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Explaining Economic Change: The Interplay Between Cognition and Institutions
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 February 2009
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Economic theory is built on assumptions about human behavior—assumptions embodied in rational-choice theory. Underlying these assumptions are implicit notions about how we think and learn. These implicit notions are fundamentally important to social explanation. The very plausibility of the explanations that we develop out of rational-choice theory rests crucially on the accuracy of these notions about cognition and rationality. But there is a basic problem: There is often very little relationship between the assumptions that rational-choice theorists make and the way that humans actually act and learn in everyday life. This has significant implications for economic theory and practice. It leads to bad theories and inadequate explanations; it produces bad predictions and, thus, supports ineffective social policies.
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References
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D' Andrade bases his anthropology on a conception of individual cognition that is grounded in the logic of parallel-processing. Relying on the idea that the brain works according to the logic of connectionist networks, he envisions cognition as a building-block process, with schema (“the organization of cognitive elements into an abstract mental object capable of being held in memory with default values or open slots which can be variously filled in with appropriate specifics”) as the basic elements of that process (at 179). On this account the substantive content of culture (e.g., symbols) works on the schema in the process of cognition to build knowledge. The schema serve as simple models in the reasoning process: “[a] model consists of an interrelated set of elements which fit together to represent something. Typically one uses a model to reason with or calculate from by mentally manipulating the parts of the model in order to solve some problem” (at 151).
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42. Unfortunately, Hutchins' account and that of other cultural anthropologists who research these questions do not yet provide an adequate theory for explaining cultural variation. His emphasis on the problem-solving character of culture reflects a basic functionalist logic: The content and structure of a society's cultural heritage is explained by how it solves the basic problems that the society faces. But Hutchins' reliance on functionalism to explain the content of culture raises questions about his ability to shed light adequately on economic performance. To see this, consider a question of the relative efficiency of two different societies. How will Hutchins' functionalism account for the necessary variation in the content of the institutional rules across these societies? He might account for it in terms of differences in the prior functional requirements of the two societies. But to attempt such an argument requires evidence of societal diversity that is usually lacking in such functional accounts.
Or he might follow the lead of D'Andrade, who similarly invokes functionalism to explain cultural content. D'Andrade attempts to explain intrasociety diversity in cultural knowledge through differences in cultural transmission: “The difficulties in cultural transmission and formation of various kinds of subgroups also create variation within a culture…. The result is that the cultural heritage tends to divide into two parts—one part a high consensus code which everyone is expected to share; the other a proliferating number of distributed knowledge systems. The issue is not ‘how shared is culture’, but rather how to understand both distributed and high consensus aspects of cultural knowledge.” D'Andrade, , supra note 28, at 216.Google Scholar Differences in the mechanisms of cultural transmission are a plausible source of variation, but transmission alone may not be enough to explain the variation in the content of cultural beliefs across societies.
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45. On the application of theories of institutional change to informal conventions and social norms, See Ensminger, Jean and Knight, Jack, Changing Social Norms, Curr. Anthropol. (02 1997).Google Scholar
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