviraj, Sudipta, ‘The Invention of Private Life: A Reading of Shibnath Shastri's Autobiography’, in Arnold, David and Blackburn, Stuart (eds), Telling Lives in India, pp. 83–115Google Scholar. Also see Mines, Mattison, Public Faces, Private Voices: Community and Individuality in South India, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵⁷ S. C. Ghose, ‘Homoeopathy and Its First Missionary in India’, p. 341.