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The Pre-History of Religious Exclusionism in Contemporary Pakistan: Khatam-e-Nubuwwat 1889–1953*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 March 2015

TAHIR KAMRAN
TAHIR KAMRAN*
Affiliation:
Centre of South Asian Studies and Wolfson College, University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Email: [email protected]
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Abstract

During the late nineteenth-century colonial era in India, the Khatam-e-Nubuwwat (Finality of the Prophethood) assumed remarkable salience as a theme for religious debate among Muslim sects. The controversies around the establishment of the Ahmadiya sect in 1889 brought the issue of Khatam-e-Nubuwwat to the centre stage of religious polemic or munazara. Tense relations continued between Ahmadiya and Sunnis, in particular, though the tension remained confined to the domain of religious polemic. However, immediately after Pakistan's creation, the Khatam-e-Nubuwwat squeezed itself out of the epistemic confines of the ‘theological’ and entered the realm of the ‘political’. Majlis-Tahafuz-i-Khatam-e-Nubuwwat (the Association for the Safety of the Finality of the Prophethood) grew out of the almost-defunct Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam on 13 January 1949, with the principal objective of excluding the Ahmadiya sect from the Islamic fold.1 This article seeks to reveal how the Khatam-e-Nubuwwat has impinged upon the course of Pakistani politics from 1949 onwards as an instrument of religious exclusion, peaking in 1953. The pre-history of religious exclusion, which had 1889 as a watershed—the year when the Ahmadiya sect took a definitive shape—thus forms the initial part of the article.

Type
Research Article
Information
Modern Asian Studies , Volume 49 , Issue 6 , November 2015 , pp. 1840 - 1874
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

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Footnotes

*

The writer has incurred several debts while writing this article. Professor Sir Christopher Bayly, Professor Ian Talbot, and Professor Joya Chatterji read the draft and made valuable suggestions. Dr Elisabeth Leake, Adeel Hussain, and Mr Ali Khan helped by pointing out analytical inadequacies in the initial draft for which the writer is grateful. Dr Ali Usman Qasmi and Mr Salim Mansur Khalid made access to some of the material on Khatam-e-Nubuwwat possible, which is highly appreciated.

References

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4 On the emergence of exclusionary discourses in the early years of Pakistan, see Shaikh, Making Sense of Pakistan, p. 58 and ff.

5 Ahmed, ‘Adjudicating Muslims’.

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49 Kaviraj, Sudipta, ‘The Imaginary Institution of India’, in Chatterjee, Partha and Pandey, Gyanendra (eds), Subaltern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992), Vol. 7, pp. 1–39Google Scholar, cited in Mir, The Social Space of Language, p. 18.

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52 Smith, Modern Islam in India, p. 343. Zafarullah Khan, the first foreign minister of Pakistan, did not attend the funeral prayer of Muhammad Ali Jinnah. When in Karachi, he was asked why he had stayed away from the funeral prayer, his response was that it was for religious reasons, because people would either ‘think that an infidel (kafir) has not read a Muslim's funeral prayer or a Muslim has not read a kafir's funeral prayer’. See Abdus Sittar Khan Niazi, ‘Tehreek e Khatam-i-Nubuwwat sey Sazaey Maut tek ki Kahani’ in the monthly, La Nabi Baadi, Khatam-i-Nubuwwat Number, Lahore, 2002, p. 120.

53 A vivid exposition of Ahmadi aloofness is furnished in the monthly, Tarjman ul Quran, Lahore, February 1953, p. 12.

54 Valentine, Islam and the Ahmadiyya jama’at, p. 203.

55 Lavan, The Ahmadiyah Movement, pp. 98–101.

56 Ibid, pp. 104–105.

57 For a detailed biography of Bashir ud Din Mehmud Ahmed, see Tahir Ahmad, Sawneh Fazal-i-Umar, Vols 1–5 (Rabwah: Fazal Umar Foundation, 2005).

58 Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 80.

59 The terms ‘Qadiani’ and ‘Ahmadi’ are used interchangeably to describe the same group. Most Muslims use ‘Qadiani’. Awan, Samina, Political Islam in Colonial Punjab: Majlis-i-Ahrar, 1929–1949 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 81Google Scholar.

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64 Kashmiri, Tarikh-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, pp. 78–79.

65 Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 85. Bashir ud Din Mehmud Ahmed, however, lists four reasons for being so passionate about Kashmir: he travelled to Kashmir a number of times so he had first-hand knowledge of the miserable lot of the Muslims there; the 50,000 Ahmadis living there faced oppression and tyranny by the Dogra ruler; his grandfather, Murtaza, went there with Nawab Imam Din (Governor Jullunder) during Ranjit Singh's reign and served there; and, finally, his teacher and father-in-law, Hakim Nur ud Din, was once royal physician there. See Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. V, pp. 394–395.

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76 Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 12.

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81 Rabwah, according to Friedmann, is mentioned in the Quran as the place where Allah provided refuge to Jesus and his mother. The name, therefore, underscores Ghulam Ahmad's affinity with Jesus Christ. Friedmann, Prophecy Continuous, p. 39. However, it should also be noted that Bashir ud Din Mehmud Ahmed temporarily encamped at Rattan Bagh Lahore.

82 The Ahrar vehemently opposed the Lahore Resolution. They were particularly opposed to the idea of a transfer of population on the basis of religion. For the Ahrar point of view, see Azhar, Mazhar Ali, Humarey Firkawarana Faysaley ka Istadraj: Judagana Intakhabat sey Pakistan Tak (Lahore: Maktaba-i-Ahrar, 1944), pp. 162–169Google Scholar.

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103 The conferences were held in Lyallpur, Maghiana (Jhang), Chiniot, Sialkot, Gujranwala, Gujrat, Jhelum, Shujabad, Burewala, and Multan. See Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 13.

104 As Shahab was written by Uthmani in 1926. It was subsequently banned by Punjab's governor, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, in 1951.

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110 Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, p. 132.

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113 The weekly, Al Aitsam, Gujranwala, 26 June 1953. For the Ahmadi rejoinder, see Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. 13.

114 See footnote 52. This was the statement quoted most often by Ahrar speakers at tabligh conferences. Ismael, Muhammad, Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ali Jullundri: Swaneh wa Afkar (Multan: Almi Majlis-Tahfuz-i-Khatm-i-Nubuwat, 2009), p. 55Google Scholar.

115 Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 69.

116 Jalal, The State of Martial Rule, p. 152.

117 Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. 15, p. 343, and also see the daily, Afaq, Lahore, 17 August 1952.

118 Report of the Court of Inquiry, pp. 117–125.

119 That speech was published in the Ahmadi paper, Al-Fazl, 13 August 1948. Cited in Maududi, Syed Abu Ala, Qadiani Masla (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1998), pp. 22–23Google Scholar, and Kashmiri, Tarikh-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 89.

120 Bashir Ahmed calls it as ‘Zilli Qadian’ which, like Qadian, was a miniature Vatican. See Ahmed, Bashir, The Ahmadiyya Movement: British-Jewish Connection (Rawalpindi: Islamic Study Forum, 1994) p. 276Google Scholar.

121 For the Ahmadi version of the details about the establishment of Rabwah, see Shahid, Swaneh Fazl-i-Umer, pp. 78–199; and Shahid, Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyyat, Vol. 13, pp. 15–30.

122 Ahmed, The Ahmadiyya Movement: British-Jewish Connection, p. 277.

123 Ibid.

124 Report of the Court of Inquiry, pp. 24 and 27.

125 Ibid, pp. 13–14.

126 Kashmiri, Tarikh-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 89.

127 Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 75.

128 Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan, p. 262.

129 For his biographical sketch, see Rahi, Akhter, Tazkira-i-Ulema-i-Punjab, Vol. 2 (Lahore: Maktaba-i-Rehmania, 1998), pp. 580–581Google Scholar.

130 Invitations bore the signatures of the following ulema: Lal Hussain Akhter, Ehtasham ul Haq Thanvi (Deobandi), Abdul Hamid Badauni (Barelvi), Mufti Jaffar Hussain Mujtahid (Shia), and Muhammad Yusaf (Ahl-i-Hadith). Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 114.

131 The members of the Board were: Sulaiman Nadvi, Mufti Muhammad Shafi, Abdul Hamid Badayuni, Muhammad Yusuf Calcettavi, Mufti Sahib Dad, Sultan Ahmad, Ahmad Nurani, Lal Hussain Akhter, Hashim Gazdar, Jaffar Hussain Mujtahid, and Ehtasham-ul-Haq, the convenor. Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 78; and Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, pp. 114–115.

132 The parties to whom invitation was extended were: Jamiatul-Ulema-i-Pakistan, Jamiat-Ulema-i-Islam; Jama’at-i-Islami; Tanzeem-i-Ahl-i-Sunnat-wal-Jama’at; Jamiat-i-Ahl-i-Hadith; Motamar-i-Ahl-i-Hadith, Punjab; Idara-i-Tahaffuz-i-Haquq-i-Shia, Punjab; Safina-tul-Muslimeen; Hizbollah, East Pakistan; Majlis-i-Tahaffuz-i-Khatm-i-Nubuwwat; Majlis-i-Ahrar; Jamiat-ul-Falah; and Jamiat-ul-Arabiyya. Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 78. Allah Wasaya gives names of only nine parties to whom invitations were sent.

133 However, as stated in the Report of the Court of Inquiry, the Convention did not take place before 16 to 18 January 1953. Ibid, p. 78.

134 Master Taj ud Din Ansari, Sheikh Hissam ud Din, Abdul Halim Qasmi, Muhammad Tufail, Muhammad Bakhsh Muslim, Ghulam Muhammad Tarannum, Ghulam Din, Daud Ghaznavi, Ata Ullah Haneef, Nasrullah Khan Aziz, Hafiz Kifayat Hussain, Muzzafar Ali Shamsi, Noor-ul-Hasan Bukhari, Sahibzada Faiz ul Hasan, Abul Ghafar Hazarvi, Ala-ud-Din Siddiqi, Akhtar Ali Khan, and Murtaza Ahmad Khan Maikash were the other members. Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 79.

135 Abul Hasna’at Muhammad Ahmad Qadri was the prayer leader of Masjid Wazir Khan and an important leader of the Barelwi political party, Jamiatul-Ulema-i-Pakistan, and Hizb un-Ahnaf. Rahi, Tazkira-i-Ulema-i-Punjab, Vol. 2, pp. 75–76.

136 The monthly, Laulak, Multan, no. 3, Vol. 36, February 2000, pp. 35–36.

137 K. K. Aziz describes the leaders of the movement as ‘made up an odd collection. In terms of party politics they embraced the Muslim League, the Jama’at-i-Islami, and the Ahrars. In terms of professions, they included well-known journalists, editors, ulema of considerable reputation, public men of some ability, political demagogues of fiery tempers, penniless adventurers, and professional trouble-makers.’ Aziz, K. K., Party Politics in Pakistan: 1947–1958 (Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research, 1976), p. 9Google Scholar.

138 Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 125.

139 Ibid, p. 129.

140 Present at the meeting were Master Taj ud Din Ansari; Sahibzada Faiz-ul-Hasan; Sultan Ahmad Amir-i-Jama’at-i-Islami, Sind and Karachi; Nur-ul-Hasan Bukhari; Abul Hasna'at Muhammad Ahmad Qadri; Muhammad Abdul Hamid Badauni; Ehtasham-ul-Haq Thanvi; Ata Ullah Shah Bukhari; Muhammad Yusuf Calcuttvi; and Mafar Ali Shamsi. The meeting was presided over by Qadri. Ibid, pp. 136–137.

141 Ibid, p. 137.

142 Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, pp. 134–135.

143 Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 144.

144 Ibid, pp. 144–145.

145 Ibid, p. 151. For a detailed account of the disturbances that occurred in these districts, see pp. 168–184.

146 Ibid, p. 363. Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi, in his account published in Mahnama La Nabi Ba’adi, relates that the Wazir Khan Mosque had a very strong entrance gate made of iron and, at his behest, electric current was run through it so that law enforcement agencies could not enter the premises of the mosque. For details, see Mahnama La Nabi Ba’adi, Khatm-i-Nubuwat Number, 2002, p. 123.

147 Report of the Court of Inquiry, p. 368.

148 Mahnama La Nabi Ba’adi, Khatm-i-Nubuwat Number, 2002, p. 121.

149 Ibid, p. 123.

150 Interview with Shah Ahmad Noorani by Muhammad Ahmad Tarazi in Mahnama Al Haqeeqat, Tahafuz-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat Number, 2003, p. 378.

151 Wasaya, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, p. 351.

152 Mahnama La Nabi Ba’adi, Khatm-i-Nubuwat Number, 2002, p. 129. ‘Mawdudi was charged with violating martial-law regulations’ and ‘promoting feelings of enmity and hatred between different groups in Pakistan by publishing the Qaddiyani Mas’alah as well as inflammatory articles in Tasnim’. Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, p. 137.

153 Ahmed, Aziz, ‘Mawdudi and Orthodox Fundamentalism in Pakistan’, Middle East Journal, 21, 3 (Summer 1967), pp. 369–370Google Scholar, cited in Nasr, The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution, p. 250.

154 The Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore, 10 February 1954.

155 The Imroz, Lahore, 20 February 1954.

156 Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 87.

157 Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan, pp. 303–304.

158 Ibid, p. 301.

159 Shaikh, Making Sense of Pakistan, p. 60.

160 Nasr, Vali, Islamic Leviathan: Islam and the Making of State Power (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 146–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Shaikh, Making Sense of Pakistan, p. 60.

161 Kennedy, ‘Towards the Definition of a Muslim in Islamic State’, p. 88.

162 Wasaya, Allah, Tehreek-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat 1974, Part 1 (Multan: Alami Majlis-i-Tahfuz-i-Khatam-i-Nubuwwat, 1993), p. 29Google Scholar.

163 Ibid, p. 29.

164 That school moved to Multan in 1968. See ibid, pp. 169–170.