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District Officers in Decline: The Erosion of British Authority in the Bombay Countryside, 1919 to 1947
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
Extract
The paradox of the authoritarian rule of the Indian Raj at the heart of Britain's liberal empire was one that ran continuously through the history of nineteenth- and twentieth-century imperialism. Both as the unpaid arsenal of Eastern expansion and defence, and as the essential stop-gap to Britain's multilateral pattern of trade, India was the necessary if incongruous adjunct of Liberal England, supporting the doctrines of progress at home on the basis of the autocratic control of its British-born hierophants over the numberless ‘contented masses’ of the Indian countryside. The resulting contrast between the increasingly self-governing white dominions, and the Indian maverick upholding in chains the very fabric of the empire, was also reflected in the political thinking of the motherland itself, by way of the stresses and contradictions which the conditions of the Raj's existence served to create within the liberal framework of the Victorian intellectual world. At the core of the Victorian liberal empire stood the strictly paternalistic government of the Raj in India; at the centre of the ‘benevolent despotism’ that British rule in the subcontinent adopted stood the steel frame of the Indian Civil Service, ‘much more of a government corporation than of a purely civil service’ and the creator as much as the executor of British policy there.
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References
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144 Munshi, minute, 11.8.39, Mss Eur F 125/52 (Linlithgow Correspondence), I.O.L. interestingly enough, police work on the general level had suffered least of all in the Gujarat division of the presidency, where Congress was strongest in 1938–39, and where an accommodation between the nationalists and the police was hence most easily to be reached, Lumley to Linlithgow, Report 43, 1.7.39, Ibid.
145 Colville to Wavell Report 58, (especially paragraphs 7,8,14 and 23), 27.2.46, L/P&J/5/167, I.O.L.
146 Colville to Wavell Report 67, 4.8.46, Ibid.; Wavell to Pethick-Lawrence, 13.8.46 and 17.9.46, Mansergh, and Moon, (eds), The Transfer of Power, Vol. VIII, pp. 229 and 535Google Scholar
148 Desai, , The Story of my Life, Vol. I, pp. 146–7Google Scholar; cf. Wavell's later comment that ‘the Bombay tradition seems to be that they [Congress Ministers] are given considerable latitude and have run a reasonably efficient show’, Mansergh, and Moon, (eds), The Transfer of Power, Vol. VIII, p. 767Google Scholar; for comparable working relationships elsewhere in India at the close of the thirties, cf. Low, , ‘Introduction: The Climactic Years 1917–47, p. 30Google Scholar; Woodruff, , The Men who Ruled India, pp. 272–80.Google Scholar
149 Pethick-Lawrence, 11.10.46, Mansergh, and Moon, (eds), The Transfer of Power, Vol. VIII, p. 698.Google Scholar Colville indeed considered ‘the general attitude of the Ministry towards officers … to be reasonably fair’ throughout its time—Colville to Wavell, Report 77, 4.2.47, L/P&J/5/168, I.O.L.
150 Colville to Wavell Report 76, 18.1.47, ibid.; by that date, moreover, in the I.C.S. an estimated 70 per cent of European officers, and in the Indian Police some 90 per cent, were reportedly ‘in a mood to go this year’, Ibid., and the quality of their work was definitely being undermined by ‘their personal anxieties and uncertainties,’ Colville to Mountbatten, 2.4.47, L/P&J/5/168, I.O.L.
151 Wavell to Pethick-Lawrence 22.10.46, Mansergh, and Moon, (eds), The Transfer of Power, Vol. VIII, p. 767.Google Scholar
152 Cf. e.g. the comments of Wavell, 8.8.46, Ibid., p. 208, and the sources cited footnote 139 above.
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