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Fascism, Imperialism and International Law: An Arch Met a Motorway and the Rest is History . . .

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 July 2018

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Abstract

What would happen to our understanding of international law and its relationship with violence if we collapsed the distinction between our supposedly post-colonial ‘present’ and its colonial ‘past’; between the sovereign spaces of the twenty-first century global order, and the integrated, hierarchical space of fascist imperialism? I respond to this question through an investigation into the physical contours of a precise ‘imperial location’: 30°31′00″N, 18°34′00″E. These co-ordinates refer to a point on the sea-edge of the Sirtica that is occupied today by the Ra's Lanuf oil refinery, one of Libya's three most important such facilities. In the late 1930s, however, during Libya's period of fascist colonial rule, this was the point at which a state-of-the-art motorway, the Via litoranea libica, was crossed by a giant triumphal arch, the Arco dei Fileni. Through a chronotopic reading of the temporal, spatial and interpellative aspects of this point, its architecture and its history, I suggest that fascist lawyers, officials and intellectuals accepted a horrifying truth about the relationship between international law and violence – a relationship that twenty-first century doctrinal international law is loath to confront, concerning the inherently expansionist logic of the sovereign state, and the inevitably hierarchical ordering of the ‘international community’ which stems from it.

Keywords

fascismimperialismsovereigntystatehoodtemporality
Type
INTERNATIONAL LEGAL THEORY: Symposium on ‘Imperial Locations’
Information
Leiden Journal of International Law , Volume 31 , Issue 3 , September 2018 , pp. 509 - 538
Copyright
Copyright © Foundation of the Leiden Journal of International Law 2018 

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Footnotes

*

Lecturer in Law, Kent Law School / Australian Research Council Discovery (DECRA) Research Fellow, Melbourne Law School [[email protected] / [email protected]]. I would like to thank the many friends and colleagues whose comments, research assistance and encouragement contributed so much to the arguments presented here, including Noha Aboueldahab, Nesrine Badawi, Maddy Chiam, Tomaso Ferrando, Emily Grabham, Richard Joyce, Sara Kendall, Philip Kenrick, Martti Koskenniemi, John Morss, Luigi Nuzzo, Liliana Obregón, Alice Riccardi, Kerry Rittich, Lulu Weiss and, most of all, Luis Eslava. I am also extremely grateful to the Institute for International Law and the Humanities at Melbourne Law School, the Institute for Global Law and Policy at Harvard Law School, and the participants at the Law and Time Workshop at Kent Law School and at the Legal Theory Workshop at Melbourne Law School. The research presented here was funded by the Australian Research Council's Discovery programme, to which institution I extend my deepest thanks. The ideas and errors are all my own.

References

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36 From the poet Horace praising Emperor Augustus in the hymn ‘Carmen Saeculare’: ‘Alme Sol possis nihil Urbe Roma visere maius.’ (‘O fostering Sun, may you never see anything greater than the City of Rome.’).

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38 Ibid.

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46 Mussolini, B., ‘Address to the National Corporative Council’, (14 November 1933), in Schnapp, J. T. (ed.), A Primer of Italian Fascism (translated by Schnapp, J.T., Sears, O.E. and Stampino, M.G.) (2000), 154Google Scholar at 163.

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51 T.M. Marinetti, M. Carli and E. Settimelli, ‘Artistic Rights Championed by the Italian Futurists: A Manifesto to the Fascist Government’, L'Impero, March 1923, quoted in G. Prezzolini ‘Fascism and Futurism’, 3 July 1923, in Rainey et al., supra note 49, 275, at 276.

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53 A. Sant'Elia, ‘Futurist Architecture’, (11 July 1914), in Rainey et al., supra note 49, 98 at 198. Sant'Elia's target was precisely the ‘neoclassical’ architectural style that the Arco dei Fileni exemplified. As his manifesto continued, for instance, ‘[t]he new beauty of cement and iron is profaned by the superimposition of carnivalesque decorative encrustations that are justified neither by structural necessity nor by our tastes, encrustations that take their origins from Egyptian, Byzantine, or Indian antiquities, or from that stupefying efflorescence of idiocy and impotence that has taken the name of neo-classicism’; ibid., at 201 (emphasis in the original).

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67 Senator Vitelleschi, speech before the Chamber of Deputies (1885), quoted in Fuller, supra note 33, at 44.

68 On the international legal history of the idea of ‘surplus population’ see A. Orford, ‘Surplus Population and the History of International Law’ (Centre for Critical International Law Annual Lecture, Kent Law School, 30 November 2017).

69 D. Grandi, ‘Speech before the Senate’ (4 June 1932), quoted in MacCartney and Cremona, supra note 5, at 284–5.

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76 Ibid., at 94.

77 Decreto governatoriale, 18 July 1922, ser. A, n. 660; Regio decreto, 15 November 1923, n. 3204; Decreto governatoriale 11 April 1923, ser. A, n. 320. See Segrè, supra note 64, at 49.

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93 Ibid.

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95 Segrè, supra note 64, at 144–7. See generally Ahmida, supra note 3. On the resistance movement in Tripolitania see A. Del Boca, Mohamed Fekini and the Fight to Free Libya (2011).

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100 See, for an obvious example, UN Charter, supra note 17, Preamble.

101 See E. de Vattel, Le droit des gens, ou Principes de la loi naturelle appliqués à la conduite aux affaires des Nations et des souverains [1758] (1916), 2, para. 4; C. Bottici, Men and States: Rethinking the Domestic Analogy in a Global Age (2009); M. Koskenniemi, From Apology to Utopia: The Structure of International Legal Argument (2006), 71–157.

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104 Ibid., at 21–2.

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108 Ibid., at 154.

109 1919 Covenant of the League of Nations, 27 LNTS 350, Art. 10. However, see R. Parfitt, The Process of International Legal Reproduction: Inequality, Historiography, Resistance (2018).

110 B. Mussolini, speech, (1 November 1936), quoted in MacCartney and Cremona, supra note 5, at 247.

111 B. Mussolini, Sunday Dispatch, 31 December 1933, quoted in MacCartney and Cremona, ibid., at 245.

112 1939 Pact of Friendship and Alliance between Germany and Italy, Berlin, 22 May 1939 (‘Pact of Steel’).

113 1940 Three-Power Pact between Germany, Italy, and Japan, Berlin, 27 September 1940 (‘Tripartite Pact’).

114 Pact of Steel, supra note 112, Preamble.

115 Tripartite Pact, supra note 113, Arts. 1 and 2.

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121 See generally D. Deese (ed.), Handbook of the International Political Economy of Trade (2014).

122 See, e.g., ‘Donald Trump Says He Won't Back Down on Plan to Impose Steel, Aluminium Tariffs despite Republican protests’, ABC News, 6 March 2018.

123 See, e.g., Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 SCR 217, para. 138.

124 UN Charter, supra note 17, Art. 4(1).

125 See generally Eslava, supra note 25.

126 1933 Montevideo Convention of the Rights and Duties of States, Art. 1.

127 See, e.g., ibid., Montevideo Convention, Art. 3; and for a detailed doctrinal analysis, J. Crawford, The Creation of States in International Law (2004).

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130 See Parfitt, R.S., ‘The Anti-Neutral Suit: International Legal Futurists, 1914-2017’, (2017) 5 London Review of International Law 87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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133 The operating contracts for the Ra's Lanuf and neighbouring Es Sider facilities are held by Libya's state-run National Oil Corporation (NOC) in partnership with a host of multinationals including Trasta Energy, based in the United Arab Emirates; the French company Total; Norway's Saga Petroleum; and a US consortium consisting of Marathon Oil, Hess and ConocoPhilips (V. Walt ‘Big Oil Companies in the Cross Fire as Libyan Violence Erupts’, Fortune, 5 March 2015; ‘Company Profile, Mabruk Oil Operations’, available at www.mabrukoil.com/?page_id=4 (accessed 22 April 2018)). Its storage tanks were built by the Swiss firm Vitol (Vitol, ‘NOC and Vitol to Build Storage Tanks in Libya’, Vitol, 11 June 2008, available at www.vitol.com/noc-and-vitol-to-build-storage-tanks-in-libya/ (accessed 22 April 2018).

134 Senior State Department official, speaking at a press briefing in advance of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit to Libya, E. Labott, ‘Clinton makes Unannounced Visit to Libya’, CNN.com, 18 October 2011, available at www.cnn.com/2011/10/18/world/africa/libya-clinton/index.html (accessed 9 May 2018).

135 See A. Hanieh, Lineages of Revolt: Issue of Contemporary Capitalism in the Middle East (2013); e.g., A. Hanieh, ‘Egypt's “Orderly Transition”? International Aid and the Rush to Structural Adjustment’, Jadaliyya, 29 May 2011, available at www.jadaliyya.com/Details/24041/Egypt%60s-‘Orderly-Transition’-International-Aid-and-the-Rush-to-Structural-Adjustment (accessed 22 April 2018).

136 H. Clinton, Address to the UN Human Rights Council, 3 March 2011.

137 Bazi, M., ‘What did Qaddafi's Green Book Really Say?’, New York Times, 27 May 2011Google Scholar.

138 Clinton, supra note 136.

139 See, e.g., International Monetary Fund, Libya: Staff Report for the 2013 Article IV Consultation (2 May 2013) 1.

140 Clinton, supra note 136.

141 See the statistics regularly updated on the UNHCR's ‘Mediterranean Situation’ page, available at data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/mediterranean (accessed 22 April 2018).

142 See, e.g., Dearden, L., ‘UK Accused of Trapping Refugees in Warzone After Boris Johnson Vows to Stop “Illegal Migrants” Crossing Med’, The Independent, 23 August 2017Google Scholar; I. Mann, Humanity at Sea: Maritime Migration and the Foundations of International Law (2016).

143 M. Micallef, ‘Exclusive: Interpol Issues ISIS Alert on Mediterranean’, Migrant Report, 3 July 2015.

144 Pascoli, supra note 70, at 11.

145 Res. 1973, supra note 8, Preamble.

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149 Clinton, supra note 136.

150 Joint Statement on Libya by the Governments of France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States, Washington DC, 30 June 2015, available at ge.usembassy.gov/joint-statement-on-libya-by-the-governments-of-france-germany-italy-spain-the-united-kingdom-and-the-united-states-june-30/ (accessed 22 April 2018).

151 ‘Paris meeting on Libya fails to make progress; Libyans not invited’, Libya Herald, 3 October 2016.