¹ Washbrook, David A., ‘Country Politics: Madras 1880–1930’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 7, no. 3, 1973, pp. 475–531 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Subramanian, Narendra, Ethnicity and Populist Mobilization: Political Parties, Citizens, and Democracy in South India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999 Google Scholar.

³ Voting blocks of Thevars, Vanniars, and Gounders now overshadow Mudaliars, Naidus, Naickars, Nadars, Udaiyars, Konar/Yadavas, and Mutharaiyars, according to Badri Seshardi, ‘Tamil Nadu: Caste Realities Unlikely to Change Any Time Soon’, in Swarajya Magazine, 19 December 2014, http://swarajyamag.com/politics/tamil-nadu-caste-realities-unlikely-to-change-any-time-soon, [accessed 8 January 2017].

⁴ Agrawal, Arun and Sivaramakrishnan, K. (eds), Agrarian Environments: Resources, Representations, and Rule in India, Duke University Press, Durham, North Carolina, 2000 Google Scholar.

⁵ Stein, Burton, ‘Integration of the Agrarian System of South India’, in Land Control and Social Structure in Indian History, Frykenberg, R. E. (ed.), University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1969, pp. 175–216 Google Scholar.

⁶ A good summary is Crispin Bates, Subalterns and Raj: South Asia Since 1600, Routledge, New York, 2007.

⁷ The classic study is Habib, Irfan, The Agrarian System of Mughal India: 1556–1707, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1963 Google Scholar; third edition, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2013.

⁸ The reigning paradigm was formed by Guha, Ranajit, A Rule of Property for Bengal, Mouton and Co., Paris, 1963 Google Scholar; reprinted, Duke University Press, Durham, 1996.

⁹ A good theoretical frame for this work is Goswami, Manu, Producing India: From Colonial Economy to National Space, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2004 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. My own contribution is Ludden, David, ‘Spatial Inequity and National Territory: Remapping 1905 in Bengal and Assam’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 46, no. 3, May 2012, pp. 483–525 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Ludden, David (ed.), Reading Subaltern Studies: Critical History, Contested Meaning, and the Globalization of South Asia, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2002 Google Scholar. Ludden, David, ‘Subalterns and Others in the Agrarian History of South Asia’, in Agrarian Studies: Synthetic Work at the Cutting Edge, Scott, James C. and Bhatt, Nina (eds), Yale University Press, New Haven, 2001, pp. 206–235 Google Scholar.

¹¹ Bhalla, A. S., Uneven Development in the Third World: A Study of China and India, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 1992 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ludden, David, ‘Empire Meets Globalisation: Explaining Historical Patterns of Inequity in South Asia’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 47, no. 30, 28 July 2012, pp. 213–221 Google Scholar. Ludden, David, ‘Imperial Modernity: History and Global Inequity in Rising Asia’, Third World Quarterly, vol. 33, no. 4, 2012, pp. 1–21 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Banerjee-Guha, Swapna (ed.), Accumulation by Dispossession: Transformative Cities in the New Global Order, Sage, New Delhi, 2012 Google Scholar.

¹³ Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, Every Thirty Minutes: Farmer Suicides, Human Rights, and the Agrarian Crisis in India, New York University School of Law, 2011 Google Scholar, http://chrgj.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/Farmer-Suicides.pdf, [accessed 8 January 2017]

¹⁴ Navdanya describes ‘the war on farmers’ by ‘the speculative economy of global finance’, http://www.navdanya.org/news/174-the-great-land-grab-indias-war-on-farmers, [accessed 8 January 2017].

¹⁵ Warne, K. P., Let Them Eat Shrimp: The Tragic Disappearance of the Rainforests of the Sea, Island Press, Washington, 2011 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Corporate Abuse in the Sundarbans, Society for Direct Initiative for Social and Health Action, Kolkata, 2006, http://www.dishaearth.org/Corporate%20Abuse%20in%20Sunderban.pdf, [accessed 8 January 2017].

¹⁶ See the report by Tiana, Hanqin, Bangera, Kamaljit, Boa, Tao and Dadhwal, Vinay K., ‘History of Land Use in India During 1880–2010: Large-scale Land Transformations Reconstructed from Satellite Data and Historical Archives’, Global and Planetary Change, vol. 121, 2014, pp. 78–88 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0921818114001283, [accessed 8 January 2017].

¹⁷ Ludden, David, An Agrarian History of South Asia, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ Altekar, A. S., The Rashtrakutas and Their Times, Poona Book Agency, Poona, 1938, p. 190 Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Ludden, David, Peasant History in South India, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1985 Google Scholar.

²⁰ Heitzman, James, Gifts of Power: Lordship in an Early Indian State, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1997 Google Scholar. Karashima, Noboru, Ancient to Medieval: South Indian Society in Transition, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2009 Google Scholar.

²¹ Richards, John F., The Unending Frontier: An Environmental History of the Early Modern World, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2006 Google Scholar.

²² Stein, Burton, Vijayanagara, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1989 Google Scholar, and Stein, Burton, ‘Vijayanagara, c.1350–1564’, in The Cambridge Economic History of India Volume 1: c. 1200–c. 1750, Raychaudhuri, Tapan and Habib, Irfan (eds), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1982, pp. 102–124 Google Scholar; Also, for data, Karashima, Noboru, Towards a New Formation: South Indian Society Under Vijayanagar Rule, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1992 Google Scholar.

²³ For the Madras Presidency, see Stein, Burton, Thomas Munro: The Origins of the Colonial State and His Vision of Empire, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1989 Google Scholar.

²⁴ Sartori, Andrew, Liberalism in Empire: An Alternative History, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2014 Google Scholar.

²⁵ See David Ludden, ‘India's Spatial History in the Brahmaputra-Meghna River Basin’, in Re-Writing the Northeast, Neeladri Bhattacharya (ed.), forthcoming.

²⁶ Selections are published in Firminger, Walter K. (ed.), Sylhet District Records, Assam Secretariat Printing Office, Shillong, 1917 Google Scholar. All citations here refer to Sylhet District Records volumes in the Bangladesh National Archives. Citation format is: SDRVolNum.page:LetterDayMonthYear; thus Volume 291, pp. 2–3, Letter dated 1 October 1779 appears as SDR291.2–3:1Oct79. Some spellings and punctuation have been changed in quotations.

²⁷ Ludden, David, ‘Imperial Transitions in Agrarian South Asia: Sylhet and Tirunelveli, 1770–1820’, in The Eighteenth Century in South Asia: New Terrains. A Centennial Tribute to Pratul Chandra Gupta, Chakravorty, Subash Ranjan (ed.), The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, 2012, pp. 105–129 Google Scholar; and Ludden, David, ‘The Process of Empire: Frontiers and Borderlands’, in Tributary Empires in Global History, Bang, Peter Fibiger and Bayly, C. A. (eds), Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2011, pp. 132–150 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁸ See Ludden, Peasant History.

²⁹ Borah, M. I. (trans.), Bararistan-I-Ghaybi (A History of the Mughal Wars in Assam, Cooch Behar, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa During the Reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan, by Mir Nathan), Government of Assam, Guhauti, 1936, pp. 110–111 Google Scholar.

³⁰ Ahmed, A. B. M. Shamsuddin, ‘Muslim Administration in Sylhet 1303–1765’, in Sylhet: History and Heritage, Ahmed, Sharifuddin (ed.), Itihas Samiti, Dhaka, 1999, p. 342 Google Scholar.

³¹ SDR294.156:12Dec86.

³² SDR291.55:3Nov79.

³³ Eaton, Richard M., The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1994 Google Scholar. Iqbal, Iftekhar, The Bengal Delta: Ecology, State and Social Change, 1840–1943, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2010 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ The Assam Phase includes a six-year interlude in the Province of Eastern Bengal and Assam between 1905 and 1911. See Ludden, ‘Spatial History and National Territory’.

³⁵ Calculated from Firminger, Walter K. (ed.), The Fifth Report From the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Affairs of the East India Company (Dated 28^th July, 1812), R. Cambray, Calcutta, 1917, Vol. 2, p. 403 Google Scholar; and Census of India, 1961, Report on the Population Estimates of India, Government of India, Delhi, 1962, p. 71 Google Scholar.

³⁶ Guha, Amalendu, Planter Raj to Swaraj: Freedom Movement and Electoral Politics in Assam, 1826–1947, Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi, 1977 Google Scholar.

³⁷ For more details, see Ludden, David, ‘The First Boundary of Bangladesh on Sylhet's Northern Frontiers’, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, vol. 48, no. 1, 26 June 2003, pp. 1–54 Google Scholar.

³⁸ SDR300.106:30Dec90; SDR301.64:29July91 again stresses that all landowners in Sylhet pay only in cowries.

³⁹ Maloney, Clarence, People of the Maldive Islands, Orient Longman, Bombay, 1980, pp. 112, 126, 137, 417Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Yang, Bin, ‘The Rise and Fall of Cowrie Shells: The Asian Story’, Journal of World History, vol. 22, no. 1, 2011, pp. 1–25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴¹ Perlin, Frank, Monetary, Administrative, and Popular Infrastructures in Asia and Europe, 1500–1900, Ashgate, Brookfield, Vermont, 1993, pp. 152–163, 270Google Scholar; Hogendorn, Jan and Johnson, Marion, The Shell Money of the Slave Trade, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1986 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wicks, Robert S., Money, Markets and Trade in Early Southeast Asia, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1992, pp. 28–72 Google Scholar.

⁴² SDR293.126–131:24Sept84.

⁴³ Yang, Bin, ‘Horses, Silver, and Cowries: Yunnan in Global Perspective’, Journal of World History, vol. 15, no. 3, 2004, pp. 281–322 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ Fazl, Abul, Ain-i-Akbari, volume I, trans. Blochman, H., Low Price Publications, Delhi, 1927, pp. 34, 136–137 Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Copper and silver coins officially replaced cowries in the 1820s, but Montgomery Martin indicates that cowries still circulated in Sylhet in the later nineteenth century. See Martin, M., The History, Antiquities, Topography, and Statistics of Eastern India [comprising the Districts of Behar, Shahabad, Bhagulpoor, Goruckpoor, Dinajepoor, Puraniya, Ronggopoor, and Assam], volume III, Cosmo Publications, Delhi, 1976, p.128 Google Scholar. I have heard personal accounts of cowries circulating in twentieth-century Sylhet.

⁴⁶ Lindsay, Robert, ‘Anecdotes of an Indian life’, in Lives of the Lindsays; or, A Memoir of the Houses of Crawford and Balcarres, volume III, Lord Lindsay [his brother], second edition, John Murray, London, 1858, p. 176 Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Bareh, Hamlet, ‘Khasia-Jaintia State Formation’, in Tribal Polities and State Systems in Pre-Colonial Eastern and Northeastern India, Sinha, Surajit (ed.), K.P. Bagchi, Calcutta, 1987, pp. 264–267 Google Scholar. SDR312.141:7April1800: Iron ore in ‘immense quantity . . . is extracted and brought down by [Khasias] for sale and compose a principal article of their traffic with the natives in Sylhet.’ SDR297.48:29May88; SDR297.54:12May88.

⁴⁸ SDR300.56–57:2Sept90: ‘Wax, ivory, and iron principally come from Cutchar and Jointah from whence limestone are not procured. But these articles as well as Mugadooties are brought to sale in the lowlands by the Cosseah traders . . .’

⁴⁹ Lindsay, ‘Anecdotes’, p. 164.

⁵⁰ SDR291.8–9:2Dec77. SDR291.18:Jul78: ‘the Chaudries of Chumtullah . . . as well as all the Hill people have been accustomed to draw their stock of grain from Sunamganj and the Bazars adjacent’ (SDR299.62:31Dec89).

⁵¹ Lindsay, ‘Anecdotes’, p. 190. Abul Fazl describes hunting elephants in khedah (Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, volume I, p. 295). Lindsay, ‘Anecdotes’, pp. 190–197, describes khedah hunting techniques. Elephants suffered high mortality in captivity: SDR291.24–25:15Oct78 reports that of 217 elephants caught, only 112 survived. SDR291.18:Jul78 reports that of 221 elephants caught from Kartick to Byshack 1187, 106 died.

⁵² SDR303.45–47:26Oct92. Other Europeans also did business in tusks.

⁵³ Habib, Irfan, Atlas of Mughal India: Political and Economic Maps with Notes, Bibliography and Index, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1982, Map, 11BGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁴ van Schendel, Willem, Francis Buchanan in Southeast Bengal (1798), United Press, Dhaka, 1992, p. 137.Google Scholar J. B. Bhattacharjee, “The Kachari (Dimasa) State Formation”, H. K. Barpujari (ed.), The Comprehensive History of Assam, Volume 2, Assam Publication Board, Guwahati, 1992, pp. 391–397, pp. 186, 194.

⁵⁵ Comilla District Records, I, The Institute of Liberation Bangabandhu and Bangladesh Studies, 2000, pp. 49–52.

⁵⁶ Lindsay, ‘Anecdotes’, pp. 198–202. The ships were the Sylhett (400 tons), Highland Green (260 tons), Beauty (160 tons), Tyger (150 tons), Buffalow (140 tons), and Rhinoceros (140 tons), for which Lindsay petitioned to acquire ‘the established freight [allowance] for 15000 bags of rice to Madras’, which he undertook ‘to Purchase at Backergunge from the Honourable Company and load free of all Charges for 1 Rupee per Maund’; SDR292.57:29Mar83.

⁵⁷ Bareh Pakem, ‘State Formation in Pre-colonial Jaintia’, in Sinha, Tribal Polities and State Systems, facing p. 244, also pp. 261–306.

⁵⁸ SDR304.11–17:20Apr93.

⁵⁹ SDR299.72–74:15Jan90.

⁶⁰ SDR298.7:(nd)Dec88.

⁶¹ SDR295.122–30:(nd)Nov87. SDR299.34:5Nov89.

⁶² SDR294.53:31May84. SDR293:24Sept84. SDR293.156:1May85. SDR295.122–130:(nd)Nov87. Index values for Bengal Presidency jamma are 100 in 1767, 137 in 1776, and 164 in 1784: Datta, Rajat, Society, Economy, and the Market, Manohar, New Delhi, 2000, p. 334 Google Scholar. Revenue demand on Rajshahi Zamindari increased only 18 per cent from 1765 to 1784: Mahmood, A. B. M., The Revenue Administration of Northern Bengal, National Institute of Public Administration, Dacca, 1970, pp. 28 Google Scholar, 32, 34, 42.

⁶³ SDR293.156:1May85. SDR306.21–25:19Aug94.

⁶⁴ SDR306.21–25:19Aug94. The first available district budget, in 1794, shows a total annual expense of Rs.1,31,144, and total jamma of Rs.2,90,554, leaving a balance of Rs.1,59,410, which, at the current exchange rate, translates into 8,36,900 Kahans, more than the Sylhet jamma in 1776, which was now available for remittance to Calcutta.

⁶⁵ See Kolff, Dirk H. A., ‘The End of an Ancien Regime: Colonial War in India, 1798–1818’, in Imperialism and War: Essays on Colonial Wars in Asia and Africa, de Moor, J.A. and Wesseling, H.L. (eds), E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1989, pp. 22–49 Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Forrest, G.W. (ed.), ‘Memoirs Relative to the State of India’, in Selections from the State Papers of the Governors-General of India, volume II, Blackwell, Oxford, 1910, p. 22 Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Bruce, Robert, Historical View of Plans for the Government of British India and Regulation of Trade to the East Indies and Outlines of a Plan of Foreign Government, of Commercial Economy, and of Domestic Administration, for the Asiatic Interests of Great Britain, Sewell, Cornhill, and Debrett, London, 1793, p. 14 Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ SDR292.31:12Mar83.

⁶⁹ SDR292.61:29Apr83.

⁷⁰ This was the figure in 1794. SDR306.38–43:10Oct94.

⁷¹ SDR299.72–74:15Jan90.

⁷² SDR302.29:13Mar92. SDR301.33.:25May91. SDR301.15:13Apr91.

⁷³ SDR304.11–17:20Apr93. SDR307.7–12:10May&8July95.

⁷⁴ SDR293.126–129:24Sept84.

⁷⁵ SDR291.41:26Jun79.

⁷⁶ Lindsay, ‘Anecdotes’, p. 177.

⁷⁷ Ibid., pp. 177–178.

⁷⁸ The mode of this trade quickly changed after 1783, when Lindsay and other European merchants no longer resided in Panduah but rather made ‘advances . . . to the Inhabitants of the lowlands bordering upon the Cosseah Country’, who procured limestone as ‘contractors for the delivery of the stones to the manufacturers’. SDR300.57–59:2Sept90.

⁷⁹ In 1790, seven Europeans owned 120,000 ferrahs of chunam in Sylhet markets, and 50 Natives owned 50,000 ferrahs. (1 ferrahs = 1 Maund, 10 Seers.) SDR300.63:2Sept90.

⁸⁰ SDR300.57–59:2Sept90: ‘The mode of getting the stone in the first instance is by purchasing a Stone Hill from Cosseah Rajahs . . . Chunam manufacturers are then permitted to break the Hill and draw the limestone from thence.’

⁸¹ Lindsay, ‘Anecdotes’, p. 186.

⁸² SDR292.50–51:(nd)1783.

⁸³ He added, on a personal note, ‘I have been in a constant state of warfare with the Cosseahs or Inhabitants of the mountains from whence the [lime]stones are drawn’, and ‘I have myself sustained considerable loss’: SDR293.92–93:1Mar84; SDR293.95:(nd)Mar84.

⁸⁴ SDR293.119:4Sept84.

⁸⁵ SDR304.38:30June93.

⁸⁶ SDR295.84–88:11Jul87.

⁸⁷ SDR295.104–105:23Oct87.

⁸⁸ SDR295.97:5Sept87.

⁸⁹ SDR295.47:(nd)Apr87.

⁹⁰ SDR295.136:16Nov87.

⁹¹ SDR297.15:8Feb88.

⁹² SDR297.17:11Feb88.

⁹³ SDR297.47:10Apr88.

⁹⁴ SDR297.131:19Sept88. SDR298.116–118:13June89.

⁹⁵ SDR297.122:5Sept88.

⁹⁶ SDR298.172:1Sept89. One indication of recovery is that in August 1789, the Collector realized 107,533 Kahans revenue, compared to 55,779 Kahans in August 1788.

⁹⁷ SDR297.70:12June88: ‘. . . amongst the Waddadar Farmers, Zemindars, and Ryotts there is no property independent of the produce of the land . . . In this District whenever inundation or any other calamity occasions a loss of crops on the ground the Company's Revenue will of course suffer. There is no accumulated wealth to supply the temporary deficiency. . .’.

⁹⁸ SDR294.53:31May84.

⁹⁹ SDR294.69:6Sept84.

¹⁰⁰ SDR294.97–98:25Jun85.

¹⁰¹ Lindsay protected Gowar Hari Singh, Willes did not. He wrote to the Board that, ‘when [Gowar Hari Singh] bought the lands at the Company's Sales, he was Peshcar in charge of the Collections of the District, he was Wadaddar for the several Talooks, and he was also Shroff. From this you will judge what oppressive modes were pursued to establish his Zemindaree and how little such a Zemindaree is entitled to the protection of the Government’: SDR297.113:1June89. Willes later concluded that documents which Lindsay had used as judge to confirm the original purchases were fraudulent: SDR299.12–14:(nd)Sept89. Gowar Hari and his cousin and partner, Prem Narayan, held land and mortgages in many Sylhet localities: SDR299.43–45:28Nov89. In 1792, his personal estate consisted of land in 22 parganas with 17,678 Kahans jamma, of which 11,888 were in Chowalis: SDR302.43–46:23Apr92. His Janglah purchases were moreover the biggest land purchases at government auction up to that time; his purchases in 1783 and 1784 amounted to 39 per cent of the total sold in the four years after 1781. See footnote 107 below.

¹⁰² SDR294.53:31May84.

¹⁰³ SDR293.156:25Jun85.

¹⁰⁴ SDR294.118–119:4Feb86. SDR297.72–73:12June88.

¹⁰⁵ India Office Records, Bengal Revenue Consultations, P/52/31, 10 June 1791, quoted in Datta, Society, Economy, and Market, pp.146–147, where Datta finds seven estate sales from 1776 to 1793 and 43 per cent purchase prices over 200 per cent jamma. Datta concludes that this sale price pattern ‘suggests a buoyant land market in this period’ (1724–1793), by the standards of the day.

¹⁰⁶ In response to Collector Willes’ hostility, Gowar Hari Singh organized a petition campaign against him, focusing particularly on his conduct regarding the Hustabood measurement-registry of landholdings, to which Gowar Hari objected as a violation of his landholding rights. Willes defended himself at length. The case continued in the court and in 1793, Gowar Hari Singh's vakil arrived in Sylhet, under government orders to present ownership papers. Diwani Adalat and the Board of Revenue nullified his purchase of Lunglah, which was returned to original proprietors. SDR304.8–17:20Apr93.

¹⁰⁷ SDR301.15:13Apr91.

¹⁰⁸ SDR301.15:13Apr91.

¹⁰⁹ SDR301.59:26July92.

¹¹⁰ SDR301.29–30:21May91.

¹¹¹ SDR304.11:20Apr93

¹¹² SDR305.8–19:(nd)Sept93. Two more estates were sold in 1793 for 350 per cent their jamma. SDR306.60–63:8Nov94. Datta, Society Economy and Market, p. 146, also shows an increase, during the 1780s, in the jamma-proportionate sale price of the small number of estates in his sample.

¹¹³ SDR295.117:14Nov87.

¹¹⁴ SDR295.136:16Nov87.

¹¹⁵ SDR295.122–130:(nd)Nov87.

¹¹⁶ SDR297.17:1Feb88.

¹¹⁷ SDR297.48–50:29Mar88.

¹¹⁸ SDR297.70:12June88.

¹¹⁹ SDR306.21–25:19Aug94.

¹²⁰ SDR297.48–50:29Mar88.

¹²¹ SDR297.54–61:12May88.

¹²² SDR297.93–95:5July88.

¹²³ Ibid.

¹²⁴ SDR298.45:12Jan89.

¹²⁵ SDR297.154:15Dec88.

¹²⁶ SDR297.164:18Dec88.

¹²⁷ Ibid.

¹²⁸ SDR298.45:12Jan89.

¹²⁹ SDR198.59:12Jan89.

¹³⁰ SDR298.48:12Jan89.

¹³¹ SDR298.49:12Jan89.

¹³² SDR298.50:12Jan89.

¹³³ SDR298.49:12Jan89.

¹³⁴ SDR298.60:3Feb89.

¹³⁵ SDR298.98:17Apr89.

¹³⁶ SDR298.116–118:13June89.

¹³⁷ SDR298.102:10May89.

¹³⁸ SDR298.127:18June89.

¹³⁹ SDR298.119:12June89.

¹⁴⁰ SDR298.119–121:14June89.

¹⁴¹ SDR298.126:14June89.

¹⁴² SDR298.131:21June89.

¹⁴³ SDR298.144–146:6July89.

¹⁴⁴ SDR298.151–152:22July89.

¹⁴⁵ SDR298.165–172:31Aug89.

¹⁴⁶ SDR299.36:13Nov89.

¹⁴⁷ SDR299.24–30:19Oct89.

¹⁴⁸ SDR299.24:19Oct89.

¹⁴⁹ SDR299.33:31Oct89.

¹⁵⁰ SDR85.37:20Jan90.

¹⁵¹ SDR299.79:21Jan90.

¹⁵² SDR299.80:21Jan90.

¹⁵³ SDR299.84:2Feb90.

¹⁵⁴ SDR299.87:7Feb90.

¹⁵⁵ SDR299.101:21Feb90.

¹⁵⁶ SDR299.107:3Apr90.

¹⁵⁷ All Europeans had to register to work in Sylhet with the Collector. In 1793, the Collector ordered one European whom he suspected of encroaching on the Jaintia Raja's timber business to stop his resident dealings in Jaintia and to work only through Jaintia contractors, as a condition for the renewal of his registration. SDR304.69:18Sept93.

¹⁵⁸ ‘Companyganj’ first appears in SDR306.145–147:18Jun97.

¹⁵⁹ SDR300.56–57:2Sept90.

¹⁶⁰ SDR302.31–32:26Mar92.

¹⁶¹ SDR303.7–8:24Aug92.

¹⁶² SDR304.38–39:1July93.

¹⁶³ SDR305.8–19:(nd)Sept93.

¹⁶⁴ SDR305.8–19:(nd)Sept93.

¹⁶⁵ SDR308.27–28:15Sept97. When the Board inquired about lingering Khasia claims at Bongong, Willes again said that they never had a valid claim and did not possess one now that the land had been reclaimed from jungle for cultivation. SDR308.51:11Oct97.

¹⁶⁶ SDR306.126–127:8Sept95.

¹⁶⁷ SDR309.51–55:12May98.

¹⁶⁸ SDR305.8–19:(nd)Sept93.

¹⁶⁹ These figures are from a sample of 35 sales in 1793 and exclude atypical cases from the northern frontier in Bunsicoorah and other ‘devastated parganas’ toured by Willes in 1789.

¹⁷⁰ See Willes in SDR297.126:5Sept88 and again, as quoted below, in SDR300.141–144:24Oct91.

¹⁷¹ SDR300.141–144:24Oct91.