1 Reinhard Bendix, Notion-Building and Citizenship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977 [1967]); T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class and Other Essays (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950).Google Scholar

2 Jeffrey C. Alexander, “Citizen and Enemy as Symbolic Classification: On the Polarizing Discourse of Civil Society” (“Alexander, ‘Citizen and Enemy’”), in M. Lamont & M. Foumier, eds., Cultivating Differences: Symbolic Boundaries and the Making of Inequality 289 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992) (“Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationalhood”); Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); id., A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism: vol. 2, Nation-State and Violence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987); Michael Mann, “Ruling Class Strategies and Citizenship,” 21 (3) Sociology 339 (Aug. 1987); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 1990–1990 (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1990) (“Tilly, Coercion”); id., “Where Do Rights Come from?” New School for Social Research Working Paper No. 98 (July 1990) (“Tilly, ‘Where Do Rights Come from?’”); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986) (Turner, Citizenship and Capiitalism); id., ed., Citizenship and Social Theory (Beverly Hills, Cal.: Sage Publications, 1992); Alan Wolfe, Whose Keeper? (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989) (“Wolfe, Whose Keeper?”).Google Scholar

3 T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class, with an introduction by Tom Bottomore (Concord, Mass.: Pluto, 1992).Google Scholar

4 On “identity-politics,” see Craig Calhoun, “The Problem of Identity in Collective Action,” in Joan Huber, ed., Macro-Micro Linkages in Sociology 51 (Beverly Hills, Cal.: Sage Publications, 1991); Margaret R. Somers & Gloria Gibson, “Reclaiming the Epistemological ‘Other’: Narrative and the Social Constitution of Identity,” in Craig Calhoun, ed., From Persons to Nations: The Social Constitution of Identity (Oxford: Blackwell, forthcoming); Jean Cohen & Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1992) (“Cohen & Arato, Civil Society”); Jean Cohen, “Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements,” 52 Soc. Research 663 (1985); Alain Touraine, “An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements,” 52 Soc. Research 749 (1985); Stanley Aronowitz, The Politics of Identity: Class, Culture, Social Movements (New York: Routledge, Chapman & Hall, 1992).Google Scholar

5 Alan Wolfe in Whose Keeper? documents the exclusion of civil society from social science research. See also Cohen & Arato, Civil Society; Craig Calhoun, “Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere” (“Calhoun, ‘Introduction’”), in id., ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere 1 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1992) (“Calhoun, Habemurs”); Craig Calhoun, “Civil and Public Sphere,” 5 Pub. Culture 267 (1993); Alexander, “Citizen and Enemy” (cited in note 2); Jeffrey Alexander, “Bringing Democracy Back in: Universalistic Solidarity and the Civil Sphere,” in C. Lamont, ed., Intellectuals and Politics: Social Theory in a Changing World 157 (Newbury Park, Cal.: Sage Publications, 1991); Jeffrey Alexander & P. Smith, “The Discourse of American Civil Society: A New Proposal for Cultural Studies,” 22 Theory & Soc'y 151 (1993).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 See, e.g., J. H. Barbalet, Citizenship (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989); Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism.Google Scholar

7 Somers, Margaret R., “Citizenship and the Place of the Public Sphere: Law, Community, and Political Culture in the Transition to Democracy,” 58 Am. Soc. Rev. 587 (1993).Google Scholar

8 Marshall also has an orphan category of “industrial rights,” which he defines as an aggregate of civil liberties relevant to the industrial sphere of labor.Google Scholar

9 Marx of course was the first to pose this problem. More recently it was addressed by Alan Wolfe in his Limits of Legitimacy (New York: Free Press, 1979), and by James O'Connor in Fiscal Crisis of the State (New York: St. Martin's, 1973). Karl Polanyi has still the most compelling but underrecognized elaboration of the problem in The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957 [1944]) (“Polanyi, Great Transformation”).Google Scholar

10 The critique of social categories as analytic focus is major part of institutional analysis. The theoretical treatise on this is Harrison White, Identity and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990) (“White, Identity and Control”).Google Scholar

11 See Margaret Somers, “The People and the Law: Narrative Identity and the Place of the Public Sphere in the Formation of English Working Class Politics—1300–1850, a Comparative Analysis” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1986) (“Somers, ‘The People and the Law’”).Google Scholar

12 Susan Reynolds, Fiefs, Vassals and Feudalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming) (“Reynolds, Fiefs”).Google Scholar

13 See Somers, “The People and the Law” ch. 2, for a discussion of the need to disaggregate our conceptual vocabulary for “feudal society”.Google Scholar

14 A paradigm is more than a theory; it is an entire “problematic” or “knowledge culture” which defines what questions, concepts, and hypotheses are even admissable for discussion in the first place, and what is even to be a candidate to be considered as empirically true or false. See Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962); Ian Hacking, “Language, Truth and Reason” in S. Lukes & M. Hollis, eds., Rationality and Relativism (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982); Margaret R. Somers, “Where Is Social Theory after the Historic Turn? Knowledge Cultures, Narrativity, and Historical Epistemologies” (“Somers, ‘Where Is Social Theory?’”), in Terrence J. McDonald, ed., The Historic Turn in the Human Sciences (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, forthcoming) (“McDonald, Historic Turn”). Reynolds discusses the process of “filtering-out” in both Fiefs (cited in note 12) and her earlier Kingdom and Communities in Western Europe, 900–1300 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984) (“Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities”).Google Scholar

15 Michael Mann, 1 The Sources of Social Power 2 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986) (“Mann, Sources of Social Power”); Charles Tilly, Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Comparisons (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1984) (“Tilly, Big Structures”); White, Identity and Control.Google Scholar

16 See Karl Polanyi, “The Economy as an Instituted Process,” in Karl Polanyi et al., eds., Trade and Market in the Early Empires 243 (New York: Free Press, 1957); J. March & J. Olsen, “The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factors in Political Life,” 78 Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. 734 (1984); J. Meyer & B. Rowan, “Institutionalized Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony,” in W. W. Powell & P. J. DiMaggio, eds., The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis 41 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991 [1977]) (“Powell & DiMaggio, New Institutionalism”); R. Jepperson, “Institutions, Institutional Effects, and Institutionalism,” in Powell & DiMaggio, New Institutionalism 143; R. Friedland & R. Alford, “Bringing Society Back in: Symbols, Practices, and Institutional Contradictions,” in Powell & DiMaggio, New Institutionalism 232. Especially useful is Friedland and Alford's (p. 243) definition of an institution as “simultaneously material and ideal, systems of signs and symbols, rational and transrational … supraorganizational patterns of human activity by which individuals and organizations produce and reproduce their material subsistence and organize time and space…. They are also symbolic systems, ways of ordering reality, and thereby rendering experience of time and space meaningful”.Google Scholar

17 Somers, , “The People and the Law” (cited in note 11); Somers, Margaret R., “Narrativity, Narrative Identity, and Social Action: Rethinking English Working-Class Formation,” 16 Soc. Sci. Hist. 591 (1992).Google Scholar

18 S. F. Moore, Law as Process (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978) (“Moore, Law as Process”); Mann, Sources of Social Power; M. G. Smith, “A Structural Approach to Comparative Politics,” in D. Easton, ed., Varieties of Political Theory (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966).Google Scholar

19 A. MacIntyre, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1981).Google Scholar

20 Jurgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1989 [1962]).Google Scholar

21 My conception shares much with others' critiques of Habermas's term, especially on the inseparability of the family from a constituitive role in the public world, e.g., Nancy Fraser, Unruly Practices (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989) and on the centrality of conflict and negotiation among a wider notion of publics than in Habermas's bourgeois ideal, specifically including popular and working-class publics, e.g., Geoff Eley, “Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century,” in Calhoun, Habermas (cited in note 5); Calhoun, “Introduction” (cited in note 5).Google Scholar

22 Calhoun, Craig, “Community: Toward a Variable Conceptualization for Comparative Research,” 5 Soc. Hist. 105 (1990); Chatterjee, Partha, “A Response to Taylor's ‘Mode of Civil Society,’ 3 Pub. Culture 119 (1990); White, Identity and Control (cited in note 10)).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 Rick Lempert suggested this useful point to me.Google Scholar

24 The epistemological implications of recent work in historical geography have been little noted by sociologists. Exceptions include Tilly, Big Structures (cited in note 2); Mann, Sources of Social Power ch. 1 (cited in note 15). On the importance of historical geography and social theory more generally, see Nicholas Entrikin, The Betweeness of Place: Towards a Geography of Modernity (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1991); and John A. Agnew & James Duncan, The Power of Place: Bringing Together Geographical and Sociological Imaginations (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989).Google Scholar

25 White, , Identity and Control ; White, Harrison C., Boorman, A., & Breiger, R., “Social Structure from Multiple Networks I,” 81 Am. J. Soc. 730 (1976); and id., “Social Structure from Multiple Networks 11,” 81 Am. J. Soc. 1265 (1976). For an application in historical sociology, see Peter Bearman, Relations into Rhetorics (forthcoming)).Google Scholar

26 Indeed so dichotomous is this false distinction that most communitarians do not even accept the concept of rights as ontologically consistent with their view of the self. For critiques of the view that rights-claims and community membership identities are fundamentally opposed, see especially M. WaLer, Spheres of Justice (New York: Basic Books, 1982); William H. Sewell, Jr., “Le citoyen/la citoyenne: Activity, Passivity, and the Revolutionary Concept of Citizenship,” in Colin Lucas, ed., The Political Culture of the French Revolution: vol. 2, The French Revolution and the Creation of Modem Political Culture (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1987); Martha Minow, “Interpreting Rights: An Essay for Robert Cover,” 96 Yale L. Rev. 1860 (1987); S. Hall & D. Held, “Left and Rights,” Marxism Today, June 1989, at 16. For two especially valuable overviews of the rights debate, see Hendrik Hartog, “The Contitution of Aspiration and the ‘Rights that Belong to Us All,’” 74 J. Am. Hist. 1013 (Dec. 1987), and Mark Tushnet, “Rights: An Essay in Informal Political Theory,” 17 Politics & Soc'y 403 (1989).Google Scholar

27 Minow, , 96 Yale L.J., for a similar definition of rights to the one I am using here.Google Scholar

28 In Sources of Social Power, Mann addresses the ontological implications of these issues in his distinction between a “societal” versus a “social being.” See at 14–16.Google Scholar

29 Hartog, , 74 J. Am. Hist., for a similar conception of the contested character of American constitutional rights.Google Scholar

30 Iowerth Prothero, Artisans and Politics in Early Nineteenth-Century London: John Gat and His Times (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1979) (“Prothero, Artisans and Politics”); P. Mantoux, The Industrial Revolution in the Eighteenth Century (rev. ed. New York: Harper & Row, 1955 [1928]); E. P. Thompson, “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd,” 50 Past & Present 77 (1971); J. Rule, The Labouring Classes in Early Industrial England 1750–1850 (London: Longman, 1986); id., The E-e of Labour in Eighteenth-Century Industry (London: Croon Helm, 1981) (Rule, Experience of Labour); Polanyi, Great Transformation (cited in note 9).Google Scholar

31 Derek Hirst, The Representation of the People? Voters and Voting under the Early Stuarts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975); J. Plumb, “The Growth of the Electorate in England from 1600–1715,” 45 Past & Present 90 (1969); J. G. A. Pocock, “Varieties of Whiggism,” in his Virtue, Commerce, and History 215 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986) (“Pocock, Virtue”); F. O'Goman, “Campaign Ritual and Ceremonies: The Social Meaning of Elections in England, 1780–1860,” 135 Past & Present 79 (1992).Google Scholar

32 W. E. Minchinton, Wage Regulation in Pre-industrial England (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1972) (“Minchinton, Wage Regulation”). There are similar problems of periodization in the more elaborate comparative schema of Gaston Rimlinger in his Welfare Policy and Industralization in Europe, America and Russia (New York: Wiley, 1971). See also Asa Brigs, “The Welfare State in Historical Perspective,” in C. I. Shotland, ed., The Welfare State 25 (New York: Harper & Row, 1967).Google Scholar

33 For examples in the 18th century, see Rule, Experience of Labour; C. B. Dobson, Masters and Men (London: Croon Helm, 1980) (“Dobson, Masters and Men”); K. D. M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Chunge in Agrarian England 1660–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Roy Porter, English Society in the Eighteenth Century (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1982). For the 17th century see K. Wrightson, English Society, 1580–1680 (London: Hutchinson, 1982); Snell, Annuls of the Labouring Poor; and David Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603–1660 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985). For the 16th century, see Buchanan Sharp, In Contempt of All Authority: Rural Artisans and Riot in the West of England, 1586–1660 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982) (“Sharp, Contempt”). For the 15th and 14th centuries, see R. H. Tawney, “The Assessment of Wages in England by the Justices of the Peace” (“Tawney, ‘Assessment of Wages’”), in Minchinton, Wage Regulation 37 (cited in note 32); R. Webber, The Peasants' Revolt (Lavenham & Suffolk: Terrence Dalton Ltd., 1980); R. Dobson, The Peasants Revolt (2d ed. London: Macmillan, 1983); R. H. Hilton, Bond Men Made Free (London: Methuen & Co., 1973); T. H. Aston, ed., Landlords, Peasants and Politics in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); R. H. Hilton, ed., Peasants, Knights, and Heretics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976).Google Scholar

34 Part of the problem with advocating continuity is that it invokes fears of either Whiggishness or conservative Burkeanism, the latter most recently illustrated in the work of J. D. C. Clark. It should be clear, however, in the course of this essay that stressing continuity over rupture is not a political choice but an analytic one that derives from an institutionalist conceptual framework—hardly one associated with either Whigs or Burkeans.Google Scholar

35 For a sampling of regional differences see Andrew Charlesworth, An Atlas of Rural Regional Protest (London: Croon Helm, 1983) (“Charlesworth, Atlas”); Derek Gregory, Regional Transformation and Industrial Revolution (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982); Sharp, Contempt (cited in note 33); Larry Poos, “The Social Context of the Statute of Labourers' Enforcement,” 1 Law & Hist. Rev. 27 (Spring 1983); John Bohstedt, Riots and Community Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983) (“Bohstedt, Riots and Community Politics”).Google Scholar

36 Although the phenomena of wide spread rural industrialization in the 17th and 18th centuries has long been noted among certain economic historians, the new and more theoretically informed notion of proto-industry is a recent development. See Franklin Mendels, “Proto-Industrialization: The First Phase of the Industralization Process,” 32 J. Econ. Hist. 241 (1972); Charles Tilly, “Flows of Capital and Forms of Industry in Europe, 1500–1900,” 12 Theory B Soc'y 123 (1983); Peter Kreidte, Hans Medick, & J. Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Rudolf Braun, “Early Industralization and Demographic Change in the Canton of Zurich,” in Charles Tilly, ed., Historical Studies of Changing Fertility 289 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978); Rudolf Braun, “The Impact of Cottage Industry on an Agricultural Population,” in David Landes, ed., The Rise of Capitalism (New York: Macmillan, 1966).Google Scholar

37 On artisanal politics from the 14th to the 19th centuries, see especially R. A. Leeson, Travelling Brothers (London: Granada, 1980) (“Leeson, Travelling Brothers”); also Dobson, Masters and Men; Rule, Experience of Labour; Prothero, Artisans and Politics (cited in note 30). For comparisons with French artisans, see especially Michael Sonenscher, “Mythical Work: Workshop Production and the Compagnonnages of Eighteenth-Century France,” in P. Joyce ed., The Historiical Meanings of Work 31 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Sonenscher. “The Sans-culottes of the Year II: Rethinking the Language of Labour in Revolutionary France,” 9 Soc. Hist. 301 (1984); id., “Journeymen: The Courts and the French Trades, 1781–1791,” 114 Past & Present 77 (1987); William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848, passim (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980) (“Sewell, Work and Revolution”); Joan W. Scott, “Work Identities for Men and Women: The Politics of Work and Family in the Parisian Garment Trades in 1848,” in Gender and the Politics of History 93 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988); Jacques Ranciere, “The Myth of the Artisan,” in Steven Kaplan & Cynthia Koepp, eds., Work in France: Representations, Meaning, Organization, and Practice 317 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1986). For comparisons of French rural-industrial and artisanal workers in the 18th and 19th centuries, see especially William H. Sewell, Jr., “Artisans, Factory Workers and the Formation of the French Working Class, 1789–1848,” in Ira Katznelson & Aristide Zolberg, eds., Working-Class Formation: A Comparative Study of France, Germany and the United States 45 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986).Google Scholar

38 See Somers, “The People and the Law” ch. 6 (cited in note 11), for full discussion of these differences.Google Scholar

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40 Rick Lempert has pointed out correctly that these questions can be sensibly posed as a sociology of knowledge question: Why do we ignore certain rights and not others in our theories of modern citizenship? The answer, in part, is that theories of citizenship are embedded within a prevailing sociolegal knowledge culture (similar to Kuhn's paradigm) constituted by a master-narrative about modern law and institutions which largely defines in advance what is to count as a modem right in the first place. The importance of this sociolegal knowledge culture is taken up in the conclusion at greater length. See also Somers, “Where is Social Theory?” (cited in note 14).Google Scholar

41 For additional recent reformulations, see Tilly, “Where Do Rights Come from?”; Tilly, Coercion; Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood (all cited in note 2).Google Scholar

42 Reynolds, Fiefs (cited in note 12).Google Scholar

43 In Fiefs, Susan Reynolds brings a formidable challenge to our traditional use of vassalage to describe a central mechanism of the European medieval world.Google Scholar

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46 On guilds and towns, see Sylvia Thrupp, “The Guilds” (“Thrupp, ‘The Guilds’”), in M. M. Postan, E. E. Rich, & Edward Miller, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of Europe: vol. 3, Economic Organization and Policies in the Middle Ages 230 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963) (“Postan et al., Cambridge Economic History of Europe”); Lujo Brentano, “On the History and Development of Guilds and the Origin of Trade-Unions” (“Brentano, ‘History and Development of Guilds’”), in Toulmin Smith, ed., English Gilds xlix (London: Oxford University Press, 1963) (“Smith, English Gilds”); Philip Abrams & E. A. Wrigley, eds., Towns in Societies: Essays in Economic History and Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977); E. A. Wrigley, People, Cities and Wealth (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987); Susan Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977) (“Reynolds, Introduction to Medieval Towns”); P. Corfield, “Urban Development in England and Wales in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” in D. C. Coleman & H. H. Johns, eds., Trade, Government, and Economy in Pre-Industrial England 214 (London: Weidenfeld, 1976); Anthony Black, Guilds and Civil Society in European Political Thought from the Twelfth Century to the Present (London: Methuen & Co. 1984) (“Black, Guilds and Civil Society”); Steve Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds: Structures of Life in Sixteenth-Century London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) (Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds); id., “The Extent and Foundations of Companies' Powers in Sixteenth-Century London” (presented at Social Science History Association Meetings, Chicago, 1988); Laurie Nussdorfer, “Urban Politics and the Guilds in Early Modem Europe: Guilds and Government in Baroque Rome” (presented at the Social Science History Association, Chicago, 1988); Gail Bossenga, “Regulating the Local Economy: Guilds and the Town Council in Eighteenth-Century Lille” (presented at the Social Science History Association, Chicago, 1988); Pamela Nightengale, “Capitalists, Crafts and Constitutional Change in Late Fourteenth-Century London,” 124 Past & Present 3 (Aug. 1989); L. Attreed, “Arbitration and the Growth of Urban Liberties in Late Medieval England,” 31 J. Brit. Stud. 205 (1992).Google Scholar

47 The capacity for its “precociousness” in centralized administrative methods has been made legendary through the remarkable findings of the Domesday Books.Google Scholar

48 No one has done more for us to come to appreciate the centrality of war to state formation than Charles Tilly. See especially his Coercion (cited in note 2).Google Scholar

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50 Gabriel Ardant, “Financial Policy and Economic Infrastructure of Modem States and Nations,” in Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe 164 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975) (“Tilly, Formation”).Google Scholar

51 For various historical approaches to the concept of “the people,” see C. Hill, “Parliament and People in Seventeenth Century England,” 142 Past & Present 100 (1981); D. T. Rogers, Contested Truths: Keywords in American Politics Since Independence (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976); Prothero, Artisans and Politics 59 (cited in note 30).Google Scholar

52 Cited in note 14.Google Scholar

53 Tilly in Coercion 106, 115 (cited in note 2). deals with the necessities of national homogenization.Google Scholar

54 Id. at 130.Google Scholar

55 This interesting question was raised by an anonymous LSI referee.Google Scholar

56 Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds.Google Scholar

57 J. G. A. Pocock, “Authority and Property: The Question of Liberal Origins” and “The Mobility of Property and the Rise of Eighteenth-Century Sociology” in his Virtue 51 (cited in note 31); James Tully, A Discourse on Property: John Lock and his Adversaries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Richard Tuck, Natural Rights Theories: Their Origin and Development (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979). An extremely interesting recent discussion is Ian Shapiro, “Resources, Capacities and Ownership: The Workmanship Ideal and Distributive Justice,” in John Brewer & S. Staves, eds., Early Modern Conceptions of Property (Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming). See also Susan Reynold's discussion of property in her “Fiefs, Vassals, and Feudalism” (cited in note 12); and Margaret R. Somers, “‘Misteries’ of Property: Relationality, Families, and Community in the Making of Political Rights,” in Brewer & Staves, Early Modem Conceptions of Property.Google Scholar

58 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History (2d ed. London: Butterworths, 1983); G. R. Elton, The Tudor Constitution: Documents and Commentary (2d ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982 [1960]) (“Elton, Tudor Constitution”); Frederick Maitland, The Constitutional History of England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979 [1908]); W. Fischer & P. Lundgreen, “The Recruitment and Training of Administrative and Technical Personnel,” in Tilly, Formation 456 (cited in note 50). All were under the control of the King's Privy Council and served as alternative educational arenas to the common law courts for statesmen and civil servants.Google Scholar

59 Cited in Donald Hansen, From Kingdom to Commonwealth: The Development of Civic Consciousness in English Political Thought 157 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970) (“Hansen, From Kingdom to Commonwealth”).Google Scholar

60 Id.Google Scholar

61 Elton, , Tudor Constitution 152.Google Scholar

62 For examples of equity in copyholding, see Gray, Copyhold (cited in note 39).Google Scholar

63 E. Kantorowitz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1957); Hansen, From Kingdom to Commonwealth.Google Scholar

64 Alan Harding, A Social History of English Low (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1966); Howard Nenner, By Colour of law: Legal Culture and Constitutional Politics in England, 1660–1689 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980) (“Nenner, Colour of Law”).Google Scholar

65 Nenner, Colour of Law.Google Scholar

66 John Ganden, “A Sermon Preached before the Judges at Chemeford,” cited in John Walter, “The Essex Grain Rioters,” in John Brewer & John Styles, An Ungovernable People 47 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1980) (“Brewer & Styles, Ungovernable People?”).Google Scholar

67 Brewer, John, “The Wilkesites and the Law, 1763–74: A Study of Radical Notions of Governance,” in Brewer, & Styles, , Ungouemabk People 133.Google Scholar

68 Id.Google Scholar

69 Noticeably absent from my argument is discussion of the king's peace or the criminal law—arguably the dimensions of royal law that most ordinary people were confronted with daily. There is a wealth of literature and debate on the social history of the criminal law (see, e.g., the vast debate surrounding Douglas Hay's edited volume, Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-century England (New York: Pantheon Books, 1975), and E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act (New York: Pantheon, 1975)) (“Thompson, Whigs and Hunters”). Less attention has been paid these other aspects of law that I argue were so central to the formation of citizenship identities.Google Scholar

70 The next few paragraphs draw from Somers, 58 Am. Soc. Rev. (cited in note 7).Google Scholar

71 In France, by contrast, the community was excluded. See Bruce Lenman & Geoffrey Parker, “The State, the Community, and the Criminal Law in Early Modem Europe,” in V. A. C. Gatrell et al., eds., Crime and the Law 11 (London: Europa, 1980) (“Lenman & Parker, ‘The State’”).Google Scholar

72 Whereas the French state sold and controlled over 12,000 judiciary jobs throughout the land churning out a massive army of central bureaucrats who tried (but failed) to swallow up local community practices, in England in the 16th century there were only 15 Royal judges; see Lenman & Parker, “The State”.Google Scholar

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84 From a vast comparative perspective Weber argues this in Max Weber, The City, trans. & ed. D. Martindale & G. Newsmith (New York: Free Press, 1958) (“Weber, The City”).Google Scholar

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86 Nor was the city the only place; see Somers, “The People and the Law,” passim (cited in note 11).Google Scholar

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92 The merchant guild preceded the crafts guild, but the latter (composed of masters and journeymen) became far more important.Google Scholar

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118 Robert Brenner and Perry Anderson use these terms. See R. Brenner, “Capitalism, Aristocracy and the English Revolution,” Davis Center Paper (Fall 1989); Anderson, Lineages of Absolutist State (cited in note 49).Google Scholar

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