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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 January 2025
This article explores the roles imperial women played in the practices and systems of the northern states during the Sixteen Kingdoms (304–439) and Northern Dynasties periods (386–581), two of the most politically turbulent periods in Chinese history. The article will focus particularly on the absence of crown princesses and intermarriage practice in Northern Wei, and the appearance of coterminous empresses in Former Zhao and Northern Zhou. While a vast scholarship has viewed the rulership strategies and policies of the Northern Dynasties as a process of Sinicization, or one-sided acculturation, this article considers the perspective of the northern rulers who were aware of a multicultural populace. In an effort to shore up their power in court and rule effectively over a dispersed, heterogenous population, these northern rulers enforced agendas employing imperial women as the medium through which to engage elites of diverse backgrounds and tie these groups to their imperial families. Imperial women served in critical roles that brought to the court a delicate balance among various powerful factions, lending stability to the reigns of emperors and promoting cosmopolitanism in a period prior to Tang (618–907).
1 The period between Han and Tang has often been considered ‘the Dark Age of Chinese history’. See Dien, Albert E. and Knapp, Keith N., ‘Introduction’, in The Cambridge history of China. Vol. 2: The Six Dynasties, 220–589, (eds) Dien, Albert E. and Knapp, Keith N. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), pp. 1–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 Take, for example, the ‘Sinicization’ of the rulers of Former Zhao. See Dong Gang 董剛, ‘Xiongnu Hanguo hanhua wenti bianxi’ 匈奴漢國漢化問題辨析, Gansu shehui kexue 甘肅社會科學, no. 4, 2018, pp. 213–221.
3 See Sun Tongxun 孫同勛, Tuoba shi de hanhua ji qita: Bei Wei shilun wenji 拓拔氏的漢化及其他: 北魏史論文集 (Taipei: Daoxiang chubanshe, 2005), pp. 7–176. Sun covers the backgrounds and processes of Xiaowen’s Sinicization policy. Also see Hu Axiang 胡阿祥 et al., Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi shiwu jiang 魏晋南北朝史十五講 (Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2010); Ch’oe Jinyŏl 최진열, Hyomunje ŭi Hanhwa chŏngch’aek kwa Nakyang hoin sahoe: Puk Wi hugi hosok yuji hyŏnsang gwa kŭ paegyŏng 효문제의 ‘한화’정책과 낙양호인사회: 북위 후기 호속 유지 현상과 그 배경 (Sŏul: Hanul ak’ademi, 2016), pp. 25–177. Ch’oe’s own translation of his book title is ‘Emperor Xiaowen’s Sinicization policy and Xianbei people in the capital city of Luoyang in later period Bei Wei dynasty: The maintenance of Xianbei-style nomadic custom and culture’.
4 Mark Lewis mentioned that the majority of Chinese consider Tang a cultural and political pinnacle in history, in Edward Lewis, Mark, China’s cosmopolitan empire: The Tang dynasty (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009), p. CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also, Marc Abramson introduced the results of a survey of a group of Shanghainese students conducted in 1997 after the handover of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China. When asked which Chinese period they would want to live in, their answer was the Tang dynasty as they considered it to be ‘Great China’. See Abramson, Marc, Ethnic identity in Tang China (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), p. CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
5 Da 向達, Xiang, Tangdai Chang’an yu Xiyu wenming 唐代長安與西域文明 (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001).Google Scholar
6 Schafer, Edward, The golden peaches of Samarkand: A study of T’ang exotics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
7 Chen Yinke has written many articles on the mixed ancestry of the rulers of the Northern Dynasties and Sui-Tang.
8 Holcombe, Charles, ‘Immigrants and strangers: From cosmopolitanism to Confucian universalism in Tang China’, T’ang Studies, vol. 20–21, 2002–2003, pp. 71–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
9 Skaff, Jonathan, Sui-Tang China and its Turko-Mongol neighbors: Culture, power, and connections, 580–800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. He reviewed Sui-Tang cosmopolitanism in the same book on pp. 9–11.
10 Chen, Sanping, Multicultural China in the early Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
11 Ch’oe Jinyŏl 최진열, ‘Puk Wi hugi ŭi kukche doshi Nakyang: chongjok punp’o wa tamunhwa kongjon ŭl chungshim ŭro 북위 후기의 국제도시 낙양: 종족 분포와 다문화 공존을 중심으로’, Toshi inmunhak yŏngu 도시인문학 연구, vol. 7, no. 2, 2015, pp. 135–178.
12 He mentioned that ‘a combination of commerce and cosmopolitanism that, if not the equal of Tang’s Chang’an, was certainly a predecessor’. Pearce, Scott, Northern Wei (386–534): A new form of empire in East Asia (New York: Oxford University Press, 2023), p. .CrossRefGoogle Scholar
13 Pak translated ‘hohan cheje’ 胡漢體制 as ‘Sino-Barbarian Synthesis’. The most recent version of his theory on the politics of the early medieval period was published in 2019. Pak Han-je 박한제, Chungguk chungse hohan ch’eje ŭi chŏngch’ijŏk chŏn’gae 중국중세 호한체제의 정치적 전개 (Sŏul: Ilchogak, 2019).
14 Hu was used in the original title of Pak’s book. During the Tang dynasty, hu was a designation for the Sogdians. Hu during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period can be translated as either ‘foreigner’ or ‘barbarian’. Pak’s use of the term hu should be understood as a generalized term to refer to non-Han people during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period. Also see Yang, Shao-yun, ‘Fan and Han: The origins and uses of a conceptual dichotomy in mid-imperial China, ca. 500–1200’, in Political strategies of identity-building in non-Han empires in China, (eds) Fiaschetti, Francesca and Schneider, Julia (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2014), pp. 9–35.Google Scholar
15 Lavan, Mylas, Payne, Richard E. and Weisweiler, John, ‘Cosmopolitan politics: The assimilation and subordination of elite cultures’, in Cosmopolitanism and empire: Universal rulers, local elites, and cultural integration in the ancient Near East and Mediterranean, (eds) Lavan, Mylas, Payne, Richard E. and Weisweile, John (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), p. .CrossRefGoogle Scholar
16 I use ‘non-Han’ as an umbrella identity term to designate different Inner Asian ethnic groups who were not Han. Han in this period refers to those who spoke the Chinese language, defined themselves (directly or indirectly) based on the classics of literary Chinese, and claimed descent from the old empire.
17 Liu Jing initially suggested that Emperor Gaozu sent his own daughter to the Xiongnu. However, Empress Lü did not want to marry her daughter to the Xiongnu ruler and thus compelled Emperor Gaozu to send an imperial princess to the Xiongnu in her stead. See Sima Qian 司馬遷, Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982), vol. 99, p. 2719. For details on heqin princesses, see Yihong, Pan, ‘Marriage alliances and Chinese princesses in international politics from Han through Tang’, Asia Major, vol. 10, no. 1/2, 1997, pp. 95–131Google Scholar. For more on tributary relations of the Northern Wei intermarriages, see Selbitschka, Armin, ‘Tribute, hostages, and marriage alliances: A close reading of diplomatic strategies in the Northern Wei period’, Early Medieval China, no. 25, 2019, pp. 64–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18 See Holmgren, Jennifer, ‘Women and political power in the traditional T’o-pa elite: A preliminary study of the biographies of empresses in the Wei-shu’, Monumenta Serica, vol. 35, 1981–1983, pp. 33–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
19 I use ‘maternal kin power’ to refer to power derived from the mother and the mother’s family. Other scholars have used terms such as women, distaff, and distaff kin or relative power. For more on Holmgren’s article on the early Northern Wei harem system, see Holmgren, Jennifer, ‘The harem in Northern Wei politics—398–498 A.D.: A study of T’o-pa attitudes towards the institution of empress, empress-dowager, and regency governments in the Chinese dynastic system during the early Northern Wei’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, vol. 26, no. 1–2, 1983, pp. 71–96.Google Scholar
20 See Holmgren, Jennifer, ‘Imperial marriage in the native Chinese and non-Han state, Han to Ming’, in Marriage and inequality in Chinese society, (eds) Watson, Rubie S. and Ebrey, Patricia Buckley (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 58–96.Google Scholar
21 See McMahon, Keith, Women shall not rule: Imperial wives and concubines in China from Han to Liao (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2013), pp. 131–132.Google Scholar
22 Zheng explored how the acceptance of Han culture changed the institution of empress and empress dowager through the adoption of the Han concept of legitimate and non-legitimate wives. See Zheng Yaru 鄭雅如, ‘Hanzhi yu hufeng: zhongtan Bei Wei de “huanghou”, “huangtaihou” zhidu 漢制與胡風: 重探北魏的「皇后」、「皇太后」制度’, Zhong’ang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊, vol. 90, no. 1, March 2019, pp. 1–76. Zheng wrote another article which analysed the intertwined culture of Han and non-Han through the analysis of the marriage system of princes. See Zheng Yaru, ‘Hu Han jiaocuo: Bei Wei Xianbei zhu wang hunyin zhidu yu wenhua banxi 胡漢交錯: 北魏鮮卑諸王婚姻制度與文化辨析’, in Zhang Guangda xiansheng jiushi huadan zhushou lunwenji 張廣達先生九十華誕祝壽論文集, (eds) Zheng A’cai 鄭阿財 and Wang Juanzhu 汪娟主 (Taipei: Xinwenfeng, 2021), pp. 1107–1154.
23 Many of the empresses in Liu-Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen were appointed as crown princesses when their husbands were crown princes. For example, Empress Sima 司馬皇后 was appointed as crown princess and later became empress when Emperor Shao of Liu-Song (r. 422–424) was enthroned. See Shen Yue 沈約, Song shu 宋書 (Beijing: Zhoughua shuju, 1974), vol. 41, p. 1283. Empress Chu 褚皇后 was appointed as crown princess when her husband, Xiao Baojuan 蕭寶卷 (r. 498–501, Marquess of Donghun 東昏侯), was crown prince and she later became empress. See Xiao Zixian 蕭子顯, Nan Qi shu 南齊書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972), vol. 20, p. 394. Empress Jian née Wang 簡皇后王氏 was installed as crown princess when her husband, Emperor Jianwen of Liang 簡文帝 (r. 549–551), was crown prince. As she died before her husband was enthroned, she received the title of empress posthumously. See Yao Silian 姚思廉, Liang shu 梁書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973), vol. 7, p. 158. Empress Shen 沈皇后 was installed as crown princess when her husband, Houzhu 後主 of Chen (r. 582–589), was crown prince. She was appointed as empress upon Houzhu’s enthronement. See Yao Silian, Chen shu 陳書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972), vol. 7, p. 130.
24 For example, the Xianbei rulers of Northern Wei once jeopardized their rule by ignoring other non-Han elites. The incident, the so-called ‘Six Garrison Riots’ was due to the sentiment that the guoren 國人, apparently ‘men of Dai’, had been gradually neglected by the Northern Wei court after Emperor Xiaowen’s reformation. See Pearce, Scott, ‘Northern Wei’, in The Cambridge history of China . Vol. 2, (eds) Dien and Knapp, pp. 178–183.Google Scholar
25 McMahon, Women shall not rule, pp. 60–63.
26 Holmgren, ‘Imperial marriage’, p. 77.
27 See Wei Shou 魏收, Wei shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), vol. 13, p. 321. In this article, I chose to use Wei shu over Bei shi. Wei shu was compiled during the Northern Qi dynasty by Wei shou (505–572), while Bei shi which was compiled during the Tang dynasty by Li Yanshou 李延壽. Although Wei shu is known for its compiler’s favouritism and bias, it is generally considered the earliest complete record of Northern Wei. Some chapters of Wei shu, including the ‘biographies of empresses’, were added in later periods, so the records are identical to those in Bei shi. See Dien, Albert E. et al. (eds), Early medieval Chinese texts: A bibliographical guide (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 2015), pp. 368–372Google Scholar; McMachon, Women shall not rule, p. 136.
28 See Ban Gu 班固, Han shu 漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963), vol. 63, p. 2741.
29 Wei shu, vol. 19a, p. 441.
30 During the reign of Daowu, he established two ranks—empress 皇后 and Mesdames 夫人. Emperor Taiwu 太武帝 (r. 423–452) added ‘Left and Right Bright Deportment’ 左右昭儀, ‘Noble Lady’ 貴人, ‘Lady of the Pepper Chamber’ 椒房, and ‘Qualifying Attendant’ 中式. During the reign of Xiaowen, the harem system was reformed again. He added more ranks, including ‘Three Imperial Concubines’ 三嬪, ‘Six Imperial Concubines’ 六嬪, ‘Hereditary Consort’ 世婦, and ‘Imperial Women’ 御女. He equated the ranks of ‘Left and Right Bright Deportment’ 左右昭儀 to ‘Commander-in-Chief’ 大司馬; ‘Three Mesdames’ 三夫人 to ‘Three Dukes’ 三公; ‘Three Imperial Concubines’ 三嬪 to ‘Three Ministers’ 三卿; ‘Six Imperial Concubines’ 六嬪 to ‘Six Ministers’ 六卿; ‘Hereditary Consort’ 世婦 to ‘Grand Master of Palace’ 中大夫; and ‘Imperial Women’ 御女 to ‘Senior Servicemen’ 元士. No ranks were established for the harem of the crown prince. See ibid., vol. 13, p. 321.
31 Ibid., vol. 22, p. 589.
32 Zheng Yaru argued that Xiaowen adopted the Han Chinese concept of legitimate and illegitimate wives. See Zheng, ‘Hanzhi yu hufeng’, pp. 1–76. Considering Xiaowen’s adoption of the concept of legitimate and illegitimate wives places more significance on forgoing the installation of crown princesses and exposes the intentional nature of the absence of crown princesses.
33 Wei shu, vol. 21, p. 557.
34 Zhao Chao 趙超, Han Wei Nanbeichao muzhi huibian 漢魏南北朝墓誌彙編 (Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1992), p. 52.
35 Ibid., pp. 55 and 65.
36 Wei shu, vol. 19a, p. 453.
37 Regarding this system, see Tian Yuqing 田餘慶, Tuoba shi tan 拓跋史探 (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 2011), pp. 1–51; Golovachev, Valentin C., ‘Matricide among the Tuoba-Xianbei and its transformation during the Northern Wei’, Early Medieval China, no. 8, 2002, pp. 1–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
38 Zigui musi is well known to have been practised to prevent a rise of maternal kin power. Scholars such as Holmgren and Golovachev have written on the custom of matricide as a response to fear of the power of women and distaff relatives. See Golovachev, ‘Matricide among the Tuoba-Xianbei’, pp. 10 and 22; Holmgren, ‘The harem’, pp. 72–73; Zheng, ‘Hanzhi yu hufeng’, p. 21.
39 According to Wei shu, Lady Liu, the mother of Emperor Mingyuan, was killed due to the ‘old statute’ 舊法, and Lady Lin, the mother of Yuan Xun 元恂, was killed due to the ‘old institution’ 舊制. See Wei shu, vol. 13, p. 325 and p. 332, respectively.
40 There are no records of pre-Northern Wei empresses having been killed in accordance with the statute. Rather, the mothers of the predynastic Northern Wei rulers helped their sons lay the foundations to their rule.
41 In Hou Han shu, it is stated that the Wuhan/Xianbei clans followed the advice of their mothers and wives. See Fan Ye 范曄, Hou Han shu 後漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), vol. 90, p. 2979.
42 Horseback riding, archery, or travelling was not unusual for Northern Wei women. McMahon noted zigui musi demonstrated Northern Wei’s anxiety of potential interference in politics. See McMahon, Women shall not rule, pp. 135–138. Sixth-century aristocrat Yan Zhitui 顏之推 (553–590s) provided insight into the differences between Han and non-Han women (southern versus northern women) in his Family instructions of Master Yan 顏氏家訓. He portrayed northern women as active participants in their family affairs, unlike their counterparts east of the Yangzi River. By pointing to examples such as seeking jobs for their sons and talking to the authorities on behalf of their husbands, he attributed such behaviour to the influence of the Northern Wei dynasty. Wang Liqi 王利器, Yanshi jiaxun jijie 顏氏家訓集解 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993), p. 48. For details on the background and themes of Yan Zhitui’s text, see Mark Lewis, Edward, ‘Writing the world in the family instructions of the Yan clan’, Early Medieval China, no. 13–14.1, 2007, pp. 33–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
43 For instance, the mother of Emperor Daowu was from the Helan 賀蘭 group, a prominent Xianbei people, and Daowu received considerable help from them in his establishment of Northern Wei. Wei shu, vol. 13, p. 324. Also, the principal wife of Tuoba Shiyijian 拓跋什翼犍 (320–376), posthumously known as Emperor Zhaocheng 昭成帝, was from the Murong 慕容 group, another influential Xianbei group. Ibid., vol. 13, p. 323.
44 Wei Shou, the compiler of Wei shu, mentioned that this practice followed the precedent of Emperor Wu of Han who killed his consort Gouyi upon installing her son as crown prince. See ibid., vol. 13, p. 341. Li Ping 李凭 also agreed that the practice could have started when Emperor Wu of Han killed the mother of his crown prince. For details on each case of the practice, see Li Ping 李凭, Bei Wei Pingcheng shidai 北魏平城時代 (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2014), pp. 154–168. Also see Holmgren, ‘Women and political power’, pp. 57–58.
45 The practice of zigui musi continued until the appointment of the mother of Emperor Xiaoming 孝明帝, Empress Dowager Ling née Hu, as empress, and was discontinued in the Eastern Wei and Western Wei courts.
46 The second section of this article talks at length about empresses and empress selection in the Northern Wei court. For more on the selection of empresses, see Holmgren, ‘The harem’, pp. 76–80.
47 Empress Yu 于皇后 of Xuanwu was an exception as she was installed as empress and had a son during the reign of her husband, Xuanwu. However, her son died when he was three and she died soon after. Empress Gao 高皇后 of Xuanwu was installed as empress after Empress Yu died. She had a son who died at a young age before she became empress. See Wei shu, vol. 13, pp. 336–337.
48 Ibid., vol. 13, p. 332.
49 Zheng Yaru mentioned that the Northern Wei’s succession system is considered primogeniture. Zheng, ‘Hanzhi yu hufeng’, p. 26. Also, Holmgren noted that Tuoba adopted Chinese primogeniture, but the difference is that empresses’ sons did not become heirs. See Holmgren, ‘Imperial marriage’, p. 79.
50 Having been the mothers of emperors, Lady Liu (see Wei shu, vol. 13, p. 325), Lady Du (ibid., vol. 13, p. 326), Lady He (ibid., vol. 13, p. 327), and Lady Li (ibid., vol. 13, p. 331) were offered ceremonies in the Imperial Ancestral Temple.
51 Ibid., vol. 13, p. 326.
52 Ibid., vol. 13, p. 327.
53 Ibid., vol. 13, p. 331. Wei shu states that they ‘entered the Palace of Crown Prince’ 入太子宮 or ‘entered the Eastern Palace’ 入東宮.
54 Ibid., vol. 13, p. 325. Li Yanshou 李延壽, Bei shi 北史 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), vol. 13, p. 492. Lady Murong was appointed through a petition by Yuan Yi 元儀, who was Prince of Wei 衛王 and Left Prime Minister 左丞相.
55 Wei shu, vol. 13, pp. 325–328; Bei shi, vol. 13, pp. 493–496. Although Lady Yao received the title of empress only after her death, as she was not allowed to cast a statue or receive the title of empress while she was alive, she was prominent as she received special treatment from Mingyuan. Lady Helian became a part of the Northern Wei court after the city of Tongwan 統萬城 was conquered by Taiwu. Empress Dowager Wenming entered the court after Northern Yan 北燕 was defeated by Northern Wei.
56 See Holmgren, ‘The harem’, pp. 76–83.
57 Wei shu, vol. 13, p. 336; Sima Guang 司馬光, Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1956), vol. 144, p. 4498; Bei shi, vol. 23, p. 837. Yu Jing was descendant of Yu Lidi 于栗磾 who was from Dai.
58 Wei shu, vol. 13, p. 340.
59 Bei shi, vol. 14, p. 518 and vol. 48, p. 1766.
60 In terms of Gao Huan’s background, scholars have agreed that his family held a hybrid identity. Chen Yinke (1890–1969) asserted that the Northern Qi imperial family was ‘Xianbeinized’. He argued that Gao Huan was ethnically Han, but culturally Xianbeinized. See Chen Yinke, ‘Bei Qi de Xianbeihua ji xihuhua 北齊的鮮卑化及西胡化’, in Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi jiangyan lu 魏晉南北朝史講演錄, (ed.) Wan Shengnan 萬繩楠 (Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1987), pp. 292–300. Also see Albert E. Dien, ‘Eastern Wei–Northern Qi’, in The Cambridge history of China. Vol. 2, (eds) Dien and Knapp, p. 188.
61 Wei shu, vol. 13, pp. 332–333; Bei shi, vol. 13, pp. 499–500. Empress Dowager Feng, namely Empress Dowager Wenming (442–490), was the empress of Emperor Wencheng and assumed regency over her foster-grandson, Emperor Xiaowen. With respect to her influence on Northern Wei history, see Wenley, A. G., The Grand Empress Dowager Wen Ming and the Northern Wei necropolis at Fang Shan. Vol. 1, no. 1 (1947) (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art, 1947)Google Scholar; Pearce, Northern Wei, pp. 172–175; Song Qirui 宋其蕤, Bei Wei nüzhu lun 北魏女主論 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2006), pp. 133–220; McMahon, Women shall not rule, pp. 139–140.
62 While arguing that empresses hailing from non-Han conquered territories arose primarily because they did not pose a threat due to there being few, if any, maternal kin, Jennifer Holmgren surmised that the position of empress could have also been used by the Northern Wei court for political purposes. Particularly, ‘their appointments were politically advantageous in that they hastened the integration of subject populations into the Northern Wei empire’. See Holmgren, ‘The harem’, pp. 79–80.
63 Initially, Murong Huang (慕容皝, r. 337–348) of Former Yan sent his sister to Tuoba Shiyijian, but she died shortly afterwards. He then sent his daughter, Lady Murong, to Tuoba Shiyijian. See Wei shu, vol. 13, p. 323.
64 Fang Xuanling 房玄齡, Jin shu 晉書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), vol. 118, p. 2991.
65 Wei shu, vol. 1, p. 9.
66 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 12.
67 The use of intermarriages to stabilize rule over conquered groups was also practised by later dynasties such as Yuan and Qing. For example, after Chinggis Khan (1162–1227) defeated the Tatars, he took two daughters of the Tatar Yeke Cheren, Yisügei and Yisüi, as his principal wives. See de Rachewiltz, Igor, The secret history of the Mongols: A Mongolian epic chronicle of the thirteenth century (Leiden: Brill, 2004), vol. 1, p. Google Scholar. The subject of Chinggis Khan’s marriage partners hailing from conquered groups is well studied by Anne Broadbridge. See Broadbridge, Anne, Women and the making of the Mongol empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), pp. 73–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also, marriage exchanges during the Qing dynasty were crucial in the forging of new alliances. See Rawski, Evelyn, ‘Ch’ing imperial marriage and problems of rulership’, in Marriage and inequality in Chinese society, (eds) Watson, Rubie S. and Ebrey, Patricia Buckley (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p..Google Scholar
68 Wei shu, vol. 113, p. 3014. After the addition of the Li family of Longxi 隴西李氏, the Four Great Families were renamed the Five Great Families. See Zizhi tongjian, vol. 140, p. 4393. Also, the Li family of Zhaojun 趙郡李氏 and the Wang family of Langye 琅琊王氏 were considered prominent families. In this article, I consider these seven families as the Great Families. For details on the Great Families during the Northern Dynasties period, see Chen Shuang 陳爽, Shijia dazu yu Beichao zhengzhi 世家大族與北朝政治 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1998).
69 In Holmgren, ‘The harem’, pp. 82–83, the author briefly covered concubines. Holmgren mentioned that the records suggest there was an increase in the number of Han concubines in the fifth century; however, none of these women came from aristocratic or influential Han families. Her analysis seems incomplete because after Xiaowen, several of the concubines did in fact come from the Great Families.
70 Xiaowen made Lu Min’s 盧敏, Cui Zongbai’s 崔宗佰, Zheng Yi’s 鄭義, and Wang Qiong’s 王瓊 daughters his concubines. Additionally, Xiaowen was angry when his brother, Prince of Xianyang 咸陽王, married a woman from a slave family, and encouraged five out of his six brothers to marry women from the Great Families. Zizhi tongjian, vol. 140, pp. 4393–4394. See the biographies of Xiaowen’s six brothers in Wei shu, vol. 21, pp. 533–586.
71 Xiaowen’s Han concubines were Lady Lin, who was the mother of the crown prince and later installed as empress posthumously, Lady Yuan 袁氏, Lady Zheng 鄭氏 (Wei shu, vol. 22, p. 587; Bei shi, vol. 19, p. 713), Lady Cui 崔氏 (Wei shu, vol. 57, p. 1264), Lady Wang 王氏 (ibid., vol. 38, p. 878), Lady Lu 盧氏 (ibid., vol. 47, p. 1053), Lady Zheng 鄭氏 (ibid., vol. 56, p. 1239), Lady Zheng 鄭氏 (ibid., vol. 56, p. 1243), Lady Wei 韋氏 (ibid., vol. 45, p. 1012), Lady Cui 崔氏 (ibid., vol. 69, p. 1525), Lady Li 李氏 (ibid., vol. 53, p. 1181), and Lady Zhao 趙氏 (Zhao, Han Wei Nanbeichao muzhi huibian, p. 74).
72 Two were from the Zheng Family of Xingyang (Wei shu, vol. 56, p. 1239, p. 1243); one from the Lu Family of Fanyang (ibid., vol. 47, p. 1053); one from the Wang Family of Taiyuan (ibid., vol. 38, p. 878); one from the Cui Family of Qinghe (ibid., vol. 69, p. 1525); one from the Li family of Longxi 隴西李氏 (ibid., vol. 53, p. 1181); and one from the Cui Family from Boling 博陵崔氏 (ibid., vol. 57, p. 1264).
73 Emperor Xuanwu’s Han concubines were Lady Wang (Wei shu, vol. 63, p. 1412; Han Wei Nanbeichao muzhi huibian, pp. 69–70), Lady Cui (Wei shu, vol. 66, p. 1477), Lady Li (ibid., vol. 62, p. 1399), Lady Sima 司馬氏 (Zhao, Han Wei Nanbeichao muzhi huibian, pp. 120–121), and Lady Li (ibid., p. 184).
74 Emperor Xiaoming’s Han concubines were Lady Wang (Wei shu, vol. 63, p. 1412), Lady Cui, Lady Li (ibid., vol. 13, p. 340), Lady Lu (ibid., vol. 13, p. 340; Zhao, Han Wei Nanbeichao muzhi huibian, pp. 127–128), and Lady Zhang (Wei shu, vol. 94, p. 2021). Among them, Lady Wang, Lady Cui, Lady Lu, and Lady Li were from the Great Families.
75 This bifurcated strategy was also pursued in the Manchu Qing court to stabilize control over conquered groups. Empresses, or first wives of emperors, came from Manchu and Mongol families, while emperor’s concubines were recruited from not only Manchu and Mongol families but also Chinese bannermen families. Han Chinese outside the banner system were excluded from imperial marriage. See Rawski, ‘Ch’ing imperial marriage’, pp. 170–203.
76 Li Jinhe collected the data from Wei shu. See Li Jinhe 李金河, Wei Jin Sui Tang hunyin xingtai yanjiu 魏晉隋唐婚姻形態硏究 (Jinan: Qilu shushe, 2005), p. 114 (Table 12). Li considered the Feng family to be of Han origin. See ibid., p. 116. However, considering that they were rulers of one of the Sixteen Kingdoms and followers of the Murong group, it is uncertain whether they were really Han or from another ethnic background.
77 Twelve princesses married members of the Mu 穆 family who originated from Dai. One member of the Mu family, Mu Pingcheng 穆平城, posthumously received the title of ‘Chief Commandant of Escorting Cavalry’ 駙馬都尉, which is a title generally reserved for spouses of princesses. See Wei shu, vol. 27, pp. 661–673. Three princesses were married to members of the Yi 乙 family who came from Dai. See ibid., vol. 44, pp. 991–992. Two princesses were married to the Wan 萬 family from Dai. See ibid., vol. 34, p. 804. Two princesses were married to the Ji 嵇 family. See ibid., vol. 34, p. 805. One princess was married into the Helian 赫連 group. See ibid., vol. 30, p. 724. One princess was married to the Lu 陸 family. See ibid., vol. 40, p. 909. Also see Li, Wei Jin Sui Tang hunyin xingtai yanjiu, p. 115.
78 Li’s data indicate that among 24 identifiable cases of intermarriage between Northern Wei princesses and Han men, six occurred during each of the reigns of Xiaowen and Xuanwu. Li, Wei Jin Sui Tang hunyin xingtai yanjiu, p. 120 (Table 13).
79 See ibid., p. 121 (Table 14).
80 In passing, Holmgren asserted that imperial princesses ‘were given in marriage either to leaders of refugee groups arriving in Wei from other states, or to members of a select line of a non-Han lineage’. This explanation seems incomplete as imperial princesses were married not only to non-Han men, but also Han men, including those from the Great Families. Holmgren, ‘Imperial marriage’, p. 79.
81 Wei shu, vol. 47, p. 1051.
82 There were 37 cases of intermarriage between Tuoba princes or male members of the imperial family and Han women from Great Families. See Li, Wei Jin Sui Tang hunyin xingtai yanjiu, pp. 138–139 (Table 15).
83 The Northern Wei’s imperial harem system was reformed by Xiaowen. The first two ranks were the ‘Left and Right Bright Deportment’ (zuo/you zhaoyi 左右昭儀) and ‘Three Mesdames’ (san furen, 三夫人). The next ranks were the ‘Three Imperial Concubines’ (san pin, 三嬪), ‘Six Imperial Concubines’ (liu pin, 六嬪), and ‘Hereditary Consort’ (shifu 世婦). I consider the first two—zhoayi and furen—as high ranks, as they are the two ranks just below the rank of empress. For more comparisons of harem systems, see Bielenstein, Hans, ‘The Six Dynasties’, The Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, no. 69, 1997, pp. 28–38.Google Scholar
84 Lady Lu, the daughter of Lu Daoyue, was initially appointed as shifu, but her epitaph proves that she was later installed as pin. See Wei shu, vol. 13, p. 340; Zhao, Han Wei Nanbeichao muzhi huibian, pp. 127–128.
85 Wei shu, vol. 13, p. 340.
86 Considering Lu Daoyue’s family status, his daughter being made shifu from the outset is quite surprising. Lu Daoyue was the son of Lu Yan 盧淵. Two of Lu Daoyue’s brothers were married to Xianwen’s and Xiaowen’s daughters, respectively. Also, Lu Daoyue’s cousin was appointed as pin of Xiaowen. See ibid., vol. 47, pp. 1047–1052.
87 Empress Dowager Ling née Hu was one of the female rulers of the Northern Wei dynasty. Unlike other palace ladies who were killed for giving birth to a first son of an emperor, she survived to see her son becoming crown prince. After her son became emperor, she was invested as empress dowager and became de facto ruler during her son’s reign. When considering the power she wielded as empress dowager it is likely that she selected her son’s concubines. Her biography is seen in ibid., vol. 13, pp. 337–340; Bei shi, vol. 13, pp. 503–505. See more details in McMahon, Women shall not rule, pp. 143–145. Jennifer Holmgren also wrote an article on Empress Dowager Ling as a de facto ruler. Tracing Empress Dowager Ling’s rise and fall, Holmgren detailed the revival of military supremacy, brotherly succession, and male domination in the political arena. See Holmgren, Jennifer, ‘Empress Dowager Ling of the Northern Wei and the T’o-pa Sinicization question’, Papers of Far Eastern History, no. 18, 1978, pp. 123–170Google Scholar.
88 A court dispute during Northern Qi, one of the successor states of Northern Wei, gives more clues regarding attitudes towards the Han and non-Han divide in the imperial harem. When Empress Wenxuan née Li was about to be appointed as empress, court officials stated that a woman of Han origin should not become mother of All-under-Heaven (tianxia) and told Emperor Wenxuan to choose another, more appropriate spouse. See Li Baiyao 李百藥, Bei Qi shu 北齊書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), vol. 9, p. 125; Bei shi, vol. 14, p. 521.
89 It was not uncommon for nomadic rulers to have multiple wives and concubines. McMahon noted that the Xianbei (Tabgatch) chieftains had multiple wives and concubines. See McMahon, Women shall not rule, p. 137. Take, for example, the Mongol-Yuan dynasty. The section called ‘Tables of empresses and imperial concubines’ (houfei biao 后妃表) in the History of Yuan 元史 records multiple Khatuns during each Khan’s reign. See Song Lian 宋濂, Yuan shi 元史 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1976), vol. 106, pp. 2693–2700. Regarding Ögödei’s wife, Töregene, and her status as one of the empresses, see Igor de Rachewiltz, ‘Was Töregene qatun Ögödei’s “sixth empress”?’, East Asian History, no. 17–18, June–December 1999, pp. 71–76. However, it was rare in Han tradition. According to Han tradition, the emperor customarily had one empress, and the practice of having multiple wive was often considered taboo and abhorrent. McMahon briefly noted that the simultaneous installation of five empresses was unprecedented. He stated, ‘in terms of empresses and consorts, the Northern Zhou mainly stands out because one of its emperors enthroned five empresses at once, something never seen before or since’. See McMahon, Women shall not rule, p. 171. However, there is precedent, as shown during the reign of Liu Cong of Former Zhao.
90 Jin shu, vol. 102, p. 2668.
91 See Zhao Yi 趙翼, Nian’er shi zhaji jiaozheng 廿二史箚記校證, (ed.) Wang Shumin 王樹民 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2013), p. 331.
92 Ibid., pp. 331–332.
93 Chen Shou 陳壽, San guo zhi 三國志 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982), vol. 50, pp. 1202–1203.
94 This statement lacks accuracy and should be considered as a hasty generalization by Zhao Yi. Liu Cong’s case should not be simply overlooked as a period of turmoil. Even though the period was historically called the Sixteen Kingdoms period, Former Zhao flourished during the reign of Liu Cong. Its territory expanded to cover modern-day Shaanxi, Gansu, and Shanxi. More importantly, Liu Cong conquered Western Jin’s capital and captured Emperor Huai of Jin. Also, non-Han rulers often had multiple wives at the same time. For example, the early Mongol rulers had multiple empresses concurrently.
95 Emperor Xuan’s case is recorded in Linghu Defen 令狐德棻 et al., Zhou shu 周書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1971), vol. 7, p. 122.
96 Jin shu, vol. 102, p. 2660.
97 Ibid., vol. 102, p. 2663.
98 Ibid., vol. 102, pp. 2667–2668; Zizhi tongjian, vol. 89, p. 2821.
99 Jin shu, vol. 102, p. 2673 and p. 2676. In addition to the empresses, there were seven women who wore the seal of empress.
100 Ibid., vol. 102, pp. 2678–2679.
101 Ibid., vol. 102, p. 2677.
102 Ibid., vol. 14, p. 429. The dual administration system was observed in many non-Han states. For example, the Kitan Liao dynasty (916–1125) had a dual administration system similar to that of Former Zhao. Their northern administration (beiyuan 北院) oversaw the tribal population, while the southern administration (nanyuan 南院) was responsible for the sedentary population. See Twitchett, Denis and Tietze, Klaus-Peter, ‘The Liao’, in The Cambridge history of China. Vol. 6: Alien regimes and border states, 907–1368, (eds) Franke, Herbert and Twitchett, Denis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. Google Scholar. For more on the use of Kitan military institutions for control over Han people, see Yi Yup’yo 이유표, ‘Kŏran ŭi hanin t’ongch’i rŭl wihan kunjŏng kigu unyong 거란의 한인 통치를 위한 군정기구 운용’, in Umjiginŭn kukka, Kŏran: Kŏran ŭi t’ongch’i chŏ llyak yŏn’gu 움직이는 국가, 거란: 거란의 통치전략 연구, (ed.) Kim In-hŭ I 김인희 (Sŏul-si: Tongbuga Yŏ ksa Chaedan, 2020), pp. 169–199. A similar dual system was employed during the Jurchen Jin dynasty (1115–1234). The Jin court controlled the Jurchens and early subjugated peoples through the Miŋgan Moumukə system 猛安謀克制, a socio-military organization based on tribal groups, while Han people in Chinese proper were controlled through a ‘Chinese’ style. See Herbert Franke, ‘The Chin dynasty’, in The Cambridge history of China. Vol. 6, (eds) Franke and Twitchett, pp. 265–270 and 273–277.
103 For more on ‘Sino-Barbarian Synthesis’ during Former Zhao, see Pak Han-je, ‘Hohan ch’eje ŭi chŏn’gae wa kŭ kujo 胡漢體制의 綻開와 그 構造’, in Kangjwa Chungguk sa 講座中國史 II (Sŏul: Chishik sanŏp sa, 1989), pp. 66–71.
104 Jin shu, vol. 97, p. 2550. ‘The four surnames [of Xiongnu] are Huyan, Bu, Lan, and Qiao. Amongst them, Huyan was considered the most precious’. 其四姓, 有呼延氏、卜氏、蘭氏、喬氏。而呼延氏最貴。Both Liu Cong’s and his father’s principal wives were from the Huyan group. Also see Li Lei 李磊, ‘Liu Yuan de guming dachen yu Herui, Jiaping zhiji Hanguo de huangquan chongguo 劉淵的顧命大臣與河瑞、嘉平之際漢國的皇權重構’, Xueshu yuekan 學術月刊, no. 9, 2021, p. 179.
105 Jin shu, vol. 102, pp. 2660–2661.
106 From the early days of the Northern Zhou court, there was a struggle for power between the members of the imperial family and the emperor. Emperor Wu 武帝 (r. 561–578) came to power after killing his uncle Yuwen Hu 宇文護, the dynastic regent. Similarly, when Emperor Xuan succeeded his father, he killed his uncle Yuwen Xian 宇文憲. At the time, Yuwen Xian, Prince of Qiyang 齊煬王, had great power as he helped Emperor Wu defeat Northern Qi and pacify Ji Hu 稽胡. When Emperor Xuan took the throne, he was jealous of and feared Yuwen Xian’s authority and eventually killed him. See Zhou shu, vol. 12, p.195.
107 Initially, the regent Yuwen Hu tried to recruit Yang Jian, but Yang Jian refused as he feared his father’s disapproval. See Zizhi tongjian, vol. 170, p. 5274. Yang Jian’s opposition to Yuwen Hu started then. See Wei Zheng 魏徵, Sui shu 隋書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973), vol. 1, p. 2.
108 Yang Jian was appointed as Senior Pillar of the State 上柱國 and Grand Marshal 大司馬 in 578. See Zhou shu, vol. 7, pp. 116–117. The Grand Marshal was a significant position. See Wang Zhongluo 王仲犖, Beizhou liudian 北周六典 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), pp. 322–323. He was appointed as Grand Rear Councilor in the first month of 579. See Bei shi, vol. 10, p. 374.
109 Zhou shu, vol. 7, p. 119; Bei shi, vol. 10, p. 375. There are some cases of abdication in medieval Chinese history. In most cases, the abdicating emperors called themselves taishang huangdi 太上皇帝, which is often translated as ‘retired emperors’. However, I do not consider Emperor Xuan to be a ‘retired emperor’ because he was deeply involved in politics until his death in 580. For other examples of retired emperors, see Eisenberg, Andrew, ‘Retired emperorship in Medieval China: The Northern Wei’, T’oung Pao, vol. 77, 1991, pp. 49–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
110 Emperor Xuan abdicated in favour of Emperor Jing in the second month of the first year of Daxiang (579), and installed coterminous empresses starting from the fourth month of the same year. See Zhou shu, vol. 7, pp. 117–120.
111 Ibid., vol. 9, p. 148.
112 Ibid., vol. 9, p. 145.
113 Bei shi, vol. 14, p. 529.
114 Ibid., vol. 14, pp. 530–531.
115 Ibid., vol. 14, p. 531.
116 Zhou shu, vol. 9, pp. 146–148.
117 Here, I use ‘polyarchy’ to define a political system in which power was invested in multiple people. Also, when Lady Yuchi entered the palace, she was raped by Emperor Xuan who admired her beauty. According to the records, Yuwen Liang 宇文亮, the father of Yuwen Wen, rose in rebellion out of fear of the emperor when he heard that Emperor Xuan had taken Lady Yuchi to the palace. See ibid., vol. 7, p. 125. Yuwen Liang was distinguished in the battlefield and had been appointed as Senior Pillar of the State in 576 by Emperor Wu. See ibid., vol. 6, p. 99. From Yuwen Liang’s perspective, Emperor Xuan’s actions could have indicated that he was on a purge list, hence his rebellion.
118 Yuchi Jiong became a Grand Preceptor in 572 and Senior Pillar of the State in 575. Ibid., vol. 5, p. 80; vol. 6, pp. 93–94.
119 Bei shi, vol. 10, p. 375.
120 Sima Xiaonan’s father, Sima Ziru 司馬子如, was a confidante of Gao Huan 高歡 and Director of State Affairs 尚書令 of Northern Qi. Sima Xiaonan defected to the Northern Zhou court in 558. See Zizhi tongjian, vol. 167, pp. 5173–5174; Zhou shu, vol. 4, p. 54.
121 Zhou shu, vol. 7, p. 120.
122 Ibid., vol. 9, p. 147.
123 Yuwen Tai intended to use Zhouli to abandon the administrative titles that had been used after the Han dynasty, and thus adopted those from ancient Zhou. Albert Dien explained that by using the ancient Zhou system, Yuwen Tai was able to avoid potential uncertainty that could arise from the introduction of a new system. See Albert E. Dien, ‘Western Wei–Northern Zhou’, in The Cambridge history of China. Vol. 2, (eds) Dien and Knapp, p. 219. For more on the adoption of Zhouli as a concept of coexistence between Han and non-Han groups, see Pak Han-je, ‘Sŏ Wi-Puk Chu shidae “Churye” kwanje ch’aeyong ŭi kyŏnggwa wa kŭ ŭimi 西魏-北周時代 “周禮” 官制 採用의 經過와 그 意味’, Chungguk hakpo 중국학보, no. 42, 2000, pp. 251–281. Pak argued that the Western Wei-Northern Zhou court adopted Zhouli to legitimize the rule of the Yuwen family by adopting a system of Zhou during a period before the creation of the dichotomy between Han and non-Han. In this way, they were able to abolish the bureaucratic system of the Han-Wei periods and focus on the Guanzhong region where Western Wei-Northern Zhou was located.
124 The fubing system was created by Yuwen Tai, the regent of Western Wei, to fight against Eastern Wei. Usually, the Xianbei or non-Han generals were appointed as Pillars of the State 柱國. It later became an integral part of dynastic control over not only soldiers but also farmers. For more details about the fubing system, see Graff, David, Medieval Chinese warfare, 300–900 (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 109–111.Google Scholar
125 For more on relations of ‘dengyi’, see Tōdō Kōjun 藤堂光順, ‘Seigii Kitashūki ni okeru “tō’i” kankei nit suite 西魏北周期における｢等夷｣について’, Nagoya daigaku tōyōshi kenkyū 名古屋大學 東洋史硏究報告, no. 8, 1982, pp. 90–117. Tōdō argued that the Guanlong bloc 關攏集團 was divided into three groups in relation to time.
126 Zhou shu, vol. 7, p. 116, Bei shi, vol. 10, p. 376, and vol. 88, p. 2213.
127 Zhou shu, vol. 9, p. 147. Emperor Shun’s wives were Ehuang and Nüying. Although Ehuang was later installed as empress, while Nüying became consort, when they were married to Shun, it seems that no hierarchy existed between the two wives. Generally they were called the two consorts 二妃. Their record can be found in Liu Xiang’s Biographies of Exemplary Women (Liunüzhuan 列女傳). See Wang Zhaoyuan 王照圓, Lienüzhuan bu zhu 列女傳補注 (Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue, 2012), p. 1.
128 Although brief in nature compared to the other two dynasties, Northern Qi also had a case of coterminous empresses. Emperor Houzhu 後主 (r. 565–577) of Northern Qi initially appointed his crown princess, Lady née Hulü 斛律氏, as empress. Empress Hulü 斛律皇后 was the daughter of the powerful general Hulü Guang 斛律光. Hulü Guang had such commanding influence that when Empress Hulü gave birth to a girl, Houzhu pretended that his child was a boy to appease his father-in-law. See Bei Qi shu, vol. 9, p. 127. After later purging Hulü Guang and consequently dethroning Lady Hulü, following a pressure campaign from Lady in Palace Attendance Lu Lingxuan 陸令萱, Houzhu’s wet nurse, and her son Mu Tipo 穆提婆, one of Houzhu’s favourite courtiers, Houzhu later installed her adopted daughter as Right Empress and Lady Hu, a niece of Empress Dowager Hu, as Left Empress. See ibid., vol. 8, p. 106; Bei shi, vol. 92, p. 3048. Eventually, Empress Hu was expelled from her position and Lady Mu was appointed as empress in her stead. See Bei Qi shu, vol. 9, p. 128.