1 From a historical perspective, notable publications include: Cardonne, , Histoire de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne sous la domination des Arabes, 3 vols, Paris, 1765Google Scholar; Carette, E., Recherches sur les origines et les migrations des principales tribus de l'Afrique septentrionale, in Exploration scientifique de l'Algérie, t. III, Paris, 1853Google Scholar; Fournel, H., Étude sur la conquête de l'Afrique par les Arabes et recherches sur les tribus berbères qui ont occupé le Maghreb central, Paris, 1957, 144Google Scholar; id., Les Berbères: Étude sur la conquête de l'Afrique par les Arabes d'après les textes arabes imprimés. 2 vols, Paris, 1875 and 1881. Very few researchers have had direct contact with the sources, and the political context of the period during which these studies were written has inevitably influenced their content. Other authors who have written on the region during this period, including Julien, Ch. A., Histoire de l'Afrique du Nord. t. II, De la conquête arabe à 1830, Paris, 1952Google Scholar, revised by Ch. Courtois and R. Le Tourneau; E. Lévi-Provençal, Un nouveau récit de la conquête de l'Afrique du Nord par les Arabes, in Arabica, I, 1954, pp. 17–43; Idris, H.-R., ‘Le récit d'al-Maliki sur la conquête de l'Ifriqiya. Trad. Annotée et examen critique’, REI, 37, 1969, pp. 117–49Google Scholar; Marçais, G., La Berbérie musulmane et l'Orient au Moyen-Age, Paris, 1953Google Scholar, have limited themselves to historical events and chronology. We might add regional monographs, such as that of Goodchild, R.C, ‘Byzantines, Berbers and Arabs in 7th century Libya’, in Antiquity, 41, 1967, pp. 115–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on the conquest of Cyrenaica and of Tripolitania. During recent years, this theme has dominated in works such as V. Christides, Byzantine Libya and the March of the Arabs towards the West of North Africa, BAR International Series 851, 2000 and Kaegi, W.-E., Muslim Expansion and Byzantine Collapse in North Africa, Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Cambridge University Press, 2010Google Scholar. Currently, the most important studies of the conquest are the thesis of M. Benabbès, Recherche sur le VII^e siècle en Afrique du Nord, Thesis Director: Le Professeur Claude Lepelley, Février 2004, presented in 2004, but currently unpublished, and the study of Mauritania, made by A. Siraj in 1995: L'image de la Tingitane: L'historiographie arabe médiévale et l'Antiquité nord-africaine, Rome, 1995. This historiographical overview shows the age of these studies, which justifies revisiting this topic.

2 See Siraj, , L'image de la Tingitane: L'historiographie arabe médiévale et l'Antiquité nord-africaine, Rome, 1995Google Scholar, notably Chapter V re. the development of archaeological knowledge among Arab geographers. 1. L'archéologie des villes maghrébines chez les géographes arabes, pp. 241–70. Also, Moukraenta, B., L'image de l'Algérie antique au travers des sources arabes du moyen âge, Algiers, Ministry of Culture, 2013Google Scholar.

3 Ḫurradāḏbih, Ibn, Kitāb al-masālik wa-l-mamālik, Brill, Leiden, 1889Google Scholar = translation of chapters on the Maghreb by Hadj-Sadok, M., Bibliothèque arabe-française, t. 6, Alger, 1949Google Scholar; see Ibn Ḫurradāḏbih, E.I.², t. 3, 839–40 (M. Hadj-Sadok).

4 Al-Yaʿqūbī, , Kitāb al-buldān, ed. de Goeje, M. J., Brill, Leiden, 1892, pp. 231–373Google Scholar=Le livre des pays, translated by G. Wiet, Le Caire, 1937; Al-Yaʿqūbī, E.I.², t. 9, 2002, pp. 257–58 (Muhammad Qasim Zaman), and Miquel, A., La géographie humaine du monde musulman, Paris, 1967–88, vol. I, pp. 102–104, 285–92Google Scholar.

5 Al-Iṣṭaḫrī, , Kitāb masālik al-mamālik, ed. de Goeje, M. J., Brill, Leiden, 1927Google Scholar=Le livre des routes et des pays, translation of chapters on Spain and the Maghreb by A. Miquel in Revue de l'Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée, t. 15–16, 1973, pp. 231–39; E.I.², t. 4, 1997, pp. 222–23 (A. Miquel).

6 Kitāb Ṣūrat al-arḍ, Le Caire, Dār al-kitāb al-islāmī, s.d.=Description de l'Afrique; French translated from the Arabic by M. le Baron M. G. de Slane, in Journal asiatique, 5, 1842; on the author, see Levtzion, N., ‘Ibn Hawqal, the Cheque and Awdaghost’, in Journal of African History, 9(2), 1968, pp. 223–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; E.I.², t. 3, 1986, pp. 786–88 (A. Miquel).

7 Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī was born in 574 or 575 H/1179 and died in 626 H/1229, at Alep. He was a biographer, an encyclopedist and a geographer. Muʿǧam al-buldān is a compilation containing information on geography, toponomy, literature, poetry and biographical details concerning natives of the toponomy presented: Muʿǧam al-buldān, Bayrūt : Dār Ṣādir, 1955–57, 5 vols. On the author, Cl., Huart, Littérature arabe, 4th ed., Paris, 1939 (Histoires des Littératures), pp. 301–303Google Scholar; Yāqūt, E.I.², t. 11, 2002, pp. 264–66 (Cl. Gilliot; J. F. Hopkins, P., Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1981, p. 167Google Scholar.

8 Kitāb al-Masālik wa al-Mamālik, Arabic text ed. A.-P. Van Leeuven and A. Ferré, Tunis, 1992=Description de l'Afrique septentrionale (1068), trad. De Slane, in Journal asiatique, t. 12, 1858, pp. 412–92, 497–534; t. 13, 1859, pp. 58–80, 97–194, 310–416, 469–517; t. 14, 1859, pp. 117–33. Translation in one volume, Alger, 1913; E.I.², t. 1, 1986, pp. 155–57 (E. Levi-Provencal).

9 Kitāb al-Istibṣār, partial translation by E. Fagnan in Recueil des notices et mémoires de la société archéologique de Constantine, t. 33, 1899, pp. 1–229.

10 Al-ʿAbdarī, , Riḥlat, Damas, 2005Google Scholar=Notices et extraits du voyage d'El Abdery à travers l'Afrique septentrionale au VIIe siècle de l'Hégire, French translation by Cherbonneau, in Journal asiatique, 5, t. IV, 1854; E.I.², t. 1, 1986, p. 96 (M. Ben Cheneb-W. Hoenerbach).

11 Al-Tiǧānī, Rihla, ed. Tunis, 1958 (with index and preface by H.-H. Abdulwahab), re-ed. Tunis, 1981=partial translation by A. Rousseau in Journal asiatique, 4, t. 20, 1852, pp. 57–208, and 5, t. 1, 1853, pp. 101–68, 354–425; Al-Tiǧānī, E.I.², t. 10, 2000, pp. 462–63 (M. Plessner-[T. El Acheche]).

12 Nothing is known of this writer apart from the fact that he came from the Magreb and that he was a legal advisor and assessor: Al-Rawḍ al-miʿṭār fī ḫabar al-aqṭār, taḥqīq Iḥsān ʿAbbās, Bayrūt: Mūʾassasa Nāṣir al-Ṯaqāfiyya, 1980. On the author, see, E. Lévi-Provençal, ‘Ar-Rauḍ al-miʿṭār’, in Actes du XVIII^e Congrès des Orientalistes, Leiden, 1932; A. Malecka, ‘La côte orientale de l'Afrique au Moyen Age d'après le Kitāb ar-Rawḍ al-miʿṭār de al-Ḥimyari (XV^e s.)’, in Folia Orientalia, IV, 1962–63, pp. 331–43 and E.I.², t. 3, 1986, pp. 675–76 (T. Lewicki).

13 This concerns Kitāb al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik d'al-Bakrī, Nuzhat al-muštāq fī ḫtirāq al-āfāq d'al-Idrīsī (548/1154) and the geographical text entitled Kitāb al-Istibṣār fī ʿaǧāʾib al-amṣār (approx. 587/1191).

14 On the city of Tripoli, see Carte des routes et des cités de l'est de l'‘Africa’ à la fin de l'Antiquité coordinated by J. Desanges, N. Duval, Cl. Lepelley, et al., Turnhout: Brepols, 2010, p. 189; Warfelli, P. M., ‘The Old City of Tripoli: Some Islamic sites in Libya’, in Art and Archaeology Research Papers, London, 1976, pp. 2–18Google Scholar.

15 ʿAbdarī, Riḥla, 2005, pp. 194–95: ‘On the facade where this door is, the image of two lions, whose perfection and strangeness are remarkable, is carved on the stone. They face each other from each side of the door. Behind each of them, a standing figure holds firmly their bridle, preventing them from moving. This is perhaps an allegory whose meaning is unknown and inaccessible. But God knows better.’

16 Al-Tiǧānī 1981, p. 23: ‘The entire structure has the same dimensions, from top to bottom. One hundred people could certainly not transport a single one of its immense stones. The shape of this monument is square at the base and octagonal above a certain height; the layout is ingenious and the solidity of the building is surprising. We can see on the walls of this building wonderful figures and representations of various subjects carved in stone. A mosque has now been built on this monument, and I have been told that this later construction was erected there for the sole purpose of preserving the old building. An important man wanted to demolish it to use elsewhere the marble used to build it.’

17 See M. Talbi, ‘Ḥassān b. al-Nuʿmān’, E.I², t. 3, p. 271; id., ‘al-Kāhina’, E.I², t. 4, pp. 422–23.

18 Al-Bakrī, Masalik, 1992, vol. 2, p. 700: ‘When it was rebuilt by Ardmîn, son of Laoudîn, son of the powerful Nemrod, he brought there the fresh waters of Delala, after having dug a passage through the mountains and after having built arches at the bottom of the valleys to maintain the level of this channel. After a forty years’ work, the water ran through this aqueduct. While the foundations of the arcades were dug through the entire length of the valleys, a stone was found with the following inscription: “This city will not be destroyed until salt appears”.’

19 Yāqūt, Muʿjam, vol. 4, p. 323.

20 Anonyme, Istibṣār, 1986, pp. 123–24: ‘One of the wonders of the world is the canal which was bringing water to Carthage from the so-called ‘Ayn Djokar spring which was located five days away. Through this enormous pipe, about eight spans wide where the level of the water reaches one and a half times the height of human size, a large quantity of liquid arrives and turns five or more mills.’

21 Al-ʿAbdarī, Rihla, 2005, p. 111: ‘Aqueduct of Carthage. This ancient construction, which was built by the Romans, must be counted among the wonders of the world. The water comes from the southern heights and does not reach Tunis before having crossed deep valleys and steep mountains, a route of two-days walking (and perhaps more). To obtain a perfect level, it was necessary to drill through hills and rocks; it was also necessary to throw down the lowest points of the multistorey bridges which were built of large stone.’

22 Ibn Ḫaldūn, Muqaddima, 2004, Beyrut, vol. 2, p. 14: ‘Even today, when the people of Tunis choose their construction materials, they prefer the stone from the aqueduct, highly regarded by the master masons. They would spend several days trying to demolish it, and only some small pieces would become detached, through a lot of pain and sweat. It was an event that the crowds celebrated. I have seen this several times when I was young.’

23 Kitāb al-Mu'nis fī ahbār Ifriqiya wa Tūnis, Arabic text, ed. Al-Maktabat Al-ʿAtīqa, Tunis, 1286 H. (1869), pp. 20–21: ‘The aqueduct discussed here is one of the wonders of the world, and as the Egyptians are proud of their pyramids, Africans may be proud of this aqueduct. The water came from a great distance, from a place that used to be called Djenkar, others say Djeka, and which is now called EI-Mohammediia, behind Zaghouan. The channel gathered the Zaghouân river and the waters of all the sources which meet to the right and to the left of the line, at a distance from several farek'as; this line stretched from one end to the other, in the center of a beautiful garden area. Historians say that this aqueduct was sixty miles long, in a straight line, and three hundred, if we take into account the curves. It was built in three hundred and four years; which is not surprising, if we consider the importance of this construction and the longevity of the men of this time. Those who can see the aqueduct's remains can judge’ (description); and: ‘When al-Mustanṣir al-Ḥafṣī restored a part of this aqueduct, the water of which he drove to his garden of Ahi-Fahr, which is now called El-Bat'em, only a few arches were raised up, but they were made of mud-bricks in adobe. The water reached the pools of the garden and still does’ (modification).

24 For archaeological activities on the site and in the region, see M. A. Alexander, H. Slim, C. Dulière, Corpus des mosaïques de Tunisie, 3. Thysdrus (El Jem), 1. Quartier sud-ouest, Tunis, Institut national du patrimoine, 1996; H. Slim, ‘Les amphithéâtres d'El-Jem’, in CRAI, 1986, pp. 440–69.

25 Al-Bakrī, 1992, vol. 2, p. 670: ‘From Sfax we go to LEDJEM, Kahena castle’; and 1992, vol. 2, p. 684: ‘From El-Mehdiya to SALLECTA there are eight miles, and from El-Mehdiya to LEDJEM castle, also called Kahena Castle, eighteen miles. the story tells that the Kahena, seeing herself besieged in this fortress, dug an underground passage into the rock which led from there to Sallecta, and which was wide enough to let several horsemen pass abreast. The castle of Ledjem  …  is built of stones, several of which are about twenty-five spans long. Its height is twenty-four toises; the entire interior is arranged in tiers, from bottom to top; the doorways are made of semicircular arches and placed above each other with perfect art.’

26 Istibṣār, 1986, p. 118: ‘From Mahdiyya to Qaṣr Laǧam, also called Kahina Fort, there are 18 miles. The story is told that the Kahina, besieged in this castle by her enemies, dug into the rock an underground passage which led 18 miles away, to the city of Salakta, residence of her sister, and where several men abreast could pass.’

27 Al-Tiǧānī, 1981, p. 57: ‘ … the Rūm, in deep terror, and immediately they separated and took refuge in the various forts and citadels of the region. The largest number of them assembled in Qaṣr al-Djem.’

28 Al-Ḥimyarī, 1980, p. 13: ‘It is said that Kahina, besieged in the fort of al-Djem by her enemies, dug a subterranean passage in the solid rocks.’

29 Riḥla, pp. 252–53.

30 See Aurigemma, S., L'arco quadrifronte di Marco Aurelio e di Lucio Vero in Tripoli, a cura e con una postilla di Antonio di Vita, Tripoli, Department of Antiquities, 1970Google Scholar; Abulgassem, M. A., ‘La survie de l'arc de Marc Aurèle et de Lucius Vérus à Tripoli au fil des siècles’, Libya Antiqua, 1, 1995, pp. 125–33Google Scholar; Di Vita, A.., ‘A proposito di un disegno settecentesco dell'arco odense di Marco Aurelio e Lucio Vero’, in Di Vita, ḪA., Scritti africani, a cura di M. A. Rizzo Di Vita e G. Di Vita Evrard, Roma, L'Erma di Bretschneider, 2015, 2 vols, vol. I, pp. 211–22Google Scholar.

31 Notably in al-ʿAbdarī, 2005, p. 195.

32 Notably in al-ʿAbdarī, p. 123.

33 See Al-Bakrī, al-Masālik, vol. 2, p. 700; de Yāqūt, Mu'jam, vol. 4, p. 323; Al-Ḥimyarī, al-Rawḍ, 1980, p. 464.

34 Ibn Abī Dīnār, p. 20.

35 Ḫaldūn, Ibn, Muqaddima, 2004, Beyrut, vol. 2, p. 14Google Scholar.

36 On the subject of aqueducts, see Ph. Levau, ‘L'archéologie des aqueducs romains ou les aqueducs romains entre projet et usage’, in Elementos de Ingenieria Romana, II Congr.O.P.R, 2004, pp. 105–33. For the aqueduct of Carthage-Zaghouan, see N. Ferchiou, ‘Les aqueducs de Zaghouan à Carthage et leurs structures complémentaires: Note préliminaire’, in Africa, XVII, 1999, pp. 69–86; id., ‘Le nymphée d'Aïn Jouggar et l'aqueduc de Kaoussat’, Africa, Nouvelle série, Séances scientifiques, I, 2003, pp. 71–86; Solignac, J.-M., ‘Travaux hydrauliques hafsides de Tunis’, Revue Africaine, 368–69, 1936, pp. 517–79Google Scholar. The fundamental study on the monument is ‘Das Quellenheiligtum in Zaghouan und die römische wasserleitung nach Karthago’, MDAIR, 81, 1974, pp. 41–89. Concerning the itinerary of the aqueduct of Carthage during antiquity, see Rakob, F., ‘L'aqueduc de Carthage’, DA, 38, 1979, pp. 34–42Google Scholar, esp. 36–37; Caillat, Ph., ‘Note sur la restauration de l'ancien aqueduc de Carthage’, R.A., 26, 1873, pp. 293–312Google Scholar.

37 See the acounts of Al-Bakrī, vol. 2, 1992, pp. 670, 684; Istibṣār, 1986, p. 118; Al-Tiǧānī, 1981, p. 57; Al-Ḥimyarī, Rawḍ, 1980, p. 13.

38 Modéran, Y., ‘De Mastiès à la Kahina’, Aouras, 2006, 3, pp. 159–83Google Scholar; id., ‘Kahena’, in Encyclopédie berbère, 27, Kairouan-Kifan Bel-Ghomari, Aix-en-Provence, pp. 4102–11; Talbi, M., ‘Un nouveau fragment de l'histoire de l'Occident musulman’ (62–196/682–812); ‘L’épopée d'al-Kahina’, Cahiers de Tunisie, 1971, 73–74Google Scholar, t. XIX, pp. 19–52.