¹ For similar arguments that the Ottoman New Order was at the same time an Islamic reform programme, without an emphasis on trans-imperial and global ties, see Heyd, Uriel, ‘The Ottoman Ulema and Westernization in the Time of Selim III and Mahmud II’, in Heyd, U. (ed.), Studies in Islamic History and Civilization, Jerusalem, Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1961, pp. 63–96Google Scholar, and Şakul, Kahraman, ‘Nizâm-ı Cedid Düşüncesinde Batılılaşma ve İslamî Modernleşme’, Dîvân: İlmî Araştırmalar 19 (2005), pp. 128–29Google Scholar.

² Veinstein, Gilles, ‘On the Ottoman Janissaries (Fourteenth to Nineteenth Centuries)’, in Zürcher, Eric-Jan (ed.), Fighting for a Living: A Comparative Study of Military Labour 1500–2000, Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 2013, pp. 115–34Google Scholar; Wittek, P., ‘Devshirme and Sharī‘a’, British Society of Oriental and Asian Studies, 17, 1955, pp. 271–78Google Scholar; Ménage, V. L., ‘Some Notes on the Devshirme’, British Society of Oriental and Asian Studies, 29, 1966, pp. 64–78Google Scholar; Uzunçarşılı, İsmail Hakkı, Osmanlı Devleti Teşkilatından Kapıkulu Ocakları, Vol. 1: Acemi Ocağı ve Yeniçeri Ocağı, Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1988, pp. 5–141Google Scholar. For a new study on devşirme process, see Yılmaz, Gülay, ‘Becoming a Devshirme: The Training of Conscripted Children in the Ottoman Empire’, in Campbell, Gwyn, Miers, Suzanne, and Miller, Joseph C. (eds), Children in Slavery Through the Ages, Ohio, Ohio University Press, 2009, pp. 119–34Google Scholar.

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⁴ Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devlet Teşkilatında Kapukulu Ocakları, pp. 148–50, 566–75; Yürekli, Zeynep, Architecture and Hagiography in the Ottoman Empire: The Politics of Bektashi Shrines in the Classical Age, Farnham, SurreyGoogle Scholar; Burlington, VT, Ashgate, 2012.

⁵ A poem evoking the connection between the Janissaries and the Bektaşi order reads as:

Koca, Şevki, Öndeng Songung Gürgele: Bektaşi Kültür Argümanlarına göre Yeniçeri Ocağı ve Devşirmeler, Istanbul, Nazenin, 2000, p. 26Google Scholar.

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⁹ For the integration of the Janissaries into urban economic and public life, see Cemal Kafadar, ‘Yeniçeri-Esnaf Relations: Solidarity and Conflict’, MA thesis, McGill University, 1981; Kafadar, Kim var imiş biz burada yoğ iken, Istanbul, Metis Yayınları, 2009, pp. 29–37; Yılmaz, Gülay, ‘Blurred Boundaries Between Soldiers and Civilians: Artisan Janissaries in Seventeenth Century Istanbul’, in Faroqhi, Suraiya (ed.), Bread from the Lion's Mouth: Artisans Struggling for a Livelihood in Ottoman Cities, New York, NY, Berghahn Books, 2015, pp. 175–93Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Radushev, Evgeni, ‘Peasant Janissaries?’, Journal of Social History, 42 (2008), pp. 447–67Google Scholar.

¹¹ For example, in Crete, most Muslim men were accepted as Janissaries. For the social organization of the Cretan Janissaries, see Spyropoulos, Yannis, Othomanike dhioikese kai koinonia sten proepanastatike dhytike Krete: archeiakes martyries (1817–1819), Papadake, Aspasia (ed.), Rethymno, Genika Archeia tou Kratous-Archeia N. Rethymnes, 2015, pp. 8–15, 126–41Google Scholar; Anastasopoulos, Antonis and Spyropoulos, Yannis, ‘Soldiers on an Ottoman Island: The Janissaries of Crete, Eighteenth-Early Nineteenth Centuries’, Turkish Historical Review, 8, 1 (2017), pp. 1–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹³ Yaycioglu, Ali, Partners of the Empire, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2016, p. 103CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Kafadar, ‘Yeniçeri-Esnaf Relations’; Kafadar, ‘Yeniçeri Nizamının Bozulması üzerine’, in Kafadar, Kim var imiş biz burada yoğ iken, pp. 29–37; Yılmaz, ‘Blurred Boundaries’; Yi, Eunjeong, Guild Dynamics in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul: Fluidity and Leverage, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 2004, pp. 132–43Google Scholar.

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¹⁸ Şen, Adil (ed.), Kitâb-ı Sakkâ: Sakalar El Kitabı, Ankara, Araştırma Yayınları, 2013Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Ibid., p. 95.

²⁰ Ibid., p. 163.

²¹ Ibid., p. 171.

²² Kızılırmak is a river in central Anatolia which flows near the tomb of Hacı Bektaşı Veli in Nevşehir.

²³ Sen (ed.), Kitâb-ı Sakkâ, p. 139.

²⁴ For a general introduction to the stages of mystical experience, see Knysh, A., Islamic Mysticism: A Short History, Leiden, Brill, 2000Google Scholar.

²⁵ Sen (ed.), Kitâb-ı Sakkâ, p. 185.

²⁶ Ibid., p. 205.

²⁷ The Janissaries’ organic ties with the Bektaşiyye were so close that the Janissary corps was also called the ‘Bektaşi Ocağı’ (Bektaşi association) and zümre-yi (or ta'ife-yi) Bektaşiyan (people of the Bektaşiyye). Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devlet Teşkilatında Kapukulu Ocakları, pp. 148–50. Colin Imber, ‘The Origin of the Janissaries’, Journal of Turkish Studies, 26 (2002), pp. 15–19.

²⁸ For the Bektaşi organization and their political and cultural role in Ottoman society, see Faroqhi, Suraiya, Der Bektaschi-Orden in Anatolien: (vom späten fünfzehnten Jahrhundert bis 1826), Vienna, Verlag des Institutes für Orientalistik der Universität Wien, 1981Google Scholar; Popovic, Alexandre and Veinstein, Gilles (eds), Bektachiyya, Études sur l'ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektash, Istanbul, The Isis Publications, 1995Google Scholar, particularly Suraiya Faroqhi, ‘The Bektashis: An Historical Survey’, pp. 9–30; Yürekli, Architecture and Hagiography. Also see Ocak, Ahmet Yaşar, Geçmişten Günümüze Alevî-Bektaşî Kültürü, Ankara, Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, 2009Google Scholar; Ocak, A. Y., Alevi-Bektaşi İnançlarının İslam Öncesi Temelleri, Istanbul, İletişim, 2000Google Scholar; Mélikoff, Irène, Hadji Bektach: un mythe et ses avatars: genèse et évolution du soufisme populaire en Turquie, Leiden, Brill, 1998Google Scholar; Faroqhi, Suraiya, ‘The Tekke of Hacı Bektaş: Social Position and Economic Actitivies’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 7 (1976), pp. 183–208CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Recent studies by Ayfer Karakaya-Stump illustrate that some of the Bektaşi groups in eastern Anatolia and Baghdad had connections with Safavid Iran in the seventeenth century: see Karakaya-Stump, Ayfer, Vefailik, Bektaşilik, Kızılbaşlık: Alevi Kaynakalarını Yeniden Düşünmek, Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2015Google Scholar.

²⁹ Perhaps an exception for Ottoman persecutions against the Bektaşis was during a rebellion led by Kalender Çelebi, a Bektaşi sheikh in 1527. See Avcı, A. Haydar, Şah Kalender İsyanı: Alevi Tarihinden bir Kesit, Ankara, La Kitap, 2014Google Scholar.

³⁰ Faroqhi, ‘Conflict, Accommodation and Long-term Survival: The Bektashi Order and the Ottoman State’, in Popovic and Veinstein (eds), Bektachiyya, pp. 171–84. For the competition between the Bektaşis and Mevlevis concerning who—a Bektaşi or Mevlevi sheikh—would gird the imperial sword on the Ottoman sultan during his coronation, see Kafadar, Cemal, ‘Eyüp'te Kılıç Kuşanma Törenleri’, in Artan, Tülay (ed.), Eyüp: Dün/bugün: Sempozyum, 11–12 Aralık 1993, Istanbul, Tarih Vakfı, 1993, p. 59Google Scholar.

³¹ Faroqhi, ‘Conflict, Accommodation and Long-term Survival’. For a recent historiographic discussion, see Yıldırım, Riza, Aleviliğin Doğuşu: Kızilbaş Sufiliğinin Toplumsal ve Siyasal Temelleri, 1300–1501, Istanbul, İletişim, 2017, pp. 344–45Google Scholar.

³² Yıldırım, Aleviliğin Doğuşu, pp. 344–45.

³³ This incident was fully depicted in the Vilâyetnâme, namely the hagiography of Hacı Bektaş Veli: see Hamiye Duran (ed.), Vilâyetnâme, Ankara, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, 2007, pp. 541–54; Gölpınarlı, Abdülbâki (ed.), Vilâyet-nâme: Menâkıb-ı Hünkâr Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî, Istanbul, İnkılâp Kitapevi, 1958, pp. 73–77Google Scholar.

³⁴ In the formative period, Bektaşism flourished along with other dervish orders in the complex religio-political environment of medieval Anatolia (Rum), a frontier zone between the Byzantine empire and the decentralized post-Mongol Muslim world, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. During this period, while various Muslim warriors (gazis), including the Ottomans, competed to build principalities, various dervish groups, spinning from Khorasan to Anatolia with diverse politico-spiritual agendas under the spiritual leaderships of different holy men, sometimes clashed or sometimes allied themselves with these gazi principalities. Kafadar, Cemal, Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1995, pp. 122–37Google Scholar; Karamustafa, Ahmet T., God's Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the Islamic Later Middle Period, 1200–1550, Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 1994, pp. 51–63Google Scholar; Köprülü, Fuat, ‘Bektaşiliğin Menşe‘leri’, Türk Yurdu, III (1341/19), pp. 121–40Google Scholar; Ocak, Ahmet Yaşar, Babaîler İsyanı, Istanbul, Dergah, 1980Google Scholar. Also see Mélikoff, Irène, Hadji Bektach: un mythe et ses avatars: genèse et évolution du soufisme populaire en Turquie, Leiden, Brill, 1998Google Scholar. Yıldırım, Aleviliğin Doğuşu, pp. 344–45.

³⁵ Yürekli, Architecture and Hagiography, pp. 25–50.

³⁶ Faroqhi, ‘The Tekke of Hacı Bektaş’, pp. 183–208; Yıkmış, Meral Salman, Hacı Bektaş Veli'nin evlatları, ‘Yol'un mürşitleri, Ulusoy ailesi, Istanbul, İletişim, 2014, pp. 52–71Google Scholar; Yürekli, Architecture and Hagiography.

³⁷ Kafadar, ‘Eyüb'te Kılıç Kuşanma Törenleri’, pp. 50–61.

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⁴⁰ Karamustafa, God's Unruly Friends, pp. 18–19.

⁴¹ Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devlet Teşkilatında Kapukulu Ocakları, pp. 148–50, 566–75; Küçükyalçın, Turna'in Kalbi, pp. 100–20; Koca, Şevki, Bektaşi kültür argumanına göre Yeniçeri ocağı ve devşirmeler: Öndeng songung gürgele, İstanbul, Nazernin, 2000Google Scholar; Öz, Gülağ, Yeniçeri Bektaşi İlişkileri, Ankara, Uyum, 1997Google Scholar; Mélikoff, Irène, Uyur idik Uyardılar: Alevîlik—Bektaşîlik Araştırmaları, Istanbul, Cem, 1994, pp. 21–49Google Scholar.

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⁷⁸ Ibid. p. 17.

⁷⁹ Ibid. p. 31.

⁸⁰ Burçak, ‘Modernization, Science and Engineering’, pp. 73–74.

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¹²⁴ Not to be confused with Mehmed Emin Tokadî.

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¹³⁴ Enderlein (ed.), Tagebuch, pp. 205–06.

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¹³⁹ Ibid., p. 41.

¹⁴⁰ Ibid., pp. 25, 28.

¹⁴¹ ‘Mavâ‘iz-i Kuşmânî’, MS. Millet Kütüphanesi, Ali Emiri-şer‘iyye, no. 591, p. 3b.

¹⁴² Kuşmanî, Zebîre-i Kuşmânî., p. 31.

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