Article contents
Early Dalit Literature and Culture in Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Western India
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
Extract
The formation of the Dalit Panthers and the flourishing of Dalit literature in the 1970s saw the advent of a new connotation for the Marathi word ‘Dalit’. Chosen by the Mahar community leaders themselves, the title ‘Dalit’ was used by them to replace the titles of untouchable, Backward or Depressed Classes and Harijans, which had been coined by those outside the Dalit communities to describe the Mahar and Chambhar jatis. ‘Dalit’ identified those whose culture had been deliberately ‘broken’, ‘crushed to pieces’ or ‘ground down’ by the varna Hindu culture above them. As such, it contained an explicit repudiation of all the Hindu cultural norms of untouchability, varna structure and karma doctrine which varna Hindu society had imposed. The adoption of this new title was an affirmation of the Dalit community's struggle for cultural independence and separate identity. Yet this struggle for an independent cultural identity was not merely a cultural struggle of the 1970s, but one which stretched back almost a century to what, retrospectively, must be seen as the inception of Dalit literature and culture in the activities of the Anarya Dosh Pariharak Mandal and the first Dalit writings of Gopal Baba Valangkar in 1888. This article aims to recover this much-neglected early history of the Dalit communities of western India at the turn of the twentieth century. In particular, it examines how these early Dalit communities came to articulate an emergent Dalit cultural identity through the construction of a syncretic form of bhakti Hindu culture.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1997
References
1 Khairmode, C. B., Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar-Charitra, II (Bombay, 1968), pp. 218–21.Google Scholar
2 Raikar, Sitaram (ed.), Amhi Pahilele Phule (Poona, 1981), p. 37.Google Scholar
3 Patil, Pandarinath Sitaram, Mahatma Jotirao Phule yanche Charitra (Publisher unknown, 1928), pp. 212–13.Google Scholar
4 Raikar, , Amhi Pahilele Phule, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar
5 Patil, , Mahatma Jotirao Phule, p. 137.Google Scholar
6 Ramesh Dhavare has suggested that Valangkar is possibly the Kabir Panth Shudra Sadhu with whom Phule converses in his letter of that name, written in April 1883, Mahatma Phule, Samagra Vanmaya, Shetakaryancha Asud, Parishishte 2, Kabir Panthi Shudra Sadhu, (eds) Keer, Dhananjay and Matshe, S. G. (Bombay, 1969), p. 269,Google Scholar cited by Dhavare, Ramesh, ‘Gopal Baba Valangkar’,Dhavare, R. (ed.), Mangav Parishad: 62nd Smruti Mahotsav (Kolhapur, 1980), pp. 2–3.Google Scholar
7 Khairmode, , Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar-Charitra, II, p. 219.Google Scholar
8 Valangkar's letter in Dina Bandhu, 20 May 1894, pp. 2 and 3.
9 After the death of Phule in November 1890, and as early as September 1895, Mahars, Chambhars and Dhors were excluded from a Satya Shodhak Samaj meeting in Bhavani Peth, Poona, on grounds of their untouchability. Letter with the signature ‘S’ in Dina Bandhu, 25 September 1895.
10 Shri Somavanshi Mitra Samaj, Bombay: Fourth Annual Report (Byculla, 1910). Vittal Ramji Shinde mentioned speaking at a meeting held in front of Kondaji Ramji Master's house on Nesbit Road in Bombay to commemorate the anniversary of Chokhamela's death on 5 June 1910;Google ScholarKeskar, B. B. (ed.), Vittal Ramji Shindeyanche Lekh, Vyakhyane va Updesh (Bombay, 1912), p. 145. Kondaji Ramji Master is also mentioned as organizer and speaker at Mahar meetings in Poona and Bombay by Shivram Janba Kamble in his newspaper Somavanshi Mitra, 1 08. 1908, p. 8; 1 Dec. 1908, p. 48; 1 Jan. 1909, pp. 53–4.Google Scholar
11 For a discussion of Pandit Kondiram's possible connection with the Satya Shodhak Samaj see Dhale, Raja, ‘Dalit Sahityachi Purvadhar’, Dhammalipi, 1 May 1988.Google Scholar
12 Valangkar, G. B., ‘Anarya Dosh Pariharak Mandal Petition to His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief of Bombay Presidency in Poona’, July 1894 (Marathi).Google Scholar
13 Ibid., Pandit Kondiram, ‘Pada’, verse 1.
14 Ibid., verse 2. Kondiram here refers to the Manusmriti, X, 51.
15 Ibid., verse 3. Kondiram here refers to the Manusmriti, X, 52.
16 Ibid., verse 4.
17 Ibid., verses 5–7. Kondiram here refers to the Manusmriti, X, 54.
18 Valangkar, G. B., Vinanti Patra, Bombay, 1888 (Re-published in Purogami Satya Shodhak, 07—Sept. 1979).Google Scholar Valangkar is also believed to have written the book Hindu Dharma Darpan, but it seems to have remained unpublished due to lack of funds (Keer, D., Mahatma Jotirao Phooley (Bombay, 1946), pp. 217–18,Google Scholar and Khairmode, C. B., Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar-Charitra, III (Bombay, 1964), p. 21).Google Scholar
19 G. B. Valangkar's letter to Dina Bandhu, 20 May 1894, pp. 2–3 and Vinanti Patra, p. 27. For Phule's theory, see Phule, , Samagra Vanmaya, Gulamagiri (Bombay, 1969), pp. 71–3, and for Phule's re-interpretation of the Vishnu avatars in terms of successive Aryan invasions, pp. 98–118.Google Scholar
20 Phule, , Samagra Vanmaya, Gulamagiri, p. 91, and Brahmananche Kasab, pp. 47–8.Google Scholar
21 Ibid., Gulamagiri, pp. 115–16.
22 Valangkar, G. B., ‘Khali Lihilelya Sarkari Surveypramane Konkanatil Mahar Jati Sanbandhi Mahiti’ 31 August. 1894, Question 6, pp. 2–3.Google Scholar
23 Valangkar, , Vinanti Patra, p. 19, Question 13, and ‘Anarya Dosh Pariharak Mandal Petition—, p. 4.Google Scholar
24 Valangkar, , Vinanti Patra, p. 20, Question 15. Rig Veda, Purusha Sukta, 10.90.12.Google Scholar
25 Phule, , Samagra Vanmaya, Gulamagiri, pp. 95–7, 120–1; Shetakaryancha Asud, p. 215; Sarvajanik Satya Dharma Pustak, p. 365, 410. Orientalist opinion of the period also sustained that the Purusha Sukta was one of the later Vedic hymns belonging to the Brahmana period.Google Scholar
26 The source of these ideas was Phule, Samagra Vanmaya, Gulamagiri, pp. 74, 77, 83–4, 120–1.
27 Valangkar, , Vinanti Patra, p. 20. ‘The Brahman was the first born. He had ten heads and ten mouths. He first drank the soma. He destroyed the poison.’ Atharva Veda, 4.6.1; ‘The Brahman is sprung from the Gods, the Shudras from the Asuras.’ Taittiriya Brahmana, I, 2.6.7;Google Scholar‘That the world might be peopled, He caused the Brahman, the Kshatriya, the Vaisya and the Shudra to issue from His mouth, His arms, His thighs and His feet.’ Manusmriti, I, 31.Google Scholar
28 Ibid., ‘There were then no distinctions of jati or varna and mixture of varnas. Men acted towards each other without any feelings of love or hatred. In the Krita age, they were born alike in form and duration of life, without any distinction of lower and higher.’ Vayu Purana, VIII, 62–3;Google Scholar‘There was formerly only one Veda, only one god, Narayana, one Agni and only one varna.’ Bhagavata Purana, IX, 14.Google Scholar
29 Ibid., p. 21. ‘There is no difference of varnas: this world, having been at first created by Brahma and entirely Brahmanic became separated into varnas in consequence of karma. Those twice-born who were fond of sensual pleasure, fiery, irascible, prone to violence, who had forsaken their duty and were red-limbed fell into the condition of Kshatriyas. Those twice born who derived their livelihood from kine, who were yellow, who subsisted by agriculture and who neglected to practicetheir duties, entered into the state of Vaisyas. Those twice-born who were addicted to mischief and falsehood, who were covetous, who lived by all kinds of work, who were black and fallen from purity, sank into the condition of Shudras. Being separated from each other by these works, the Brahmans became divided into different varnas.’ Mahabharata, Santiparvan, 188–9.
30 Ibid., p. 26. Valangkar further illustrates this Brahmanic confusion of physical and spiritual purity by contemporary reference to the house blessing ceremony of a Mahar family in Mahad by a Brahman priest in September 1888, pp. 11–15.
31 Phule, , Samagra Vanmaya, Shetakaryancha Asud, p. 201, Sarvajanak Satya Dharma Pustak, pp. 384, 386, 394, 404, and Gulamagiri, pp. 122–3.Google Scholar
32 For the beliefs of Phule's Sarvajanak Satya Dharma see Phule, Sarvajanak Satya Dharma Pustak, pp. 353–65, and for Phule's thirty-three principles of truth, pp. 411–14.
33 V. R. Shinde states that Valangkar was instructed and assisted by the Brahman Christian convert, Rev. Padmanji, Baba. Shinde, V. R., Majha Athavani va Anubhav (Poona, 1958), p. 214.Google Scholar
34 For example, Mitchell, J. Murray, ‘Tukaram’, The Indian Antiquary, XI, 03 1882, p. 61;Google ScholarEdwards, J. F., Dnyaneshwar, The Out-caste Brahman (Poona, 1941);Google ScholarDeming, Wilbur Stone, Eknath, a Maratha Bhakta (Bombay, 1931);Google ScholarAbbott, J. E., Godbole, R. N., Edwards, J. F., Mahipati, Bhaktalilamrita: Eknath (Poet-Saints of Maharashtra, II) (Poona, 1927);Google ScholarAbbott, J. E., Edwards, J. F., Mahipati, Santavijaya: Ramdas (Poet-Saints of Maharashtra, VIII) (Poona, 1932);Google ScholarDeming, Wilbur Stone, Ramdas and Ramdasis (Calcutta, London, 1928);Google ScholarAbbott, J. E., Stotramala: A Garland of Hindu Prayers (Poet-Saints of Maharashtra, VI) (Poona, 1929);Google ScholarAbbott, J. E., Godbole, R. N., Edwards, J. F., Mahipati, Bhaktalilamrita: Nectar from Indian Saints (Poet-Saints of Maharashtra XI) (Poona, 1935).Google Scholar
35 Mitchell, J. Murray, ‘The Story of Tukaram as given in Bhakta Lilamrita of the Marathi Poet Mahipati’, Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, III, 1849, P. 8.Google Scholar
36 Ibid., p. 14.
37 Rev. Stevenson, J., ‘An Account of the Bauddho-Vaishnavas or Vittal Bhaktas of the Dakhan‘, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, VII, 1843, P. 64.Google Scholar
38 Pandit, Vishnu Parashuram Shastri and Pandit, Sankar Pandurang (eds), Shri Tukaramanchya Abhanganchi Gatha, Vol. I and II (Bombay, Indu Prakash Edition, 1869), Introduction;Google ScholarGodbole, P. T. (ed.), Navanit (Bombay, 1868).Google Scholar
39 SirGrant, Alexander, ‘Tukaram —A Study of Hinduism’, Fortnightly Review, 01.—June 1867, I, p. 30.Google Scholar
40 Robertson, Alexander, The Mahar Folk: A Study of Untouchables in Maharashtra (Calcutta, 1938), Preface, p. viii. Robertson had worked extensively with the Mahar communities of Poona, Ahmednagar and Nagpur.Google Scholar
41 Ibid., p. 82.
42 Ibid., p. 86.
43 Grant, , ‘Tukaram—A Study of Hinduism’, p. 31.Google Scholar
44 Robertson, , Mahar Folk, p. 85.Google Scholar
45 Grant, , ‘Tukaram—A Study of Hinduism’, p. 31.Google Scholar
46 Stevenson, J., ‘An Essay on the Vernacular Literature of the Marathas’, Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1, 07 1841, p. 1.Google Scholar
47 Farquhar, J. N., The Crown of Hinduism (New Delhi, 1913), p. 457.Google Scholar
48 Valangkar's rejection of the priest's mediatory role as a result of his own scriptural analysis also had clear precedents in Phule's writings. Phule, Samagra Vanmaya, Brahmanache Kasab, pp. 49–54.
49 Valangkar, , Vinanti Patra, p. 23. Question 19.Google Scholar
50 Ibid., p. 23. Question 19.
51 Ibid.
52 Ibid., p. 21.
53 Ibid., p. 22.
54 Valangkar published numerous letters in the Marathi newspaper Dina Bandhu. C. B. Khairmode suggested that Valangkar also published letters in Sudharak, see Khairmode, Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar-Charitra, p. 219.
55 G. B. Valangkar's handwritten Marathi manuscript, ‘Khali Lihilelya Sarkari Surveypramane Konkanatil Mahar Jati Sanbandhi Mahiti’, 31 August. 1894.
56 G. B. Valangkar, ‘Anarya Dosh Pariharak Mandal Petition to His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief of Bombay Presidency in Poona’, July 1894 (Marathi).
57 Letter in Dina Bandhu, 12 May 1895, p. 2. Valangkar's letter to Dina Bandhu, 5 May 1893, and a letter to Dina Bandhu, signed ‘Non-partisan’, 30 June 1895, p. 3. The final outcome is unrecorded.
58 Valangkar's letter to Dina Bandhu, 20 May 1894, pp. 2, 3.
59 Khairmode, , Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar-Charitra, p. 219.Google Scholar
60 Valangkar's letter in Dina Bandhu, 13 October. 1895, p. 3. Subhedar Major Ramchandra Talsurkar, who was also a member of the Mandal, was later to become one of the principal Mahar leaders in Dapoli after the death of the Mandal's president, Gopal Baba Valangkar circa 1900 (Somavanshi Mitra, (Letter to editor), 1 Dec. 1908, p. 41).
61 Valangkar, , Vinanti Patra, pp. 12–14, 29–30.Google Scholar
62 The opening of the Empress Cotton Mills in Nagpur in 1877 had allowed many Mahars to improve their economic position through weaving and small-scale cotton trading. Craddock wrote: ‘The Mahar is seen as industrious and an able businessman and even landlord and small scale capitalist where caste restrictions are not severe’. Craddock, A., The Settlement Report of Nagpur Zilla, 1899, quoted in Kosare, H. L., Vidabharatil Dalit Chalvalicha Itihas (Nagpur, 1984), p. 20.Google Scholar
63 Rev. Waller, W. D., ‘Testimonial for Vithoba Raoji Moon Pande’, Kamplee, 1 January. 1916.Google Scholar
64 ‘Petition from Vithoba Raoji Moon Pande to the Honourable Members of the Ramtek Temple Committee’, undated (Handwritten Marathi manuscript fragment by Vithoba Raoji Moon Pande).
65 Deshmukh, N., Secretary, Gorakshan Sabha, Nagpur, ‘Testimonial on Vithoba Raoji Moon Pande’, 30 October. 1911. ‘Marathi Letter from the Shri Gorakshan Sabha Office, Nagpur, to the Mahar Community’, 11 Oct. 1903. Vasant Moon. Madhyaprant Varhadatil Dr. Ambedkarpurva Dalit Chalval, Poona, 1987, pp. 11–12, states, according to S. Mate, Nagpur, that Moon Pande obtained this result by a mass Mahar procession to the house of the Ramtek temple owner, Rahuji Bhosale.Google Scholar
66 ‘Marathi Petition Letter from Sant Pande to Ramtek Temple Committee’, 28 October. 1908 and ‘Marathi Petition to the Gorakshan Sabha from the Mahar Community’, 20 Sept. 1907.
67 ‘Marathi Deed of Sale of Land to Vithoba Raoji Moon Pande’, 2 March 1906.
68 ‘Marathi Petition Letter to the Gorakshan Sabha from the Mahar Community’, 20 September. 1917.
69 ‘Order of the Ramtek Temple Committee’, 14 January. 1905.’Nagpur Mahar Mitras Sabheche Suchipatra’, 13 April 1913.
70 Nandagavali, B. K., ‘Jahir Patrak’, 4 November. 1930.Google Scholar
71 ‘Marathi Petition from Sant Pande to the Ramtek Temple Committee’, 28 October. 1908.
72 ‘The Loyal Mahar Sabha, Nagpur: A Brief Summary of its Record’, 15 March 1914.
73 ‘Nagpur Mahar Mitras Sabheche Suchipatra’, 13 April 1913.
74 ‘Jahir Patra’, 10 November. 1920.
75 ‘Petition from Vithoba Raoji Moon Pande Sant to His Excellency the Governor in Council, Central Provinces’, Nagpur, 4 January. 1924.
76 ‘Chokhamela Sudharak Mandal’, Second Session, Ramtek, 24 November. 1923, Resolution 2.
77 Zelliot, Eleanor, ‘Dr. Ambedkar and the Mahar Movement’, University of Pennsylvania, Ph.D. thesis, 1969,Google Scholarand ‘Learning the Use of Political Means: The Mahars of Maharashtra’, Kothari, Rajni (ed.), Caste in Indian Politics (New Delhi, 1970).Google ScholarJayashree Gokhale-Turner, ‘From Concession to Confrontation: The Politics of the Mahar Community in Maharashtra’, McGill University, Ph.D. thesis, 1980.Google Scholar
78 Miller, Robert, ‘Button, Button … Great Tradition, Little Tradition, Whose Tradition?’ Anthropological Quarterly, 39, January. 1966.Google Scholar
79 Moon, Vasant, Madhyaprant-Varhadatil Dr. Ambedkarpurva Dalit Chalval (Poona, 1987),Google Scholar and Kosare, H. L., Vidhabhartil Dalit Chalvalicha Itihas (Nagpur, 1984).Google Scholar
- 9
- Cited by