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⁴ Hu, O-kung, Hsin-hai ke-ming pei-fang shih-lu (An Account of the Revolution in North China) (Shanghai, 1948), p. 6. One revolutionary soldier recalled writing an essay on Ming-te hsin-min (to enlighten virtues and to reform the people). See the Hupeh Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (ed.),Google Scholar

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⁵ The North-China Herald (Shanghai), 18 11 1904.Google Scholar

See also Ralph, L. Powell, The Rise of Chinese Military Power, 1895–1912 (Princeton, 1955), p. 72.Google Scholar

⁶ The Times (London), 8 03 1910.Google ScholarPubMed

⁷ Quoted in McKenzie, F. A., ‘Four Hundred Million Chinamen Awaken’ (an interview with Morrison), The London Magazine, 23, No. 150 (02 1911), 702–3.Google Scholar

⁸ Lucian, Pye W., ‘Armies in the Process of Political Modernization’, in Jason, Finkle L. and Richard, Gable W. (eds), Political Development and Social Change (New York, 1966), p. 382.Google Scholar

⁹ Ho, Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China: Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368–1911 (New York, 1962), pp. 254–5, 258.Google Scholar

¹⁰ The gentry class here refers to the ‘regular’ shen-shih group who acquired their gentry positions by obtaining official degrees, titles or grades through examinations. There were also the ‘irregular’ gentry who acquired their positions by purchase. See Chang, Chung-li, The Chinese Gentry: Studies on Their Role in Nineteenth-Century Chinese Society (Seattle, 1955).Google Scholar

¹¹ Hsiao, Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (Seattle, 1960), pp. 447–52, 472, 478–81.Google Scholar

¹² In effect, it paved the way for the launching of the vernacular language (pai-hua) campaign in the May Fourth period of the following decade.Google Scholar

¹³ Ichiko, Chūzō, ‘The Role of the Gentry: An Hypothesis’, in Mary, C. Wright (ed.), China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900–1913 (New Haven, 1968), pp. 301–2.Google Scholar

¹⁴ HHSIHIL, I, 68.Google Scholar

¹⁵ A lot of the contributors to the collected work, Hsin-hai shou-i hui-i lu (HHSIHIL) belonged to this group. Evidence can also be found in a number of revolutionary biographies compiled by the Kuomintang Historical Commission.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Josef, Fass, ‘The Role of the New Style Army in the 1911 Revolution in China’, Archiv Orientílní, 30 (1962), 185–6;Google Scholar

also, ‘Revolutionary Activity in the Province Hu-pei and the Wu-ch'ang Uprising of 1911’, Archiv Orientální, 28 (1960), 147. It is inappropriate to describe those educated men as members of ‘the petty and middle bourgeoisie’. This term may be confused with the social group which consisted of businessmen, merchants, traders and compradors. In this article they are described, in broad terms, as intellectuals.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Hatano, Yoshihiro, ‘The New Armies’, in Wright, (ed.), China in Revolution, p. 381.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Jerome Ch'en, for example, believes that Yüan Shih-k'ai's Newly Created Army ‘was trained principally to defend the regime against rebellions rather than invasions, and the rebellions in the closing years of the Ch'ing dynasty were led either by nationalist reformers or revolutionaries’. The reason he gives is that ‘the decline in the persuasive power of Confucianism and the decline of gentry power in local control caused the monarchical government to depend more on the naked, military force for law and order, hence the initiation of a vast armament programme’. See Ch'en, , ‘Nationalism and Warlordism’, unpublished paper read to the Department of Far Eastern History, the Australian National University (August 1971), pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Pye, , ‘Armies in the Process of Political Modernization’, p. 34.Google Scholar

²⁰ T'ao, Chü-yin, Pei-yang chün-fa t'ung-chih shih-ch'i shih-hua (A History of the Peiyang Warlords) (Peking, 1957), I, 22–4.Google Scholar

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²² HHSIHIL, I, 3.Google Scholar Powell, The Rise of Chinese Mitilitary Power (p. 291), also notes that poor illiterate peasants formed the bulk of the soldiery, although some enlisted personnel consisted of literate men from the lower middle class.Google Scholar

²³ I gain this impression from Li, Liu-ju, Liu-shih-nien ti pien-ch'ien (Changes During the Last Sixty Years) (Peking, 1962), Vol. I. This book, though a novel, contains some interesting information about the Hupeh new-style troops. Li himself was an official of the Hupeh revolutionary organization, the Society for the Study of Popular Government (Ch'ün-chih hsüeh-she).Google Scholar

²⁴ Hatano, Yoshihiro, ‘The New Armies’, p. 370.Google Scholar

²⁵ Powell, , The Rise of Chinese Military Power, pp. 294–5.Google Scholar

²⁶ Hatano, Yoshihiro, ‘The New Armies’, p. 382.Google Scholar

²⁷ For example, in Hupeh the soldiers disliked the Commander of the 8th Division, Chang Piao, a native of Shansi. On the other hand, the Commander of the 21st Mixed Brigade, Li Yüan-hung, a native of Hupeh, was more popular among the soldiers.Google Scholar

²⁸ Peter, Amann, ‘Revolution: A Redefinition’, Political Science Quarterly, LXXVII, 1 (March 1962), 43.Google Scholar

²⁹ For a detailed study, see Edmund, S. K. Fung, ‘The Hupeh Revolutionary Movement 1900–1912: A Study of the Role of the New-Style Army’, unpublished Ph.D. thesis (The Australian National University, 1971).Google Scholar

For brief accounts, see Josef, Fass, ‘Revolutionary Activity in the Province Hu-pei’, pp. 127–49; Vidya Prakash Dutt, ‘The First Week of Revolution: The Wuchang Uprising’, in Wright (ed.) China in Revolution, pp. 383–96.Google Scholar

³⁰ Harold, Z. Schiffrin, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution (Berkeley, 1968), p. 357.Google Scholar

³¹ Hu, Han-min, ‘Tzu-chuan’ (Autobiography), Ke-ming wen-hsien (Documents on the Revolution), comp. the Kuomintang Historical Commission (Taipei, 1953), III, 401.Google Scholar

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³⁴ Ibid., pp. 180–2.

³⁵ Ibid.

³⁶ William, R. Johnson, ‘China's 1911 Revolution in the Provinces of Yunnan and Kweichow’, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (University of Washington, 1962), pp. 157–9.Google Scholar

See also Sutton, D. S., ‘The Rise and Decline of the Yunnan Army, 1909–25’, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (University of Cambridge, 1971).Google Scholar

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³⁸ Hsieh Chieh-tseng et. al., ‘Hu-nan hsin-hai kuang-fu shih-lüeh’ (Revolution in Hunan), in ibid., p. 9.

³⁹ Stephen, R. MacKinnon, ‘The Peiyang Army, Yüan Shih-k'ai, and the Origins of Modern Chinese Warlordism’, Journal of Asian Studies, XXXII, 3 (May 1973), 414–22.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Ernest, P. Young, ‘Yüan Shih-k'ai's Rise to the Presidency’, in Wright, (ed.), China in Revolution, pp. 425–7.Google Scholar

⁴² The most popular writings included Ch'en T'ien-hua's Sudden Realization (Meng-hui-t'ou), Alarm to Arouse the Age (Ching-shih-chung), and The Lion Roars (Shih-tzu-hou), as well as the well-known A Record of Ten Days at Yang-chou (Yangchou shih-jih chi) and Three Massacres at Chia-ting (Chia-ting san-t'u). Written in a simple, vernacular style, they enjoyed a much wider circulation than the People's Journal (Min-pao) of the Revolutionary League.Google Scholar

⁴³ For a good treatment of this racial issue, see Michael, Gasster, Chinese Intellectuals and the Revolution of 1911: The Birth of Modern Chinese Radicalism (Seattle, 1969), pp. 76–84.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ For details see Fung, ‘The Hupeh Revolutionary Movement’, chs. VII-VIII; Fass ‘Revolutionary activity in the Province Hu-pei’, pp. 139–49; Dutt, pp. 396–416.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ For a full-length study of the role of the constitutionalists in the revolution, see Chang, P'eng-yüan, Li Hsien-p'ai yü hsin-hai ke-ming (The Constitutionalists and the Revolution of 1911) (Taipei, 1969).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ I have dealt with this issue more fully in an article, entitled ‘Li Yüan-hung and the Revolution of 1911’, to be published in Monumenta Serica.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Ichiko, Chūzō, ‘The Role of the Gentry: An Hypothesis’, pp. 305–6.Google Scholar