¹ A first draft of this article was presented at the conference, ‘Images in History: Construction, Perception and Function’, 12–14 December 1991, Barchem, The Netherlands. I would like to thank C. Fasseur, D. Henley, V. J. H. Houben, P. Lemmens, H. M. J. Maier and C. W. Watson for their comments to this draft.Google Scholar

² On Celebes as a unity see: Henley, D., The Idea of Celebes in History (Clayton, 1989).Google Scholar

³ See:Reid, A., ‘The identity of “Sumatra” in history’ in Carle, R. (ed.), Cultures and Societies of North Sumatra (Berlin/Hamburg, 1987), pp. 27–8. It should be stated here that in the Minangkabau (West Sumatra) names such as ‘Andalas’ and ‘Perca’ were used to denote the island.Google Scholar

⁴ See Soeriokoesoemo, R. M. S. et al. , Javaansch of Indisch nationatisme? (Semarang, 1918);Google ScholarShiraishi, Takashi, ‘The disputes between Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo and Soetatmo Soeriokoesoemo: satria vs. pandita’, Indonesia 15 (1981), no. 32, pp. 93–108.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ Moderate nationalist organizations tend to be overlooked by scholarship in Indonesia and elsewhere and their importance is generally underrated. In the last two decades some efforts have been made to correct this ‘paradigm of triumphant nationalism’ (term by C. W. Watson). See, for example, Watson, C. W., ‘The metamorphosis of a Javanese aristocrat: the memoirs of Pangeran Achmad Djajadiningrat’, in Roskies, D. M. (ed.), Text/politics in Island Southeast Asia. Essays in Interpretation (Athens, Ohio, 1993), pp. 157–90;Google ScholarO'Malley, W. J., ‘The Pakempalan Kawulo Ngajogjakarta: an official report on the Jogjakarta People's Party of the 1930's’, Indonesia 12 (1978), no. 26, pp. 111–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem. ‘Second thoughts on Indonesian nationalism’, in Fox, J. J. et al. (eds), Indonesia: Australian Perspectives (Canberra, 1980), pp. 601–13.Google ScholarHenley, D., Nationalism and Regionalism in a Colonial Context. Minahasa in the Dutch East Indies (Leiden: KITLV Press, forthcoming publication of a Australian National University Ph.D. thesis of 1992).Google ScholarThe present author is preparing a dissertation on moderate, cooperative nationalism in the Netherlands Indies in the 1920s.Google Scholar

⁶ Anderson, B. R. O' G., ‘The languages of Indonesian politics’, in Language and Power. Exploring Political Cultures in Indonesia (Ithaca/London, 1990; first published in 1966), p. 125.Google Scholar

⁷ See Tri Koro Dharmo 3 (1918), no. 4–5 (03);Google ScholarJong Sumatra 2 (02 1919), no. 2, p. 25.Google Scholar

⁸ Wederopbouw 1 (1918), p. 12.Google Scholar

⁹ In January 1948, during the Indonesian struggle for independence, Tengkoe Mansoer became the president of the State of East Sumatra, which was formed on the initiative of the Dutch. See Reid, ‘The identity of “Sumatra”’, p. 40.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For instance, in 1918 72 of the 200 STOVIA students were of Minangkabau descent.Google Scholar See Abdullah, Taufik, ‘Modernization in the Minangkabau world. West-Sumatra in the early decades of the twentieth century’, Holt, C. (ed.), Culture and Politics in Indonesia (Ithaca/London, 1972), p. 213 note 68.Google Scholar

¹¹ The main centre on Java was Batavia (149 members); other branches on Java were Sukabumi (17); Buitenzorg [nowadays Bogor] (30); Serang (48). Later groups of members were formed in Bandung and Surabaya which did not obtain the status of official branch. On Sumatra the Minangkabau (West Sumatra) was the centre of activities. Fort de Kock [nowadays Bukittinggi] counted 126 members because of its Hoogere Kweekschool (Higher Teacher Training College); since most of them withdrew because they felt subordinated to the students of the higher rated medical college, Padang should be considered JSB-centre on Sumatra (37 members in August 1918); Medan had 12, but this branch never outgrew a condition of lethargy. Throughout its existence the JSB numbered between 250 and 400 members. Jong Sumatra 1 (06–08 1918), no. 6–8, p. 101.Google Scholar

¹² Literally ‘school delusion’, which denotes the feelings of superiority of students from one type of education in relation to the other types.Google Scholar

¹³ Reid, A., The Blood of the People. Revolution and the End of Traditional Rule in Northern Sumatra (Kuala Lumpur, 1979), pp. 144–5 note 46.Google Scholar

¹⁴ On the kaum kuno versus kaum muda controversy see Taufik Abdullah, ‘Modernization in the Minangkabau world’, pp. 179–246. This article also contains a biography of kaum kuno leader Maharadja.Google Scholar

¹⁵ By a young and fiery Mohammad, Hatta in Jong Sumatra 1 (1918), pp. 198–9.Google Scholar

¹⁶ A sympathetic, though not uncritical obituary of Maharadja was published by Amir, in Jong Sumatra 4(08 1921), no. ?, pp. 107–8.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See Jong Sumatra 2 (06–08 1919) no. 6–8, pp. 122–7.Google Scholar

¹⁸ The Medan branch existed in name only and the Padang branch had to be re-established in 1921, so activity was mainly confined to the Minang-dominated general committee and editorial board in Batavia.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Jong Sumatra 3 (1920) p. 52. I am very grateful to David Henley who prepared the English translation of the Malay poem.Google Scholar

²⁰ The Barisan range [Bukit Barisan] runs along a considerable part of Sumatra from the north to the south.Google Scholar

²¹ An alternative name for Sumatra which was often used by the Sumatran students.Google Scholar

²² Quoted from the annual report 1921 in Jong Sumatra 5 (02 1922) no. 2, pp. 6–7.Google Scholar

²³ Report from B. J. O. Schrieke, official for the study of indigenous languages temporarily at the disposal of the advisor for Native and Arab Affairs, in Kwantes, R. C., De ontwikkeling van de nationalistische beweging in Nederlandsch-Indië. Eerste stuk 1917-medio 1923, (Groningen, 1975), pp. 424–5, note 59.Google Scholar

²⁴ On this separation see Bataks, Jong Bond-leader Sanoesi Pane in Taman Melajoe supplement Jong Sumatra 9 (01 1926), no. 1;Google ScholarSoeharto, Pitut and Ihsan, A. Zainoel (eds), Maju setapak (Jakarta, 1981), pp. 219–55.Google Scholar

²⁵ In his speech at the annual meeting, 26 December 1926,Google ScholarJong Sumatra 10 (02 1927), no. 2.Google Scholar

²⁶ Jamin, in Pemoeda Soematera 11 (01–02 1929), no. 1–2.Google Scholar

²⁷ On the origins of this fusion: Blumberger, J.Th.P., De nationalistische beweging in Nederlandsch-Indië (Haarlem, 1931 ¹; Dordrecht/Providence, 1987), pp. 390–6, 409–15.Google Scholar

²⁸ Benedict Anderson elaborates this point in his Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983), pp. 110–2.Google Scholar

²⁹ According to the executive of the general committee in Jong Sumatra 8 (11 1925), no.?.Google Scholar

³⁰ See Teeuw, A., Modern Indonesian Literature, Vol. I (The Hague, 1967), pp. 9–13, 20–2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³¹ Jamin, in Jong Sumatra 3 (10 1920), no.?, p. 59.Google Scholar

³² ‘Andalas’ is an alternative name for Sumatra, popular with the young Sumatran students.Google Scholar

³³ Translation by Teeuw, , Modern Indonesian Literature, p. 257.Google Scholar The original poem runs: ‘Andalaskoe sajang, djana-bedjana/sedjakkan ketjil moeda teroena/sampaimati berkalang tanah/loepa kebahasa, tiadakan pernah/ingat pemoeda, Soematera malang/Tiada bahasa, bangsapoen hilang’. See ibid., p. 10; Jong Sumatra 4 (01 1921) no. 1, p. 32.Google Scholar

³⁴ Jong Sumatra 4 (03 1921), no.?, p. 44.Google Scholar

³⁵ See Foulcher, K. R., ‘“Puisi Baru”. The emergence of a non-traditional Malay poetry in pre-war Indonesia, 1920–1942’ (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis University of Sydney 1974), pp. 26–31.Google Scholar

³⁶ See for example Soeriokoesoemo, , Javaansch of Indisch nationalisme?, passim.Google Scholar

³⁷ One of the rare articles in ‘Jong Sumatra’ criticizing other elements of the nationalist movement was aimed at the Committee for Javanese Nationalism, which had treated the Malay language disdainfully in its periodical ‘Wederopbouw’ (Reconstruction). The feared cultural imperialism of the Committee was strongly rejected: Jong Sumatra 1 (06–08 1918), no. 6–8, pp. 128–36.Google Scholar

³⁸ On this issue see Anderson, ‘The languages of Indonesian politics’, in Language and Power, p. 139.Google Scholar

³⁹ See Anwar, Khaidir, Indonesian. The Development and Use of a National Language (Yogyakarta, 1985 ², 1980 ¹) p. 17. Pages 15–31 from this book are highly informative on nationalist attitudes towards the Malay language.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Djohan, Bahder, ‘Zaman Paderi’, Jong Sumatra 2 (05 1919), no. 5, pp. 109–13.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Column by ‘Sumatraantje’ (Little Sumatran) in Jong Sumatra 9 (01 1926), no. 1.Google Scholar

⁴² See Amir's articles on Minangkabau history in Jong Sumatra 5 (1922), no. 4 [04], pp. 11–13; no.? [probably 07–08], pp. 5–10; no. 10 [October], pp. 6–15.Google Scholar

⁴³ Amir revealed his ideas in a lecture for the Political Debating Club led by Fournier. Text of this lecture in Jong Sumatra 4 (01 1921), no. 1, pp. 1–14.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ This opinion can only be valued while taking into account the ample discussions about the overseas contacts of Majapahit by historians and philologists from the turn of the century. According to ancient Javanese babad (chronicles) the realm controlled the better part of Southeast Asia. In the twenties and thirties scholars like N. J. Krom and C. C. Berg undermined the image of Majapahit as a great imperial power by discarding the data from the babad as unreliable. Nowadays most historians assume the overseas places mentioned in the chronicles were at the most within a certain Majapahit sphere of influence but otherwise independent.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Coedès, G., ‘Le royaume de Çrivijaya’, Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient 18 (1918), no. 6, pp. 1–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁶ Krom, N. J., De Sumatraansche periode der Javaansche geschiedenis (Leiden, 1919).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Jong Sumatra 5 (10 1922), no. 10, pp. 6–15.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ P. V. van Stein Callenfels in ibid., 8 (October 1925), no. ?, p. 3.

⁴⁹ Ibid., p. 4.

⁵⁰ Ibid., 10 (March 1927), no. 3, p. 4.

⁵¹ Ibid., 1 (April 1918), no. 4, p. 81.

⁵² Ibid., 4 (1921), no. ?, p. 190.

⁵³ Ibid., 10 (February 1927), no. 2.

⁵⁴ Point 4 of the Manifesto in ibid., 4 (March 1921), no. 3, p. 50.

⁵⁵ Jong Java wanted proportional representation in the federative board while JSB, because of its numerical inferiority, demanded equal representation of all affiliated associations.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Amir in Jong Sumatra 4 (11 1921) no. ?, p. 168. His view was criticized by Jong Java-president Soekiman Wirjosandjojo who relied on the autonomous strength of Javanese culture to revive itself.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid., 9 (January 1926), no. 1.

⁵⁸ Ibid., 8 (November 1925), no. ?

⁵⁹ In February 1927 the JSB even withdrew from preliminary talks on the planned federation, because they feared Javanese domination of it.Google Scholar

See ibid., 10 (February 1927), no. 2, pp. 1–2.

⁶⁰ See Suryadinata, Leo, ‘Indonesian nationalism and the pre-war youth movement: a reexamination’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 9 (1978), pp. 99–114. The alliance of muslim-students, Jong Islamieten Bond (Young Islamites Union), never even subscribed to the youth-oath.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶¹ Adnaän, , ‘Van schepen in volle zee—en over de bereikbare en onbereikbare havens’, Jong Sumatra 10 (03 1927), no. 3, p. 2.Google Scholar