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Empires of Opportunity: German naturalists in British India and the frictions of transnational science

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 November 2020

MORITZ VON BRESCIUS*
Affiliation:
University of Bern Email: [email protected]

Abstract

This article examines the little-known but exceptionally well-documented German Schlagintweit brothers’ expedition to India and Central Asia in 1854–58, under the auspices of the British East India Company and the king of Prussia. The brothers’ careers present an instructive study of the opportunities and conflicts inherent within transnational science and the imperial labour market in colonial India in the course of the nineteenth century. Until now, historians have largely emphasized the ways in which European East India companies provided scientific practitioners with professional mobility from the seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth centuries. In these accounts, German scientific practitioners are represented as especially mobile, moving more or less freely within foreign empires, because at the time no ‘German’ empire existed that might compete for allegiances and make them appear suspect. My article, in contrast, offers a revisionist account of this globalizing picture in two senses. First, a close look at the local everyday practices of the Schlagintweit brothers’ expedition highlights the considerable tensions and frictions that accompanied imperial recruitment to South Asia—even for German scientific practitioners. What emerges instead is a rich picture of the contradictory interpretations of supposedly cooperative projects among contemporaries, and the instrumentalization of scientific activities for political ends in the Indian subcontinent, for both established and aspiring colonial powers. Second, the ways in which the Schlagintweits’ scientific expedition was represented and remembered in subsequent decades shows how the politics around transnational science projects only intensified with German unification.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2020

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Footnotes

Acknowledgements: I wish to thank several friends and colleagues for inspiring conversations about previous versions of this article: Daniel Midena, Christoph Dejung, Adrian Ruprecht, Angelika Epple, Meike von Brescius (née Fellinger), Ulrich Päßler, Margret Frenz, and John Darwin. I am also grateful to the Journal's editors and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on earlier drafts.

References

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25 J. Hooker in an anonymous treatise kept among his private papers at the Archive of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew [hereafter RBG], JDH 2/9, Folder no. 1, pages unnumbered; Endersby, Jim, Imperial Nature: Joseph Hooker and the Practices of Victorian Science (London: University of Chicago Press, 2008), p. 170CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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28 The Athenaeum, 1379, 1 April 1854, p. 408.

29 Murchison to J. Hooker, 19 January 1854, RBG, DC 96, 392.

30 John Darwin, commentary to the panel ‘Migration, Social Mobility, and Indo-European Exchanges in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries’, German Historians’ Convention, Hamburg, September 2016.

31 On Joseph Banks’ favouring of German botanists over their British peers, for instance, see Grove, Richard H., Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600–1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 331Google Scholar.

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35 Murchison, Roderick, ‘Address at the Anniversary Meeting, 24th May, 1852’, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 23 (1853)Google Scholar, pp. lxii–cxxxviii, p. xcviii.

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38 Ulrich Päßler, Ein ‘Diplomat aus den Wäldern des Orinoko’. Alexander von Humboldt als Mittler zwischen Preußen und Frankreich (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2009). Berlin only became a leading scientific centre during the Kaiserreich. The universities of, for instance, Göttingen, Halle, Heidelberg, and Jena had been far more important and internationally visible in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

39 Kanz, Kai Torsten, Nationalismus und internationale Zusammenarbeit in den Wissenschaften. Die deutsch-französischen Wissenschaftsbeziehungen zwischen Revolution und Restauration 1789–1832 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1997), pp. 3941Google Scholar.

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45 Daum has described the ongoing recruitment of skilled personnel, especially from the German Baltic, who then led or accompanied several Russian voyages of circumnavigation of the world from the late eighteenth century; some Germans also undertook voyages within the territory of imperial Russia. Daum, ‘German Naturalists’, pp. 86–87.

46 Bunsen, who had mastered Persian and Arabic himself, not only wished to visit the East, but also personally knew all members of the Company’s Court of Directors. His role as a scientific and cultural mediator is expertly described in Kirchberger, Aspekte, Chapter 6.

47 Note that Max Müller's appointment had provoked discontent in Britain ‘for his liberal theology and German nationality in the election of the Chair of Sanskrit at Oxford’: Chidester, David, Empire of Religion: Imperialism and Comparative Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), p. 65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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49 Among them, their stunning large-folio Atlas of Panoramas and Views and their acclaimed series of ‘ethnographic heads’ of Asian ‘types’—two of the most well-received legacies of their entire enterprise.

50 ‘German science’ refers here strictly to a contemporary notion, whose political significance is discussed later. While taking such historical tropes and perceptions seriously, I refute the assumption of supposedly distinct and homogenous national styles in science (as, indeed, the attacks by German disciplinary specialists on the brothers’ bewilderingly broad Humboldtian programme will soon evince). For a useful reflection and historicization of earlier models of purported national traditions in science, see Gordin, Michael, ‘When National Styles Were Stylish’, Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences, 50 (2020), pp. 1116CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Gordin stresses, however, the important role of states in scientific patronage and support: ‘political structures are essential for understanding certain aspects of the history of science’: ibid. p. 16.

51 Holmes, Frederic L., ‘The Complementarity of Teaching and Research in Liebig's Laboratory’, Osiris, 5 (1989), pp. 121–64CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. On the prestige of German higher education and its increased focus on scientific research, including as a means to stimulate economic growth and alleviate social ills, see Gascoigne, John, Science and the State: From the Scientific Revolution to World War II (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), pp. 99107CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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54 Naranch, Beyond the Fatherland, p. 226.

55 Jacquemont travelled on behalf of the authorities of Jardin des Plantes at Paris, which received his scientific notes and extensive collections after his death: Gupta, Raj Kumar, ‘Botanical Explorations of Victor Jacquemont (1801–1832)’, Indian Journal of the History of Science, 1 (1966), pp. 150–57, p. 152Google Scholar.

56 Burkill, Isaac H., ‘Chapters on the History of Botany in India’, Part IV, Journal of the Bombay Natural History Society, 59 (1962), pp. 335–59Google Scholar, p. 348.

57 On charges that Barth passed on sensitive information to his German compatriots in London, and that Bunsen and the cartographer August Petermann were, in turn, suspected of ‘passing it on to German state officials’, see Naranch, Beyond the Fatherland, p. 243.

58 J. Hooker to Murchison, 19 July 1859, RBG, DC 96, 406.

59 Other cases of now-celebrated German recruitment into British India, for example, of the renowned forestry expert and lifelong botanist Dietrich Brandis, at first drew heavy polemic from the British public: Brescius, German Science, pp. 85–87.

60 The other brothers were Eduard, a Bavarian officer who joined the Spanish invasion of Morocco in 1859–60, and the much younger half-brother Max, who was well connected in the colonial societies of the Wilhelmine Kaiserreich as a board member of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft. He undertook two exploratory trips to Asia Minor in the closing years of the nineteenth century and vehemently suggested the region for future German settlement and commercial intervention. See Schlagintweit, Max, Deutsche Kolonisationsbestrebungen in Kleinasien (Munich, 1899)Google Scholar.

61 For example, Schlagintweit, Emil, Buddhism in Tíbet: Illustrated by Literary Documents and Objects of Religious Worship (Leipzig and London, 1863)Google Scholar; Schlagintweit, E., Die Gottesurtheile der Inder (Munich, 1866)Google Scholar; more popular was Schlagintweit, E., Indien in Wort und Bild: Eine Schilderung des indischen Kaiserreiches, 2 vols (Leipzig, 1880–81)Google Scholar.

62 Hermann and Adolph received their doctoral degrees in geography and geognosy from the University of Munich in 1848 and 1849 respectively.

63 Nathaniel Wallich to William Hooker, 28 January 1854, RBG, DC 55.

64 Nathaniel Wallich, the long-standing director of the Calcutta Botanic Gardens, judged them as ‘German puffers, carrying large sails with little ballast’ and suggested British naturalists for their mission instead; Wallich to William Hooker, 31 January 1854, RBG, DC 55.

65 See Adolph, and Schlagintweit, Hermann, Untersuchungen über die physicalische Geographie der Alpen (Leipzig, 1850)Google Scholar; Adolph, , Hermann, and Schlagintweit, Robert, Neue Untersuchungen über die physikalische Geographie und die Geologie der Alpen (Leipzig, 1854)Google Scholar.

66 Their observations were included in von Humboldt, Alexander, Cosmos: A Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe, (trans.) E. C. Otté, 5 vols (London, 1849–58), Vol. V, p. 438Google Scholar.

67 See Weiss's report to the minister of culture, Karl v. Raumer, 16 August 1852, Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin [hereafter GStAPK], I. HA Rep. 76 Ve, Akt Kultusministerium (Ministerium für Geistl. Angelegenheiten), Sekt. 1 Abt. XV Nr. 189, ‘Wissenschaftliche Reisen der Gebrüder Schlagintweit …’.

68 Elliot, Charles M., ‘Magnetic Survey of the Eastern Archipelago’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, 141 (1851), pp. 287331Google Scholar.

69 The history of the ensuing appointment is well reconstructed in Finkelstein, ‘Mission’. He mistakes, however, their formal commission as a truthful reflection of what the brothers ultimately carried out in Asia without considering the imperial convergence of their activities on the ground.

70 Joseph Hooker to Sabine, The National Archives, Kew [hereafter NA], BJ 3/3, unknown date, but before 24 May 1854.

71 Buist to Norton Shaw, 14 November 1854, RGS, CB4/279. I thank Felix Driver for these sources.

72 Buist to Norton Shaw, 16 April 1855, ibid.

73 ‘Our Weekly Gossip’, Athenaeum, 1378, 25 March 1854, p. 376.

74 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich [hereafter BSB], Schlagintweitiana [hereafter SLGA], II.1.5.

75 de la Roquette, Jean, ‘Note sur des ouvrages offerts par MM. Schlagintweit et sur leur prochain voyage dans l'Inde’, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, 7 (1854), pp. 229–32Google Scholar. Adolph Schlagintweit to Roquette, Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, Paris, Ms. 3611, 263.

76 A. Schlagintweit, ‘Proposed Operations’, NA, BJ 3/53.

77 Schlagintweit report to the Prussian king from Bombay, 14 November 1854, BSB, SLGA, II.1.43.

78 Davis's letter was reprinted in H. and Schlagintweit, R., Prospectus of Messrs. De Schlagintweits’ Collection of Ethnographical Heads from India and High Asia, 2nd edn (Leipzig, 1859), p. ivGoogle Scholar.

79 BSB, SLGA, II.1.38.

80 Draft letter by the Schlagintweits to ‘His Majesty’ (arguably the king of Prussia), BSB, SLGA, II.1.43, 24–25, 2.

81 See, for example, the picture of ‘Nitu, Gõd, 26 Y[ears], Amarkantak. Prisoner in the Jáblpur Jail’, photograph by Robert Schlagintweit, BSB, SLGA, IV.2.53.

82 Schlagintweit, H., Reisen in Indien und Hochasien: eine Darstellung der Landschaft, der Cultur und Sitten der Bewohner, 4 vols (Jena, 1869–80), Vol. I, p. 235Google Scholar.

83 Ibid., pp. 235–36.

84 Ibid., p. 82.

85 Hermann Schlagintweit, ‘in Charge of the Magnetic Survey of India’, to Captain Atkinson, Military Secretary, Guwahati, 2 December 1855; Fort William, Military Consultation of 21 January 1856, no. 29, British Library, London (hereafter BL), L/Mil/3/5872.

86 See Hermann Schlagintweit, ‘Section across the Brahmaputra River’, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [JASB], 25 (1856), p. 1.

87 Ratcliff, Jessica, ‘Travancore's Magnetic Crusade: Geomagnetism and the Geography of Scientific Production in a Princely State’, British Journal for the History of Science, 49 (2016), pp. 325–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Daum, ‘German Naturalists’, pp. 82–83.

88 H. Schlagintweit et al., Results, Vol. I, p. 6.

89 National Archives of India, New Delhi [hereafter NAI], Military Department, Branch, ref. no. 112, letter from Mooltan, 13 April 1853.

90 H. Schlagintweit et al., Results, Vol. I, pp. 36–37. Other sites of recruitment were colonial hospitals where they signed up a ‘Native doctor’ called ‘Harkishen’ who joined the expedition and saved Hermann's life with an operation, and the Sanskrit College at Calcutta, from where the brothers enlisted a learned munshi for assistance with their philological studies and who accompanied them back to Europe for 18 months.

91 H. Schlagintweit, Reisen, Vol. I, pp. 234–35; Finkelstein, ‘Mission’, p. 198.

92 As in the case of the political Resident at Darjeeling, Campbell, Archibald, ‘A Register of the Temperature of the Surface of the Ocean from the Hooghly to the Thames’, JASB, 27 (1859), pp. 170–75Google Scholar.

93 Among others, the former British envoy to Afghanistan and then sitting governor of Bombay Mountstuart Elphinstone extensively instructed the brothers on their upcoming travels in Bombay: H. Schlagintweit, Reisen, Vol. I, pp. 44–45.

94 H. Schlagintweit et al., Results, Vol. II, p. ix.

95 Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 155, 366. Considerable parts of Vol. III of their Results—the Route-book of the western parts of the Himálaya, Tibet, and Central Asia (Leipzig and London, 1863)—was based on the work and observations of previous British travellers and Company officials: ibid., pp. 4–12.

96 H. Schlagintweit et al., Results, Vol. IV, pp. 468–71; Schlagintweit, H. et al. , ‘Latitudes, Longitudes and Magnetic Elements, determined in India and High Asia’, Astronomische Nachrichten, 55 (1861), pp. 161–76Google Scholar, p. 171.

97 Driver, Felix, Geography Militant: Cultures of Exploration and Empire (Oxford: John Wiley and Sons, 2001), p. 26Google Scholar.

98 H. Schlagintweit et al., Results, Vol. I, p. 29.

99 J. Hooker to Murchison, 19 July 1859, RBG, DC 96, 406. On their bribing of Tibetan guards, see H. Schlagintweit, Reisen, Vol. III, p. 83. In addition to their Prussian pay, the surveyor-general of India, A. S. Waugh, noting their most ‘liberal’ conditions of recruitment, estimated that their salary would almost reach that ‘of a first class Surveyor’: Waugh to Colonel R. J. H. Birch, Secretary to Government of India, Fort William, NAI, Military Department, Controlling Agency, Consultation, 15 September 1854, no. 445.

100 H. Schlagintweit to Humboldt, 11 December 1856, BSB, SLGA, II.1.43, 371. The following quotes from ibid.

101 On this episode of German museology, which demonstrated that the German states did not need formal colonial possessions to accumulate and display the material culture of European imperialism, see Stephanie Kleidt, ‘Lust und Last: Die Sammlungen der Gebrüder Schlagintweit’, in Brescius et al. (eds), Über den Himalaya, pp. 113–37; Brescius, German Science, Chapter 7.

102 Bourguet, Marie-Noëlle and Licoppe, Christian, ‘Voyages, mesures et instruments: une nouvelle expérience du monde au siècle des lumières’, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 52 (1997), pp. 1115–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 H. Schlagintweit, Reisen, Vol. II, p. 8.

104 For the brothers’ threat to Amin's life, see Robert Schlagintweit, ‘English Lectures on High Asia Delivered during the Years 1868 and 1869 in Various Towns of the United States of America’, 2 vols of notes, BSB, SLGA, V.2.2.2, 46.

105 For a critical reflection on the problematic category of indigenous ‘local’ knowledge and outlook, which was, according to imperial narrative conventions, often negatively contrasted with Europeans’ supposedly greater outlook, agency, and ambition, see Brescius, German Science, p. 119; Driver and Jones, ‘Hidden Histories’, p. 428.

106 H. Schlagintweit, Reisen, Vol. IV, p. 201.

107 ‘General Map of India and High Asia: mountain ranges, elevations, and river basins, provinces and seats of government’ (1868), from H. Schlagintweit, Reisen, Vol. I.

108 H. Schlagintweit et al., Results, Vol. I, p. 42.

109 Waller, The Pundits; Raj, Relocating Modern Science.

110 H. Schlagintweit, Reisen, Vol. II, pp. 153–54.

111 Shapin, Steven, ‘Here and Everywhere: Sociology of Scientific Knowledge’, Annual Review of Sociology, 21 (1995), pp. 289321CrossRefGoogle Scholar, pp. 302–03. Charles Darwin would also later question the value of their testimonies on Himalayan fauna.

112 Driver, ‘Face to Face’, p. 454.

113 ‘Review of Schlagintweit, Results’, The Athenaeum, 1764, 17 August 1861, pp. 215–16, p. 216.

114 Ibid.

115 Driver, ‘Face to Face’, p. 455.

116 Andrew Grout, ‘Geology and India, 1770–1851: A Study in the Methods and Motivations of a Colonial Science’, PhD thesis, SOAS University of London, 1995, p. 128.

117 Christie to the EIC's Court of Directors, 5 January 1830, quoted in ibid., pp. 129–30.

118 Mazumdar, Shaswati, ‘Introduction’, in Mazumdar, S. (ed.), Insurgent Sepoys: Europe Views the Revolt of 1857 (New Delhi: Routledge, 2012), pp. 115CrossRefGoogle Scholar, pp. 3–4.

119 Vicziany, Marika, ‘Imperialism, Botany and Statistics in Early Nineteenth-Century India: The Surveys of Francis Buchanan (1762–1829)’, Modern Asian Studies, 20 (1986), pp. 625–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Arnold, Science, p. 22.

120 The Athenaeum, 1379, 1 April 1854, p. 408.

121 Thuillier, Henry and Smith, Ralph (eds), A Manual of Surveying for India (Calcutta, 1851)Google Scholar, Part IV, Chapter IV, pp. 636–67. Cf. the instructions, with the Schlagintweits later noting in one of their field reports: ‘The observations on the temperature, velocity and quantity of water, &c., of various rivers, have been continued throughout the journey.’ Schlagintweit, A. et al. , ‘Report, Vol. VI’, JASB, 26 (1858), p. 102Google Scholar.

122 Watson, John Forbes, ‘Indian Soils. Analysed under the direction of the Reporter on the Products of India’, in Watson, John Forbes, A Classified and Descriptive Catalogue of the Indian Department, Class I, Subdivisions VI (London, 1862), pp. 2326Google Scholar; on his distinction, see ibid., p. 286.

123 Prospectus to Technical Objects, Alpenverein-Museum, Innsbruck PERS 26.1/5, ‘Robert und Hermann Schlagintweit, ‘Collectanea Critica, 1848–65’.

124 H. Schlagintweit, ‘Practical Objects’, 21 September 1857, BL, MSS EUR, F 195/5.

125 Ibid.

126 Communication by J. D. Dickinson, secretary of East India House, to the Schlagintweits, 8 July 1858, GStAPK, I. HA Rep. 89, Geh. Zivilkabinett, Nr. 19767 ‘Acta des Kgl. Geh. Cabinets betr. die von den Gebrüdern … Schlagintweit aus München, jetzt in Berlin eingereichten Schriften etc., 1852–1885’, 177.

127 ‘Messrs. Schlagintweits’ Indian Mission’, The Athenaeum, 1580, 6 February 1858, p. 178.

128 Hermann, and Schlagintweit, Robert, ‘Aperçu sommaire des résultats de la Mission scientifique dans l'Inde et la haute Asie’, Extrait des Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences, 45 (1857), pp. 1–7Google Scholar.

129 Their extensive proposals for colonial improvement plans and exploitative schemes in the ‘Practical Objects’ in many instances merely repeated what had already been discussed, or even practised, for decades in India and High Asia, including the brothers’ encouragement to extend the areas of tea plantations on the slopes of the Himalayas, or the better use of timber resources going to waste every year. Cf. Rappaport, Erika, A Thirst for Empire: How Tea Shaped the Modern World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017), Chapter 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

130 ‘The Latest Indian Mission’, The Athenaeum, 1566, 31 October 1857, pp. 1358–59.

131 Mazumdar, ‘Introduction’, p. 3.

132 ‘Latest Indian Mission’, The Athenaeum, p. 1359.

133 Ibid.

134 Stafford, Robert A., Scientist of Empire: Sir Roderick Murchison, Scientific Exploration and Victorian Imperialism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 119Google Scholar.

135 Joseph Hooker to the company Director William H. Sykes, February 1858, RBG, JDH 2/9, 76.

136 J. Hooker to Murchison, 19 July 1859, RBG, DC 96, 406.

137 Humboldt to Murchison, Berlin, 19 May 1856, Edinburgh University Library, Gen. 523/4; copy at Alexander-von-Humboldt Research Group, Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences and Humanities.

138 Murchison, Roderick, 1857 ‘Address’, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 27 (1857), pp. xcivcxcviiiGoogle Scholar, cl–clviii.

139 J. Hooker to Murchison, 19 July 1859, RBG, DC 96, 406. On the call for an enquiry, see ‘Review of Schlagintweit, Results’, p. 215.

140 Ibid.

141 For early de-escalating efforts, see Bonplandia, 21, 15 November 1857, p. 332.

142 ‘Messrs. Schlagintweits’ Indian Mission’, The Athenaeum, 1580, 6 February 1858, 179; Kölnische Zeitung, reprinted in H. Schlagintweit, Reisen, Vol. I, p. 593.

143 See the rich documentation of this episode in the Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich, Adelsmatr. Adelige, S 156.

144 See Hermann and Robert's submission to the king, Munich, 1 June 1859, ibid., doc. 1.

145 For instance, since the brothers had at times enlisted the service of entire Himalayan villages to collect plants and minerals in the region, these collectibles frequently lacked any complementary data that could frame their analysis and comparison in Europe: BSB, SLGA, V.I.5.2.

146 ‘Das grosse Reisewerk der Gebrüder Schlagintweit’, Illustrierte Zeitung, 919, 9 February 1861.

147 Ibid.

148 Friedel, Ernst, Die Gründung preußisch-deutscher Colonien im Indischen und Großen Ocean (Berlin, 1867), pp. 8283Google Scholar.

149 Ibid.

150 Adelman, ‘Global History Now?’; Osterhammel, ‘Global History’.

151 Harrison, Mark, ‘Science in the British Empire’, Isis, 96 (2005), pp. 5663CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

152 Arnold, David, ‘Plant Capitalism and Company Science: The Indian Career of Nathaniel Wallich’, Modern Asian Studies, 42 (2008), pp. 899928CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

153 Robert Gordon to H. Schlagintweit, 5 October 1880, BSB, SLGA, IV.6.1.19, 2.