Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
The description provided by John Foster Fraser, a British journalist wandering through Siberia and Manchuria in the autumn of 1901, is of Khabarovsk, a town of some fifteen thousand people. Such scenes were not peculiar to Khabarovsk at the turn of the century, but could be witnessed in other towns throughout the Russian Far East such as Chita, Blagoveshchensk, Nikol'sk-Ussuriiskii, and Vladivostok. Who were these ‘weak, withered-faced’ Chinese that one was likely to encounter? What were they doing within the boundaries of the Russian Empire? What were the attitudes of the Russian population towards the Chinese and what policies did the provincial and central authorities adopt with respect to them?
1 Fraser, John Foster, The Real Siberia (London, 1902), p. 91.Google Scholar
2 The number of books on this subject is too long to list here. See the excellent if necessarily dated bibliography in Malozemoff, A., Russian Far Eastern Policy, 1881–1904 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1958), pp. 317–47;Google Scholar also Tang, Peter S. H., Russian and Soviet Policy in Manchuria and Outer Mongolia, 1911–1931 (Durham, North Carolina, 1959), pp. 456–72.Google Scholar
3 Eastern Siberia refers to all land east of Lake Baikal, encompassing the Transbaikal, Amur, and Maritime districts plus Sakhalin Island and Kamchatka. The Russian Far East is more restrictive, generally excluding the Transbaikal.
4 See Treadgold, Donald W., The Great Siberian Migration (Princeton, 1957);CrossRefGoogle ScholarHarmon, Tupper, To the Great Ocean: Siberia and the Trans-Siberian Railway (Boston, 1965);Google ScholarAkademiia, SSSR nauk (ed.), Istoriia Sibiri (History of Siberia), 5 vols (Leningrad, 1968), III, 22–57, 207–11, 310–27 and passim.Google Scholar
5 All dates are given according to the Russian calendar which was twelve days behind the Gregorian Calendar in the nineteenth century and thirteen in the twentieth.
6 Texts of treaties appear in ‘Vladimir’ (Volpicelli, Z.), Russia on the Pacific and the Siberian Railroad (London, 1899), pp. 346–55.Google Scholar
7 See Muraviev's reports in Barsuvko, I. P., Graf Nikolai Nikolaevich Amurskii, 2 vols (Moscow, 1891), II, 150–1, 186–8.Google Scholar
8 For a description of the tribulations of the Amur Cossacks in the early years of their settlement see the account of Bogdanov, R. K. translated in Russia's Eastward Expansion, ed. George, A. Lensen (New York, 1964), pp. 96–103.Google Scholar Details of peasants' difficulties and the flood of 1872 which inundated Cossack settlements are in Nadin, P., ‘Piatidesiatiletie Amurskago Kraia, 1854–1904 gg.’ (Fifty Years of the Amur Region, 1854–1904), Vestnik Evropy, III (1905), 179, 181–4.Google Scholar
9 The Chinese migration into Manchuria is discussed in Owen Lattimore, Inner Asian Frontiers of China (Boston, 1962), pp. 140–4.Google Scholar Lattimore contends that the policy of encouraging migration which dates from 1878 succeeded only as far as southern Manchuria was concerned because ‘the Chinese economy and society did not have enough inherent vigor to occupy north Manchuria in strength’. However, he fails to take into account that the population of Kirin and Heilungkiang provinces had reached 5.2 million by 1907 and that the frontier economy boomed owing to the abundance of fertile land, furs, minerals, the river traffic, and the growing Russian market. For a more recent study which analyses these factors, see Lee, R. H. G., The Manchurian Frontier in Ch'ing History (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), esp. pp. 78–115.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
10 Malozemoff, , Russian Far Eastern Policy, p. 11.Google Scholar Ts'ao T'ing-chieh, who spent several months in the Russian territories in 1885, reported to the military governor of Kirin that there were about 20,000 Chinese living in the region between the Ussuri and the Sea of Japan. See Lee, The Manchurian Frontier, p. 90.Google Scholar
11 Lee, , The Manchurian Frontier, pp. 105–11.Google Scholar
12 Arseniev, V. K., Dersu, The Trapper, trans. Malcolm, Burr (New York, 1941), pp. 179–80.Google Scholar
13 One desiatina equals 2.7 acres.
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15 One verst equals 0.66 miles (1.06 kms).
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23 Litvinov-Falinskii, V. P., Fabrichnoe Zakonodatel'stvo i fabrichnaia inspektsiia v Rossii (Factory Legislation and Factory Inspection in Russia) (St Petersburg, 1900), pp. 9, 120.Google Scholar For the texts of the laws see Polnoe Sobranie Zakonov (Complete Collection of Laws) (St Petersburg, 2nd ser., XXXVI, 1863),Google Scholar and P.S.Z. (St Petersburg, 3rd ser., VI, 1888).Google Scholar
24 Borzunov, Proletariat Sibiri, p. 119 quoting from papers of administration for construction of Mid-Siberian Railway.Google Scholar
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26 Ibid., pp. 104, 119.
27 Ibid., p. 85.
28 Tupper, To the Great Ocean, p. 175.Google Scholar Tupper adds: ‘Their health suffered from temperature changes, and they refused to work during rain. At the slightest hint of a tiger in the vicinity, they stampeded in squealing hysteria and huddled in camp until driven out by the labor contractors' musclemen….’ For more information on varieties of payment and work methods, see the official Otchet po postroike Severno–Ussuriiskoi zheleznoi dorogi, 1894–1897 gg. (Essay on the Building of North–Ussuri Railroad, 1894–1897), (St Petersburg, 1900), pp. 6–12.Google Scholar
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30 The possibility of a self-perpetuating network of emigrants, such as that described with reference to San Tin village (Hong Kong) in James, L. Watson, Emigration and Chinese Lineage (Berkeley, 1975), is suggested by the frequency with which the two provinces, Shantung and Shansi, are mentioned in the literature as places of origin.Google Scholar See, for example, Weale, B. L. Putnam [ Simpson, B. L.] The Coming Struggle in Eastern Asia (London, 1908), p. 16;Google ScholarFarnsworth, MacNair Harley, The Chinese Abroad, their Position and Protection (Shanghai, 1933), p. 46;Google Scholar and Lee, The Manchurian Frontier, pp. 87–8, 103–4. Simpson cites Laichoufu and Tengchoufu as the two prefectures of Shantung from which emigration to Russia was heaviest.Google Scholar
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42 Guide to the Great Siberian Railway, ed. Dmitriev-Mamonov, A. I. and Zdziarski, A. F. (St Petersburg, 1900), p. 468;Google ScholarIstoriia Sibiri, III, 60.Google Scholar
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46 See fn. 1. Specific incidents are recounted in Fraser, The Real Siberia, p. 198;Google ScholarMaurice, Baring, With the Russians in Manchuria (London, 1905), p. 20.Google Scholar
47 See, for example, Henry, Lansdell, Through Siberia, 3rd edn (London, 1882), pp. 713–14;Google ScholarYoung, Simpson James, Side-Lights on Siberia (London & Edinburgh, 1898), pp. 239–40.Google Scholar
48 Quoted from George, A. Lensen, The Russo-Chinese War (Tallahassee, Florida, 1967), p. 73.Google Scholar
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54 Based on Table 3 in Treadgold, Great Siberian Migration, p. 34. Figures are rounded off to nearest thousand.
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56 Fridtjof, Nansen, Through Siberia, the Land of the Future, trans. Chater, A. G. (London, 1914), pp. 333, 358;Google ScholarPervaia Vseobshchaia perepis' naseleniia Rossiiskoi Imperii, 1897, g.: Primorskaia oblast' (First General Census of the Population of the Russian Empire, 1897: Maritime District) (St Petersburg, 1900), pp. 46–7;Google ScholarAziatskaia Rossiia, I, 513.Google Scholar
57 Population in 1907 in Sakhanskii, Ocherk Amurskoi oblasti, p. 17.
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62 Sakhanskii, , Ocherk Amurskoi oblasti, p. 110.Google Scholar The rail line referred to by Sakhanskii was being financed by an Anglo-American consortium under J. P. Morgan and Kuhn, Loeb & Co.
63 Gosudarstvennaia Duma: Stenografichskie otchety (The State Duma: Stenographic Reports), 3rd Duma, session 1, pt 2, sitting 41, 24 March 1908, cols 880–975; sitting 44, 29 March 1908, cols 1318–35; sitting 45, 31 March 1908, cols 1404–82.Google Scholar
64 Ibid., sitting 46, 1 April 1908, cols 1580–2. The stipulation was introduced by the Octobrists and moderate right factions as an amendment. It did not exclude naturalized subjects, and, in fact, approximately two thousand Korean settlers were employed in the construction of the railroad.
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79 See the protocol of the board meeting of the Lena Goldfields Co. on 1 November 1915 and the telegram of V. N. Zhurin to the board dated 16 December 1915 in ibid., pp. 376–9. Zhurin, the field manager, felt that the administration's decision to pay the Chinese 20 per cent less than Russian workers because of their lower productivity was unjustified.
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