¹ “Extract from a letter dictated to the Editor of the ‘Christian Commonwealth’” (in WF/E/02/02/20).

² Ibid. The Business Papers of S M Burroughs are referenced WF/E/02, comprising sixteen boxes and a large folder of certificates. A substantial portion of the papers are business report-letters to Henry Wellcome and to the company office, sent from various parts of the world as Burroughs travelled and endeavoured to establish new business markets. Other material concerns John Wyeth and Brother, the Kepler Malt Extract Company, Phoenix Mills (Dartford), and the Burroughs and Wellcome partnership (including the decline of the partners’ personal relationship and the litigation that ensued). The Personal Papers of S M Burroughs (PP/SMB), a separate and complementary collection, has not yet been catalogued.

³ See WF/E/02/02/19 for a cutting of the published obituary (‘Death of Mr S M Burroughs’) from Christian Commonwealth [1895—no publication reference indicated]. Other obituaries amongst Burroughs's business papers are: The Pharmaceutical Era (6 June 1895), pp. 720–1 (WF/E/02/02/17); ‘Death of Mr S M Burroughs’, Chem. Drug. (9 Feb. 1895), pp. 213–14, and, from the subsequent issue of the same journal (16 Feb. 1895, pp. 250, and 254–8), items on Burroughs's funeral at Monte Carlo, the Memorial Service at Dartford Parish Church, a meeting at the Cannon Street Hotel to discuss a Burroughs memorial, and several anonymous anecdotal “character sketches” (all WF/E/02/02/16); also, ‘Death of Mr S M Burroughs’, Brit. & Col. Drug. (8 Feb. 1895), pp. 144–5 (WF/E/02/02/18). See, in addition, Julia Sheppard, ‘Burroughs, (Silas) Mainville (1846–1895)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004, vol. 8, pp. 1013–14 (hereafter ODNB) [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/50641, accessed 29 Aug. 2007].

⁴ The archive of the Wellcome Foundation is large and various (approximately 350 linear metres). One objective of the present two-year project is to complete its catalogue, continuing the work of a number of previous archivists. For the most recent overview of the collection as a whole, and its complex provenance, see Teresa Doherty and Adrian Steel, ‘Wellcome home to the Wellcome Foundation archive’, Med. Hist., 2004, 48: 95–111. Another objective of the present project has been to increase accessibility to the archive through the development of the thematic micro-site Wellcome's World (prepared by Ross MacFarlane) which draws together selected material about Wellcome's life and work from across three on-line catalogues (Wellcome Library, Wellcome Archives and Manuscripts, and Wellcome Images): http://library.wellcome.ac.uk/wellcomesworld. The present paper draws from Burroughs's business papers as well as, on occasion, other Series within the Wellcome Foundation archive that have been newly catalogued.

⁵ ‘Death of Mr S M Burroughs’, Christian Commonwealth (WF/E/02/02/19).

⁶ Robert Clay Sudlow (1846–1914), General Manager, first employed by Burroughs in 1879, before Wellcome arrived in England. Sudlow retired in 1905, after twenty-five years service.

⁷ Robert Rhodes James, Henry Wellcome, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1994, p. 172.

⁸ In the Chancery Division of the High Court, before Mr Justice Kekewich, 24–25 June 1889. For ‘Answers by the Plaintiff’, ‘Answers by the Defendant’ and ‘Minutes of Judgement’, see WF/E/02/01/02/42. For printed extracts from admitted correspondence, see WF/E/02/01/02/35-41. See also, Rhodes James, op. cit., note 7 above, pp. 141–94, and Roy Church and E M Tansey, Burroughs Wellcome & Co: knowledge, trust, profit and the transformation of the British pharmaceutical industry, 1880–1940, Lancaster, Crucible Books, 2007, pp. 118–19.

⁹ The impetus to standing for Parliament came from Stanley's newly acquired wife, formerly Dorothy Tennant, who saw Parliament as a means to prevent Stanley from returning to Africa. See Frank McLynn, Stanley: sorcerer's apprentice, London, Constable, 1991, pp. 372–75, and Tim Jeal, Stanley: the impossible life of Africa's greatest explorer, London, Faber and Faber, 2007, pp. 423–6. For the local political context, see Alex Windscheffel, ‘“In darkest Lambeth”: Henry Morton Stanley and the imperial politics of London unionism’, in Matthew Cragoe and Antony Taylor (eds), London politics, 1760–1914, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, pp. 191–210.

¹⁰ The aptness in the name, though striking, is coincidental to the political purpose proposed. OED (1989): “U.S. A light four-wheeled cart with several seats one behind the other, and usually drawn by two horses. ‘Originally called democratic wagon (Western and Middle U.S.)’. Cent. Dict.”

¹¹ Burroughs to Wellcome (6 Jan. 1879), courting Wellcome as a business partner (in WF/E/02/01/02/31).

¹² Between 1870 and 1877, Burroughs combined study at the Philadelphia College of Pharmacy and employment with Wyeth. John Wyeth (and Henry Bower, another employee) had developed and patented, in 1872, an improved version of the rotary tablet press first invented by the Englishman William Brockedon in 1843. Burroughs knew at first hand, therefore, both the commercial potential for compressed medicines, and the practical aspects of their manufacture. His graduation essay (1877) was ‘The compression of medicinal powders’ (WF/E/02/02/01). See also, Church and Tansey, op. cit., note 8 above, pp. 5–6, and Lise Wilkinson, ‘William Brockedon, F.R.S. (1787–1854)’, Notes Rec. R. Soc. Lond., June 1971, 26(1): 65–72. For a note on the sale of Brockedon's business to Newbery & Sons, thence to William Blagdon Richards, and finally to Burroughs Wellcome & Co (12 Aug. 1898), see the memorandum from A E Warden to Dr Fraser (9 Oct. 1942) in WF/L/06/104 (from a series of legal papers, also newly catalogued).

¹³ Church and Tansey, op. cit., note 8 above, pp. 62–6.

¹⁴ In a note dated 26 January 1883, posted to Burroughs Wellcome & Co from Christchurch, New Zealand, Burroughs identifies the Lancet as the most influential medical journal in which to advertise. He thinks it would “improve the looks of the paper if they would put a proper cover on it … the cover to be of colour paper smooth & tough”, and suggests that “it would pay us well to supply the cover or engage most of the space on it if they will make the addition”. See WF/E/02/01/01/50.

¹⁵ Roy Church, ‘The British market for medicine in the late nineteenth century: the innovative impact of S M Burroughs & Co’, Med. Hist., 2005, 49: 281–98. There are two letter books of outgoing letters from S M Burroughs & Co (for the years 1878 and 1879) available on microfilm: WF/E/02/04.

¹⁶ Hilary Marland, ‘The “Doctor's Shop”: the rise of the chemist and druggist in nineteenth-century manufacturing districts’, in Louise Hill Curth (ed.), From physick to pharmacology: five hundred years of British drug retailing, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2006, pp. 79–104, p. 87.

¹⁷ Stuart Anderson, ‘From “bespoke” to “off-the-peg”: community pharmacists and the retailing of medicines in Great Britain 1900–1970’, in Curth (ed.), op. cit., note 16 above, pp. 105–42, p. 106. The trademark Tabloid, coined by Henry Wellcome, was registered in 1884.

¹⁸ E M Tansey, ‘The Wellcome Physiological Research Laboratories 1894–1904: the Home Office, pharmaceutical firms, and animal experiments’, Med. Hist. 1989, 33: 1–41, refers to “distrust, and even distaste, for an endeavour that was seen to belong more to the artisan class than to the gentlemanly profession that medicine had become” (p. 1). Thomas Richards, The commodity culture of Victorian England: advertising and spectacle 1851–1914, Stanford University Press, 1990, p. 181, argues that the line dividing useful drugs from patent remedies was “porous” and the consequent relationship between the medical profession and quacks had a reciprocal dynamic to the benefit of both, with less urgency for change coming from the medical profession than might be supposed.

¹⁹ Although we may conveniently date the beginnings of scientific research at Burroughs Wellcome & Co with the opening of the Wellcome Physiological Research Laboratories (1894) and the Wellcome Chemical Research Laboratories (1896), Burroughs had earlier dreams of a laboratory, conceived more as a manufacturing facility than as a research resource: “I have been thinking that if our business is very prosperous we may find it desirable to start a laboratory in NY, for distilling the Hazeline and for making the Equivalent Fluid Extracts. My ambition goes even so high as to hope we may be able to buy or rent Squibbs Laboratory and buy his business.” Burroughs to Wellcome, 14 March 1883, from Launceston, Tasmania (WF/E/02/01/01/64).

²⁰ Burroughs to Wellcome (6 Jan. 1879), courting Wellcome as a business partner (in WF/E/02/01/02/31).

²¹ Rhodes James, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 91, provides a list of goods for sale at December 1881, and observes that they were “primarily cosmetic rather than curative” (p. 92). Church and Tansey, op. cit., note 8 above, p. 48, note that “dietetic foods, notably Kepler goods and Beef & Iron Wine (later sold as Bivo), Fairchild's digestive agents, and Hazeline and Lanoline products for toilet and cosmetic as well as medical use continued to figure among the products given prominence in the company's price lists and publicity during the twentieth century”.

²² ‘Extract from the Chemist & Druggist's Diary, 1902’ (typescript, in WF/L/03/06). See also, from the same file, ‘Editorial Comments’, Chem. Drug. (7 Dec. 1901), p. 920: “It is not sufficiently appreciated in the trade that the Board of Inland Revenue's powers under the [Medicine Stamp] Acts are more extensive than have ever been enforced, and the changes which have taken place in the Solicitors’ Department in Somerset House since the retirement of Sir William Melvill, have introduced new minds to the task of revenue extraction, so that many of the old decisions have either been forgotten or set aside, and many interpretations are now made without respect, or little respect, to precedent.”

²³ In WF/L/03/07. But such labelling proved insufficient, and the subsequent use of inverted commas around “Kepler's” was further provocation to taxation: “Now that ‘Kepler's’ is placed in inverted commas a proprietary character is given to the word, and the defence that it is the name of a process and not a man is neutralised, because if it is the name of a proprietary process that is quite enough for S[omerset]H[ouse]. I therefore suggest that we cease to say to the public that it is an ‘aid to digestion’. Digestion if normal requires no aid, and it appears to me mere sophistry to claim that the use of the extract in indigestion is not to be inferred.” (Memorandum from Edgar Linstead to J Collett Smith, 11 Dec. 1901, in WF/L/03/07). See as well (also in WF/L/03/07) a memorandum of 1 Feb. 1902: “Mr Linstead says that increased vigilance has been shown for many weeks by the Somerset House Authorities … There appears to be no doubt that the recommendation of a trade marked medicinal preparation accompanied by a caution to ‘avoid imitations’ … renders the preparation liable to duty whether it is recommended for the prevention, cure, or relief of disease, or not. As this warning against imitations is of such prime importance to us, we presume you desire us to continue its use until the firm is pulled up.”

²⁴ For an overview of Burroughs's travels, see John Davies, ‘Burroughs into Europe’, Wellcome World, July/Aug. 1992, pp. 10–12.

²⁵ On sales, see the undated note (probably written in 1882) ‘Instructions to Travellers’ (WF/E/02/01/01/27).

²⁶ Church and Tansey, op. cit., note 8 above, p. 65.

²⁷ Rhodes James, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 86: “The agreed Deed of Partnership [1880] fixed the capital of the firm at £2,000, of which Burroughs held £1,200 and Wellcome £800. In fact, Wellcome could only contribute £400 in cash and had to borrow £550 from Burroughs, at interest of ten per cent per annum”. Church and Tansey, op. cit., note 8 above, p. 110: “The 1880 deed of partnership had envisaged equality [in capital] by September 1884, a year before the partnership deed was due for renewal”.

²⁸ “Burroughs threw off multitudes of red-hot ideas. Wellcome, brimming over with energy and originality himself, had sometimes to work out Burroughs’ as well as his own ideas before they could be given to the world as definite artistic entities.” Obituary for Burroughs in The Pharmaceutical Era, 6 June 1895, p. 721 (WF/E/02/02/17).

²⁹ WF/E/02/01/01/91. See also, a letter from Melbourne, 4 June 1883: “Could we not bring [eucalyptus oil] out as Eucalyptin or Eucalyptine as being the active volatile principle or Essential oil of Eucalyptus and superior to the ordinary gummy oils of Eucalyptus[?]” (WF/E/02/01/01/79), and a subsequent letter from Medina, New York, 13 Oct. 1883 (WF/E/02/01/01/89).

³⁰ WF/E/02/01/01/38. See also WF/E/02/01/01/54, an undated note giving detailed suggestions for the construction of wooden sample boxes.

³¹ From Dunedin, Burroughs to Wellcome, 26 Feb. 1883 (WF/E/02/01/01/60).

³² Wellcome to Burroughs, 22 March 1890 (WF/E/02/01/01/102, sheet 12).

³³ The two outstanding matters were fire insurance for the drying room, and the dismissal of a member of staff at Dartford (WF/E/02/01/01/101).

³⁴ For an account of events, see Rhodes James, op. cit., note 7 above, pp. 168–70. Acting independently, Burroughs had bought Phoenix Mills and was leasing the property to Burroughs Wellcome & Co (the ownership gives further context to Burroughs's conduct). For the lease, see WF/E/02/01/02/17.

³⁵ Reported in The Democrat (1 Aug. 1889), p. 855 (WF/E/02/02/05). Burroughs had been the prime mover in introducing the eight-hour day. The report, ‘The Henry George Campaign’ (pp. 853–8) refers to several political meetings, of which ‘At Dartford’ is one.

³⁶ Ibid. Rhodes James, op. cit., note 7 above, between pp. 76 and 77, reproduces a contemporary engraving of the firework display, showing “Welcome to Henry George” emblazoned across the sky. Engraving originally published in The Pictorial World, 11 July 1889.

³⁷ WF/E/02/01/01/102.

³⁸ As may be seen from Figures 2 and 3, the name of the firm originally included a comma, “removed at some point after Burroughs’ death”. Doherty and Steel, op. cit., note 4 above, note 3, p. 95. By convention, the comma has not been used elsewhere in the present article.

³⁹ WF/E/02/01/01/102 (sheet 3).

⁴⁰ The most detailed account is Walter L Arnstein, The Bradlaugh case: atheism, sex, and politics among the late Victorians, Columbia, University of Missouri Press, 1965.

⁴¹ WF/E/02/01/01/102 (sheet 4). For a summary list of petitions during the period 1880–1883, against and in favour of an Affirmation Bill, see Arnstein, op. cit., note 40 above, p. 183.

⁴² WF/E/02/01/01/102 (sheets 5–6). “Burroughs was a staunch Presbyterian, regularly attending lunchtime services at the City Temple….” (Sheppard, op. cit., note 3 above, p. 1014).

⁴³ WF/E/02/01/01/102 (sheets 9–10).

⁴⁴ WF/E/02/01/01/102 (sheet 12).

⁴⁵ WF/E/02/01/01/102 (sheet 13).

⁴⁶ In WF/E/02/01/01/113.

⁴⁷ Postcard written aboard the SS Britannia, in WF/E/02/01/01/116.

⁴⁸ WF/E/02/01/02/19. See WF/E/02/01/02/20 for draft text and some page-proofs for introductory pages (including Burroughs Wellcome & Co advertisements) to accompany a pamphlet reprinting of ‘Protection or Free Trade’ by Henry George, on behalf of the Electoral Committee for the Taxation of Land Values (5 Palace Chambers, New Bridge Street, Westminster). The objective of the Electoral Committee was “to aid in the return to Parliament, County Councils and other Administrative Bodies, of Candidates pledged to strenuously advocate, before and after Election, the appropriation of Ground Values for public purposes, and to urge this object as a matter of justice and of expediency”.

⁴⁹ Burroughs Wellcome & Co, Souvenir of the First Universal Races Congress London 1911 [1911], p. 29.

⁵⁰ For a brooding and sombre river Thames, subversive of empire and exploration, see the opening paragraphs of Joseph Conrad, Heart of darkness (first published 1899), ed. Robert Hampson, London, Penguin Books, 1995, pp. 15–18.

⁵¹ Two related articles discuss the origins of this fusion that provided the intellectual engine to British exploration and missionary work: Andrew Porter, ‘Commerce and Christianity: the rise and fall of a nineteenth-century missionary slogan’, The Historical Journal, 1985, 28: 597–621, and Brian Stanley, ‘“Commerce and Christianity”: providence theory, the missionary movement, and the imperialism of free trade, 1842–1860’, The Historical Journal, 1983, 26: 71–94.

⁵² Jeal, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 299. Also, Rhodes James, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 134, and, for a prior meeting, when Wellcome was an unknown young pharmaceutical clerk at McKesson & Robbins in New York, p. 70.

⁵³ In WF/E/02/01/01/118.

⁵⁴ Stanley's expeditions provide one model, but not the only model, for a narrative that deliberately avoids correlation with specific events. See Robert Hampson, ‘Introduction’, Conrad, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. xx–xxi. Jeal, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 452, suggests: “It was Conrad's reading of [Edward J] Glave's articles, especially his description of Captain Rom, that seems to have inspired him to create the evil Kurtz.”

⁵⁵ McLynn, pp. 343–56, and Jeal, pp. 407–14, both cited in note 9 above.

⁵⁶ In WF/E/02/01/01/118.

⁵⁷ Jeal, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 425, paragraph beginning “For someone of Stanley's temperament …”.

⁵⁸ See, for example, Henry George, ‘Thy kingdom come’, an address delivered on 28 April 1889 in the City Hall, Glasgow, available at: http://www.grundskyld.dk/1-Kingdom.html (accessed 22 Aug. 2007).

⁵⁹ Jeal, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 425. See also, Frank Hird, H M Stanley, the authoritative life, London, Stanley Paul & Co, 1935, p. 296: “[Stanley] was howled down at his first big meeting; the platform was stormed and as he and his wife drove away the door of their brougham was wrenched from its hinges”.

⁶⁰ Reported in McLynn, op. cit., note 9 above, p. 373.

⁶¹ In WF/E/02/01/01/118.

⁶² Burroughs Wellcome & Co illustrated Price List (April 1895), p. 12. There is a copy in newly catalogued papers relating to the Dompé Case (in WF/L/06/024).

⁶³ Ibid.

⁶⁴ Stanley “pays heavy tribute to commodities by opening the floodgates of his narrative to them, summoning each article by its brand name and turning every laundry list into a product endorsement”. Richards, op. cit., note 18 above, p. 129. Richards' analysis derives from Karl Marx, especially ‘The fetishism of the commodity and its secret’, Das kapital (1867), Ch. 1, Section 4.

⁶⁵ In the haste of composition, Stanley mis-named the company and used a circumlocution for “Tabloid”: “Messrs. Burroughs & Wellcome, of Snowhill Buildings, London, the well-known chemists, furnished gratis nine beautiful chests replete with every medicament necessary to combat the endemic diseases peculiar to Africa. Every drug was in tablets mixed with quick solvents, every compartment was well stocked with essentials for the doctor and surgeon. Nothing was omitted, and we all owe a deep debt of gratitude to these gentlemen, not only for the intrinsic value of the chests and excellent medicines, but also for the personal selection of the best that London could furnish, and the supervision of the packing, by which means we were enabled to transport them to Yambuya without damage”. Henry M Stanley, In darkest Africa, or the quest, rescue, and retreat of Emin Governor of Equatoria, 2 vols, London, S Low, Marston, Searle, and Rivington, 1890 (limited ed.), vol. 1, p. 38. Burroughs Wellcome & Co was, however, far from being the exclusive recipient of Stanley's favour, who also endorsed, for example, the United Kingdom Tea Company, Congo Soap, and Bovril—for reproduced advertisements, see Richards, op. cit., note 18 above, pp. 137, 139, and 143. See also, a second source of endorsement of Burroughs Wellcome & Co in two volumes by the Emin Expedition medical officer Thomas Heazle Parke, My personal experiences in equatorial Africa: as medical officer of the Emin Pasha relief expedition (London, 1891), and Guide to health in Africa: with notes on the country and its inhabitants (London, 1893), the latter commencing with three pages of advertisements for Tabloid medicine chests.

⁶⁶ For visual examples of placement, see the colonial advertisements reproduced in ‘Selling darkest Africa’, Richards, op. cit., note 18 above, pp. 119–67. In particular, Stanley and Emin Pasha sipping tea (p. 139).

⁶⁷ Ghislaine M Skinner, ‘Sir Henry Wellcome's museum for the science of history’, Med. Hist., 1986, 30: 383–418, locates Henry Wellcome's museum ambitions within a late-nineteenth-century evolutionist context and its associated comparative methodology. “Inconceivable before the 1860s and unconvincing to some even by the time of the museum's opening in 1926” (p. 384). Skinner argues that Wellcome's amateur status, and his isolation from the professional museum community, was fundamental to the kind of museum he created.

⁶⁸ Burroughs Wellcome & Co, The romance of exploration and emergency first-aid from Stanley to Byrd, New York City, [1934], p. 29. Published to coincide with the Chicago Century of Progress Exhibition, at which Burroughs Wellcome & Co exhibited amongst other “relic” items one of the chests used by Stanley in the Congo. For photographic displays of various relic cases associated with travel, polar exploration and warfare, see pp. 32, 80 and 94. The denotation of surviving chests as “relics” is consonant with the language of the “comparative method” (Skinner, op. cit., note 67 above, pp. 391, 394). Jude Hill, ‘Globe-trotting medicine chests: tracing geographies of collecting and pharmaceuticals’, Soc. Cult. Geog., 2006, 7: 365–84, discusses how, in the context of missionary work and the collection of items for Wellcome's Historical Medical Museum, the company's “chests and their contents played a crucial role in practices and scenes of collecting and exchange” (p. 367). See also, in this regard, Skinner, op. cit., p. 401 on “amateur collecting”.

⁶⁹ Lancet (3 Feb. 1894), p. 313, under the heading ‘Mr H M Stanley on pharmacy’.

⁷⁰ Burroughs visited Tangier on several occasions, and published in the previous year ‘An enlightened policy in Morocco’, Chem. Drug. (28 Jan. 1893), pp. 105–7 (WF/E/02/02/33).

⁷¹ In WF/E/02/01/01/118, which also includes a copy of the cutting-like “electro” which Burroughs requested be made. There is a small textual difference between the two: the text in the Lancet has the fuller phrase “in the form of elegant tabloids coated with sugar”, whereas the “electro” prints the (sugar-free) phrase “in the form of elegant tabloids”.

⁷² Wellcome to Stanley, 25 Feb. 1890. Royal Geographical Society (HMS/3/2). See p. 128 below for context.

⁷³ WF/E/02/01/01/102 (sheet 8).

⁷⁴ Henry Wellcome, ‘Minutes of Evidence’, Royal Commission on National Museums and Galleries: “Oral evidence, memoranda and appendices to the final report”, London, HMSO, 1929, p. 103, italics added. For Wellcome's evidence in typescript (1928), see WA/HSW/OR/L/2.

⁷⁵ McLynn, op. cit., note 9 above, pp. 344–5.

⁷⁶ Wellcome to Stanley, 31 Jan. 1890. In file HMS/3/2, archive of the Royal Geographical Society.

⁷⁷ Burroughs to Stanley, 28 June 1890. HM/3/3, Royal Geographical Society.

⁷⁸ Burroughs to Burroughs Wellcome & Co, 6 May 1894, from Anvers [Antwerp] (in WF/E/02/01/01/119).

⁷⁹ The only raw hide chest listed for sale is the [Thomas] “Stevens Raw Hide Medicine Chest”. Burroughs Wellcome & Co illustrated Price List (April 1895), p. 14 (in WF/L/06/024). See inside back cover for the endorsement of “Mr Thos. Stevens, the well known journalist who circled the globe on a Bicycle, more recently made the great horseback ride through Russia, and who was the first to greet Stanley as he approached the east coast of Africa on his return to civilisation”.

⁸⁰ See WF/E/02/02/08 for letter (19 Dec. 1892), to A[lbert] Searl (Works Manager, Dartford), and receipt (6 Jan. 1893) for £1,000, “being donation to Hospital Fund (a/c SMB)”. See also WF/E/02/02/24 for newspaper cuttings from West Kent Advertiser (1892–93).

⁸¹ In WF/E/02/01/01/119.

⁸² ‘Last Will and Testament of Silas M Burroughs’ (WF/E/02/02/09).

⁸³ A E Warden, ‘Silas Mainville Burroughs b. 24th December 1846[,] died 6th February 1895’, WF/E/02/02/32.

⁸⁴ As Stanley had been a pall-bearer at Livingstone's funeral, in Westminster Abbey on 18 April 1874. Felix Driver, ‘Stanley, Sir Henry Morton (1841–1904)’, ODNB, vol. 52, pp. 214–20, on p. 216; [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/36247, accessed 29 Aug. 2007].

⁸⁵ Wellcome to Stanley, 25 Feb.1890. HMS/3/2, Royal Geographical Society.

⁸⁶ ‘Souvenir of dinner to Sir H.M. Stanley, G.C.B.’ Bound programme for a banquet at the Portman Rooms, London, 30 May 1890. Copy held by the Wellcome Library. The design of the Shield is the subject of a number of letters and papers held at the Royal Geographical Society. A photograph of the Shield appears in the programme (see Wellcome Images M0008527). The photograph, however, lacks clarity because, as Wellcome explains in his programme notes, it was taken of “a hasty water-colour sketch of the unfinished shield, and several of the important details are omitted or incorrect. Every prominent figure on the shield is a special study, and represents a personality or a type. Every accessory has special significance.” See also, Hill, op. cit., note 68 above, p. 381, note 9: “[Wellcome's] instructions to the manufacturers for the ‘Stanley and Emin scene’ alone ran to four pages of typescript. This tableau featured a Tabloid Medicine Chest, carried by one of Surgeon Parke's gun-bearers.” The Shield was still unfinished when Wellcome wrote (18 Oct. 1899) to Elkington & Co Ltd about its completion—see Henry Wellcome Letter Book 5, p. 150 (WF/E/01/01/05). For Wellcome's detailed description, see Letter Book 2, pp. 256–60 (WF/E/01/01/02).