No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 July 2019
This article explores how workers’ diets and meal services at factory canteens became the nucleus of labour politics in Republican Shanghai, China's industrial heartland. At the heart of Chinese labour politics was a demand for the improvement of workers’ diets, particularly for adequate meal service, which was to be provided by management at a reasonable price—if not for free—at the workplace. The purpose of this article is not only to draw attention to a lacuna in Chinese labour history, but also to shed new light on the agency of workers in their labour disputes from the perspective of food history. No other issue provided a better opportunity to unite workers, labour activists, and so-called scabs than the issue of food. In the wake of labour disputes, industrialists changed their perception of the relation between industrial health and work efficiency. With the promotion of factory canteens, the Guomidang Nationalists also began to exert unsparing efforts to garner the growing political potential of the labour force. Therefore, factory canteens evolved into a contested space in which workers, management, and the state offered different visions of workers’ diets and industrial productivity.
Early drafts of this research project were presented at the conferences, workshops, and colloquiums held at the Association for Asian Studies, Cambridge University, Harvard-Yenching Institute, History of Science Society, Social Science History Association, and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. I am grateful to all participants and the anonymous reviewer for Modern Asian Studies for their helpful feedback and suggestions. I acknowledge the generous support of the Ministry of Education, Singapore, the Faculty of Arts and Social Science, National University of Singapore, and Jing Brand Fellowship of Needham Research Institute, Cambridge University. I am also deeply grateful to all those working hard at the Arts Canteen, NUS campus, for inspiring this project.
1 Ji. (1920), ‘Shanghai Shenxin fangshachang yidu’ (An observation on the Shenxin textile factory), Laodong jie, 1, pp. 13–14Google Scholar. The magazine was published by an underground study group called the Marxist Research Society. This small study group later developed into a major stem organization of the first congress of the CCP in 1921. On the magazine and the Marxist Research Society, see Smith, S. A. (2000), A Road Is Made: Communism in Shanghai, 1920–1927, Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, pp. 13–17Google Scholar.
2 The textile industry was Shanghai's largest industrial sector; it represented more than 76 per cent of the city's industry. Lu, H. (1999), Beyond the Neon Lights: Everyday Shanghai in the Early Twentieth Century, Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 133–134CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Ji. ‘Shanghai Shenxin fangshachang yidu’, p. 14.
4 Shanghai shehui kexue yuan jingji yanjiusuo, eds. (1980), Rongjia qiye shiliao: Maoxin, Fuxin, Shenxin xitong (The historical documents of the Rong family's industry), Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, p. 130Google Scholar.
5 Recited from Hershatter, G. (1989), The Workers of Tianjin, 1900–1949, Stanford: Stanford University Press, p. 155Google Scholar.
6 On the introduction of modern labour management into Republican China, see Frazier, M. (2002), The Making of the Chinese Industrial Workplace: State, Revolution, and Labor Management, New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 23–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Feng, X. (2013), ‘Kexue guanli, laozi chongtu, yu qiye zhidu xuanze’ (Scientific management, labour conflicts, and corporate choice), Shilin, 6, pp. 11–23Google Scholar.
7 The foundational idea of the GMD's industrial policy can be found in Sun Yat-sen's Industrial Plan (shiye jihua), the first publication of which was in English in The International Development of China in 1920. For more discussions on the GMD's industrial planning, see Kirby, W. (2000), ‘Engineering China: birth of the developmental state, 1928–1937’, in Yeh, W. (ed.), Becoming Chinese: Passages to Modernity and Beyond, Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 138–139Google Scholar.
8 See Chesneaux, J. (1968), The Chinese Labor Movement, 1919–1927, Stanford: Stanford University PressGoogle Scholar; Honig, E. (1986), Sisters and Strangers: Women in the Shanghai Cotton Mills, 1919–1949, Stanford: Stanford University PressCrossRefGoogle Scholar; Perry, E. J. (1993), Shanghai on Strike: The Politics of Chinese Labor, Stanford: Stanford University PressGoogle Scholar.
9 Sokolsky, G. E. ‘The strikes of Shanghai’, North China Herald (hereafter NCH), 28 Aug. 1926. A ‘rice allowance’ (mitie) was a type of compensation voucher that many Shanghai industrial plants offered their workers who could not afford to buy a minimal amount of their staple grain when rice prices increased at an unusual rate. The voucher was also a good substitute for management who could not facilitate factory canteens. Workers were given this small piece of paper that was inscribed with the ‘rice allowance’. When they left the factory, they were able to cash in the voucher at small neighbouring shops, and the management had arranged an exchange for the rice allowance at the equivalent value of a few coppers. See Zhu, B. et al. (1939), Shanghai chanye yu Shanghai zhigong (Shanghai industries and workers), Hong Kong: Yuandong chubanshe, p. 66Google Scholar.
10 Perry, E. J. Shanghai on Strike, p. 249.
11 Shanghai shizhengfu shehuiju. (1932), Shanghai shi laozi jiufen tongji (Statistics on Shanghai labour disputes), Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, p. 44Google Scholar.
12 Swislocki, M. (2011), ‘Nutritional governmentality: food and the politics of health in late imperial and Republican China’, Radical History Review 110, pp. 9–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lee, S. (2015), ‘The patriot's scientific diet: nutrition science and dietary reform campaigns in China, 1910s–1950s’, Modern Asian Studies 49:6, pp. 1808–1839CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fu, J. (2012), ‘Scientising relief: nutritional activism from Shanghai to the Southwest’, European Journal of East Asian Studies 11:2, pp. 259–282CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
13 Zhu, B. et al. Shanghai chanye yu Shanghai zhigong, p. 1.
14 Ibid., p. 78; many textile workers lived near the mill or at a distance within which the mill whistle could be heard. According to Emily Honig's interview, one textile worker recalled that the whistle at 5:30 am was regarded as a wake-up call. However, a substantial number of workers living farther away had to walk to the factory compound—a journey that took an hour or more. This is also the reason why they could not go home during the lunch break to cook their own meals. See Honig, E. Sisters and Strangers, p. 137; Gamewell, M. (1916), The Gateway to China: Pictures of Shanghai, Taipei: Cheng Wen Publishing Co. (reprint, 1972), p. 223Google Scholar.
15 Gamewell, M. The Gateway to China, p. 224; Honig, E. Sisters and Strangers, p. 146.
16 Zhu, B. et al. Shanghai chanye yu Shanghai zhigong, p. 78.
17 Ibid., pp. 528–529.
18 Shenbao (hereafter SB), 12 Jan. 1918; Chesneaux, J. The Chinese Labor Movement, p. 101; Honig, E. Sisters and Strangers, pp. 139–140; Lu, H. Beyond the Neon Lights, p. 262.
19 In addition, the workers at the British-American Tobacco Company were offered shorter working hours, lighter workloads, and fewer night shifts than any of the Chinese industrial plants. See Cochran, S. (1980), Big Business in China: Sino-foreign Rivalry in the Cigarette Industry, 1890–1930, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, p. 137Google Scholar.
20 Sokolsky, G. E. ‘Experiment in Chinese labour’, NCH, 14 Aug. 1926.
21 Ibid.
22 Kelsey, V. ‘China's industrial workers, II: Living conditions’, NCH, 24 Mar. 1923.
23 Porter, R. (1994), Industrial Reformers in Republican China, New York: M. E. Sharpe, pp. 29–32Google Scholar; Chesneaux, J. The Chinese Labor Movement, p. 161; Xu, G. (2011), Strangers on the Western Front, Cambridge: Harvard University PressCrossRefGoogle Scholar.
24 Kelsey, V. ‘China's industrial workers, II: Living conditions’.
25 For example, all lists of what should and should not be done to improve food hygiene, originally announced by the Health Department in English, were translated into Chinese and published in a number of Chinese newspapers. SB, 19 May. 1905.
26 Tu, S. (ed.) (1968), Shanghai chunqiu (Spring and autumn annals of Shanghai), Hong Kong: Zhongguo tushu bianyi guan, xia: pp. 9–10Google Scholar.
27 Not until 1930 did such small food stalls become subject to regular food-safety inspections under the Guomindang's Shanghai municipal authority. See Lu, W. (1999), ‘Shanghai Gongbuju shipin weisheng guanli yanjiu, 1898–1943’ (On food-safety inspection conducted by the Health Department, Shanghai Municipal Council, 1898–1943), Shilin, 1, pp. 68–70Google Scholar; Zhang, M. et al. (1998), Shanghai weisheng zhi (Shanghai hygiene gazette), Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, pp. 188–189Google Scholar.
28 The prevention of summer diseases caused by infected food was the primary task of the department. NCH, 22 May. 1920.
29 For approximately a quarter of a century, the average price of rice increased 500 per cent from two yuan per shi in early 1910 to ten yuan for the same amount of rice when the Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937. Tu, S. (ed.). Shanghai chunqiu, xia: 8; Xu, Z. (1996), ‘Shanghai jindai daomi shichang jiage biandong zhi funxi’ (An analysis of the market price fluctuation of rice in modern Shanghai), Zhoungguo jingjishi yanjiu, 2, pp. 64–6Google Scholar6.
30 Murphey, R. (1953), Shanghai: Key to Modern China, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, pp. 139–146CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
31 For the population figure in the years around 1920, see Chesneaux, J. The Chinese Labor Movement, pp. 44–45; Su, H. (2006), ‘1920 nian Shanghai mihuang zhong de shehui yulun (Public opinion concerning rice shortages in 1920 Shanghai)’, Master's thesis, Suzhou University, p. 9; the working class, who were the most vulnerable to the scarcity of rice, included not only industrial workers, but also transportation workers, service workers, and all the unemployed who could not keep stable jobs. See Lu, H. Beyond the Neon Lights, pp. 131–133.
32 This type of employee numbered approximately 130,000 to 140,000. See Zhu, B. et al. Shanghai chanye yu Shanghai zhigong, p. 621.
33 Hinder, E. (1944), Life and Labor in Shanghai: A Decade of Labor and Social Administration in the International Settlement, New York: International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations, pp. 65–66Google Scholar; Iwama, K. (2011), Shanhai kindai no howaito karaā: yureru shin chuūkansōhūkkeisei (White collars in modern Shanghai: the flexible formation of the new middle class), Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, p. 7Google Scholar.
34 For more discussion of mass protests caused by the increase in rice prices in Japan, see Lewis, M. (1990), Rioters and Citizens: Mass Protest in Imperial Japan, Berkeley: University of California PressCrossRefGoogle Scholar.
35 NCH, 19 Jun. 1920.
36 Liu, Z. (1948) ‘Minyuan yilai woguo zhi liangshi wenti’ (China's grain problem since 1911), in Zhu, S. (ed.) (1947), Minguo jingji shi (Economic history of Republican China), Shanghai: Yinhang xuehui, p. 399Google Scholar; Chen, T. (Chen, D.) (1926), ‘Study of strikes in China from 1918 to 1925’, Monthly Labor Review, 23:1, p. 104Google Scholar; for a further explanation of the transnational and regional contexts of the dearth of rice throughout East and Southeast Asia in the years after the First World War, see Lee, S. (2011), Gourmets in the Land of Famine: The Culture and Politics of Rice in Modern Canton, Stanford: Stanford University Press, pp. 75–76Google Scholar; Kratoska, P. (1990), ‘The British empire and the Southeast Asian rice crisis of 1919–1921’, Modern Asian Studies, 24:1, pp. 115–146CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
37 Chen, T. (1924), ‘Labor conditions in China’, Monthly Labor Review, 19:5, p. 43Google Scholar; Chen, T. ‘Study of strikes in China from 1918 to 1925’, p. 101. For the ‘golden age’ of the Chinese industry, see Bergère, M.-C. (1989), The Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 1911–1937, New York: Cambridge University PressGoogle Scholar.
38 Shanghai Municipal Archives (hereafter SMA), U 1-3-727 ‘Rice situation 1920: rice money & rice profiteering, etc.’, p. 17.
39 SB, 29 May. 1920. ‘Pingtiao’ means selling rice at a reduced price during a period of rice shortages. Although this was the major task of the state granary during the late imperial period, local and non-governmental elite groups gradually took charge of this in the late Qing and early Republican periods. See Li, L. (2007), Fighting Famine in North China: State, Market, and Environmental Decline, 1960s–1990s, Stanford: Stanford University PressGoogle Scholar; Lee, S. Gourmets in the Land of Famine.
40 SB, 4 Jul. 1920; SB, 29 Jul. 1920.
41 NCH, 3 Jul. 1920; SB, 10 Aug. 1920. For more on the Nanyang Brothers’ philanthropic activity in Shanghai vis-à-vis the Cantonese networks, see Lee, S. Gourmets in the Land of Famine, pp. 75–83.
42 Yuan, S. (1920), ‘Shanghai migui bagong de qingxing’ (Rice strike in Shanghai), Laodong jie, (1), no. 1, pp. 7–9Google Scholar; (2), no. 2, pp. 4–9; (3), no. 3, pp. 9–12; (4), no. 4, pp. 7–9.
43 The standoff lasted longer than expected because management called in the riot police to arrest the leaders of the strike. However, this attempt outraged the workers and made them more recalcitrant. Yuan, S. ‘Shanghai migui bagong de qingxing’, (2), pp. 6–7.
44 SB, 4 Jul. 1920; SB, 6 Jul. 1920.
45 One agitator whose identity was unknown but who was responsible for damage to the factory facilities was sentenced to three weeks in detention. See Chen, D. (Chen, T.) (1929), Zhongguo laogong wenti (Labour problem in China), Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, pp. 172–173; Shanghai shizhengfu shehuiju. Shanghai shi laozi jiufen tongji, pp. 44–45.
46 Shanghai workers spent more than 50 per cent of their income on food. They spent 53 per cent of these food expenditures on cereal purchases, of which rice accounted for 90 per cent and wheat and other miscellaneous grains together accounted for 5 per cent. After rice, vegetables and beans accounted for 18 per cent; meat, fish, and eggs accounted for 16 per cent; condiments accounted for 8 per cent; fruits accounted for 3 per cent; and miscellaneous items accounted for 2 per cent. Yang, X. (1930), Shanghai gongren shenghuo chengdu zhi yige yanjiu (A study on the standard of living of Shanghai workers), Beiping: Shehui diaocha she, p. 48Google Scholar; Murphey, R. Shanghai, p. 139.
47 Swislocki, M. (2009), Culinary Nostalgia: Regional Food Culture and Urban Experience in Shanghai, Stanford: Stanford University Press, p. 187Google Scholar; Nōshōmu shō nōmukyoku. (1919), Shina no kome ni kansuru chōsa (A survey on the rice in China), Tokyo: Dai Nihon nokai, p. 92Google Scholar.
48 Pilcher, J. (2016), ‘The embodied imagination in recent writings on food history’, American Historical Review, 121:3, p. 876CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
49 Murphey, R. Shanghai, p. 143.
50 SB, 2 Jul. 1920; SB, 4 Jul. 1920.
51 Cao, X. et al. . (1996), Rensheng mansi lu: Cao Xianwen sishinian zawen xuanji (Collection of Cao Xianwen's miscellaneous writings for 40 years), Shanghai: Wenyi chubanshe, p. 6Google Scholar.
52 SB, 11 Jul. 1920; NCH, 31 Jul. 1920.
53 Yuan, S. ‘Shanghai migui bagong de qingxing’, (3), pp. 9–10.
54 Yuan, S. ‘Shanghai migui bagong de qingxing’, (1), p. 8.
55 SB, 26 Jun. 1920; Yuan, S. ‘Shanghai migui bagong de qingxing’, (1), pp. 8–9.
56 Zhu, B. et al. Shanghai chanye yu Shanghai zhigong, pp. 503–504; SB, 26 Oct. 1927.
57 Chesneaux, J. The Chinese Labor Movement, pp. 377–379.
58 Li, H. (1920), ‘Gongren ruhe duifu migui?’ (How should workers respond to rice dearth?), Laodongjie, 8, pp. 6–7Google Scholar.
59 Li, Z. (1920), ‘Yige gongren de xuanyan’ (A worker's declaration), Laodongjie, 7, pp. 4–5Google Scholar.
60 For the employees in high-wage and white-collar jobs such as banks and department stores in Shanghai and their labour benefits, see Yeh, W. (2007), Shanghai Splendor: Economic Sentiments and the Making of Modern China, 1843–1949, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yeh, W. (1995), ‘Corporate space, communal time: everyday life in Shanghai's Bank of China’, American Historical Review, 100:1, pp. 97–122CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
61 SB, 17 Apr. 1922.
62 Favouritism towards male and skilled workers over female and unskilled workers in terms of labour benefits was a persistent labour issue in the GMD-controlled labour unions throughout the Republican era. Although it concerns wartime labour politics, a good discussion can be found in Howard, J. (2013), ‘The politicization of women workers at war: labour in chongqing's cotton mills during the anti-Japanese war’, Modern Asian Studies, 47:6, pp. 1888–1940CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
63 L. M. Beytagh's letter to Mr Hilton-Johnson, The General Office, Shanghai Municipal Council (Shanghai, 16 March 1926), SMA U 1-3-623, p. 10.
64 SB, 30 Jul. 1926; for the tradition of soup kitchens (shizhouchang) and a wide variety of gruels provided therein, see Will, P.-E. (1990), Bureaucracy and Famine in Eighteenth-century China, Stanford: Stanford University Press, p. 143Google Scholar.
65 Minguo Ribao (hereafter MGRB), 28 Jul. 1926.
66 MGRB, 29 Jul. 1926; SB, 29 Jul. 1926; SB, 31 Jul. 1926.
67 NCH, 31 Jul. 1926.
68 SB, 28 Feb. 1927.
69 SB, 19 Feb. 1927.
70 See Ashizawa, C. (2007), ‘Zaikabō no fukuri kōsei: Naigai men Shanhai kōjō no jirei wo tegakari toshite’ (Japanese-owned cotton mills in China and their factory welfare: the case of the Naigai Cotton Mill Company), Chūgoku kenkyū ronsō, 7, pp. 31–33.
71 MGRB, 12 Aug. 1926.
72 Frederic Taylor's Principles of Scientific Management (1911) was first translated and introduced to China in 1916. Taylorism became popular by the late 1920s and early 1930s, during which Chinese entrepreneurs enthusiastically tried to apply it to their management practices. For Fordism, the first Chinese translation of Henry Ford's My Philosophy of Industry came out in the second half of the 1930s. See Feng, X. ‘Kexue guanli, laozi chongtu, yu qiye zhidu xuanze’, pp. 11–12; Gao, C. (2008), ‘Kexue guanli gaige yu laozi guanxi: yi Shenxin sanchang yu Minsheng gongsi wei zhongxin’ (Scientific management reform and the relationship between management and labour: in the cases of the Shenxin No. 3 Mill and Minsheng Compnay), Zhongguo jingjishi yanjiu, 3, pp. 68–69Google Scholar; Liu, W. (2001), Jindai Zhongguo qiye guanli sixiang yu zhidu de yanbian (Thoughts on business management and system changes in modern China), Taipei: Guoshiguan, pp. 84–99Google Scholar.
73 For an excellent discussion about a scientific approach to the issue of workers’ subsistence vis-à-vis labour productivity in modern France, see Simmons, D. (2015), Vital Minimum: Need, Science, and Politics in Modern France, Chicago: University of Chicago PressCrossRefGoogle Scholar.
74 Chen, D. Zhongguo laogong wenti, p. 503.
75 Chen, D. (1937), ‘Gongren shenghuo yu gongzuo xiaolü’ (Worker's Life and work efficiency), Guangbo zhoukan, no. 144, p. 29Google Scholar.
76 In addition to Chen's works, experts in the Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Social Affairs conducted a series of social surveys on the working-class diet. The Chinese Medical Association, with the support of the Henry Lester Institute of Medical Research in Shanghai, also conducted and published similar dietary surveys. See Swislocki, M. ‘Nutritional governmentality’, pp. 25–28; ‘Shanghai gongren yinshi diaocha’, Weisheng yuekan, 6:11 (1936), p. 537.
77 Yang, X. Shanghai gongren shenghuo chengdu de yige yanjiu, p. 65.
78 Wang, Q. and Tao, M. (eds) (1928), Di yi ci Zhongguo laodong nianjian (The first Chinese labour yearbook), Beijing: Shehui diaocha suo, p. 3: 1Google Scholar.
79 SB, 30 Jul. 1926.
80 See Yu, F. (1922), ‘Wushinian lai Zhongguo zhi weisheng’ (Hygiene in China over the past 50 years), in Yang, Q. et al. (eds) (circa 1922), Wan Qing wushinian lai zhi Zhongguo, 1872–1921 (Late Qing China for the past 50 years, 1872–1921), Shanghai: Shenbaoguan (reprint in Hong Kong: Longmen shudian, 1968), p. 302; For more discussions on his early activities as a dietary reformer and their activities in Shanghai, see Lee, S. ‘The patriot's scientific diet’, pp. 1808–1809.
81 Jing. (1935), ‘Chuishi gongchang’ (Kitchen work plant), Haiwang, 7:15, p. 289Google Scholar.
82 Pan Gongzhan, Chief of the Municipal Bureau of Social Affairs, declared that the bureau would protect the registered unions and their demands if they were legitimate interest (zhengdang zhi liyi). In 1935, for example, the GMD furnished a canteen for rickshaw pullers registered the party-controlled rickshaw puller's association. Pan, G. (1930), ‘Shanghai tebieshi shehuiju zhi zuzhi ji gongzuo’ (Organization and activity of Bureau of Social Affairs of the Shanghai Special Municipality), Nüqingnian, 9:5, p. 86Google Scholar; SB, 12 Sep. 1932; SB, 16 Apr. 1935.
83 For a detailed discussion about Sun's Three Principles of People, see Bergère, M.-C. (1998), Sun Yat-sen, Stanford: Stanford University Press, pp. 381–384Google Scholar.
84 Cheng, S. (1928), ‘Laogong zhi jiankang wenti’ (Worker's health problem), Weisheng, 1:3, p. 22Google Scholar.
85 Guo Hua. (1929), ‘Yaoqiu mitie douzheng’ (Struggle for rice allowance), Hongqi, p. 54, reprinted in Zhonghua quanguo zong gonghui et al. (1982), Zhonguo gongyun shiliao, 21, pp. 110–111.
86 In the memorial issue for the International Women's Day on 8 March 1930, for example, the communist-controlled magazine Laodong headlined an article ‘Shanghai female workers’ general demands’, in which the author argued that factory canteen should be provided by the management and this demand would be a good step to fend off the yellow unions that the GMD controlled. See ‘Shanghai nügong zong yaoqiu’ (Shanghai female worker's general demands), Laodong, 26 (1930).
87 NCH, 26 Jun. 1926.
88 SB, 12 Jun. 1930.
89 Shanghai shizhengfu shehuiju. (1931), Shanghai minshi wenti (Food problem in Shanghai), Shanghai: Shizhengfu shehuiju, p. 218.
90 Wang, Z. and Wang, Z. (1935), Qisheng huashang shachang diaocha baogao (An investigation on the Chinese-owned textile mills in Shanghai and seven other provinces), Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, p. 160Google Scholar.
91 Ibid., p. 160.
92 Wu, Z. (1940), Zhongguo huigong shiye (China's welfare project), Shanghai: Shejie shuju, pp. 126–127Google Scholar.
93 Ibid., p. 127.
94 In the contemporary CCP members’ skilful forging of ‘revolutionary tradition’, as Elizabeth Perry argues, the strikers’ memories of the first victory in their labour dispute of 1922 in the small coal-mining town Anyuan were tremendously important. For a vivid recollection of miners’ experiences of the strike victory and the subsequent improvement of meal quality in miners’ cafeterias, see Perry, E. (2012), Anyuan: Minging China's Revolutionary Tradition, Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 74–75Google Scholar.