1 Emile Durkheim, The Rules of Sociological Method (New York: Macmillan, 1938); George Herbert Mead, “The Psychology of Punitive Justice,” 23 Am. J. Soc. 577 (1918); Harold Garfinkel, “Conditions of Successful Degradation Ceremonies,” 61 Am. J. Soc. 420 (1956); Kai Erikson, wayward Puritans: A Study in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1966) (“Erikson, Wayward Puritans”). Google Scholar

2 Joseph Gusfield, “Moral Passage: The Symbolic Process in Public Designations of Deviance,” 15 Soc. Prob. 175 (1967); J. Galliher & J. Cross, Morals Legislation without Morality: The Case of Nevada (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1983) (“Galliher & Cross, Morals Legislation”). Google Scholar

3 Erikson, Wayward Puritans; Gusfield, 15 Soc. Prob.; Walter Connor, “Manufacture of Deviance: The Case of the Soviet Purge, 1936-1938,” 37 Am. Soc. Rev. 403 (1972); James Inverarity, “Populism and Lynching in Louisiana, 1889-1896,” 41 Am. Soc. Rev. 262 (1976); Christie Davies, “Sexual Taboos and Social Boundaries,” 87 Am. J. Soc. 1032 (1982); Nachman Ben-Yehuda, Deviance and Moral Boundaries (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985) (“Ben-Yehuda, Deviance”); id., The Politics and Morality of Deviance (Albany: SUNY Press, 1990) (“Ben-Yehuda, Politics and Morality”); id., Political Assassinations by Jews (Albany: SUNY Press, 1992) (“Ben-Yehuda, Political Assassinations”); Allen Liska, ed., Social Threat and Social Control (Albany: SUNY Press, 1992).Google Scholar

4 Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1964); Gusfield, 15 Soc. Prob.; Louis Zurcher, “The Anti-Pornography Campaign: A Symbolic Crusade,” 19 Soc. Prob. 217 (1971); Connor, 37 Am. Soc. Rev.; William Chambliss, “Functional and Conflict Theories of Crime: The Heritage of Emile Durkheim and Karl Marx,” in W. Chambliss & M. Mankoff, eds., Whose Law, What Order? (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1975); Steven Spitzer, “Toward a Marxian Theory of Deviance,” 22 Soc. Prob. 638 (1975); Inverarity, 41 Am. Soc. Rev.; V. Swigert & R. Farrell, Murder, Inequality and the Law (Lexington, Mass: D. C. Heath, 1976); Andrew Scull, “Madness and Segregative Control: The Rise of the Insane Asylum,” 24 Soc. Prob. 337 (1977); Mark Colvin & John Pauley, “A Critique of Criminology: Toward an Integrated Structural-Marxist Theory of Delinquency Production,” 89 Am. J. Soc. 513 (1983); Ben-Yehuda, Deviance; id., Politics and Morality; id., Political Assassinations. Google Scholar

5 See R. Hawkins & G. Tiedeman, The Creation of Deviance: Interpersonal and Organizational Determinants (Columbus, Ohio: Merrill, 1975); Victoria Swigert & Ronald Farrell, “Normal Homicides and the Law,” 42 Am. Soc. Rev. 16 (1977); Robert Emerson, “Holistic Effects in Social Control Decision-Making,” 17 Law & Soc'y Rev. 425 (1983); Ronald Farrell & Malcolm Holmes, “The Social and Cognitive Structure of Legal Decision Making,” 32 Soc. Q. 529 (1991).Google Scholar

6 Most of the research that has drawn upon Harold Garfinkel's (61 Am. Soc. Rev.) theory has addressed the social-psychological dynamics of status degradation, concerning itself with the impact of the process on the individual rather than with the social dynamics of the process itself. For exceptions see James Richardson, “New Forms of Deviancy in a Fundamentalist Church,” 16 Rev. Relig. Res. 134 (1975); Mike Hepworth & B. Turner, “Confession, Guilt, and Responsibility,” 6 Brit. J.L. & Soc'y 219 (1979); Gerald Cromer, “The Malhi Affair,” 10 Crime & Soc. Dev. 135 (1982); Nachman Ben-Yehuda, “The Politicization of Deviance,” 8 Deviant Behav. 259 (1987); Montgomery Broaded, “China's Lost Generation: The Status Degradation of an Educational Cohort,” 3 J. Contemp. Ethnography 352 (1991); Niko Besnier, “The Demise of the Man Who Would Be King,” 49 J. Anthropological Res. 455 (1993).Google Scholar

7 A page in the book for each person contains the individual's name, “mug shut,” aliases, arrest number, FBI file number, physical description, last known address, and extent of presence in Las Vegas.Google Scholar

8 A detailed treatment of the Black Book within the more general context of gaming regulation and the histories of those excluded and the problems that they presented may be found in R. Farrell & C. Case, The Black Book and the Mob: The Untold Story of the Control of Nevada's Casinos (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995). Much of what is included here draws on that work.Google Scholar

9 Garfinkel (61 Am. Soc. Rev.) explains that successful degradation ceremonies also involve both an elevation of the dignity and visibility of institutional values and the denouncer's claims of speaking for those values. Although these processes seem to occur in the regulatory hearings on the Black Book and are implicit in some of the material we present here, limitations of the data do not allow us to address them specifically.Google Scholar

10 Although the Black Book is said to have derived its name from the fact that it was initially bound in a black cover (Wallace Turner, Gamblers' Money 159–60 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965) (“Turner, Gamblers' Money”); Edward Olsen, “The Black Book Episode,” in E. Bushnell, ed., Sagebrush and Neon (Reno: Bureau of Governmental Research, University of Nevada, 1976)), it is doubtful that the name evolved independently of the similarities that the regulatory procedure has to the practice of “blacklisting.”Google Scholar

11 The idea that the “mafia” as commonly conceived is a myth does not originate with us. Indeed, while those in law enforcement, the public, and some criminologists hold to the mythical conception, a number of social scientists have concluded otherwise. For an overview of the research and arguments surrounding the myth see Dwight Smith, The Mafia Mystique (New York: Basic, 1975) (“Smith, Mafia Mystique”); John Galliher & James Cain, “Citation Support for the Mafia Myth in Criminology Text Books,” 9 Am. Soc. 68 (1974); D. Kenney & J. Finckenauer, Organized Crime in America 230-55 (Belmont, Cal.: Wadsworth, 1995).Google Scholar

Research findings have contradicted the most basic tenets of the myth, including the notions of a hierarchical structure, high level of organization, nationwide scope, conspiratorial nature, primarily Italian composition, and reliance on violence. See Joseph Albini, The American Mafia: Genesis of a Legend (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1971) (“Albini, American Mafia”); Mark Haller, “Illegal Enterprise: A Theoretical and Historical Interpretation,” 28 Criminology 207 (1990); Francis Ianni, A Family Business: Kinship and Social Control in Organized Crime (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1972) (“Ianni, Family Business”); Daniel Bell, “Crime as an American Way of Life,” 13 Antioch Rev. 131 (1953); Smith, Mafia Mystique; Dwight Smith, “Mafia: The Prototypical Alien Conspiracy,” 423 Ann. Am. Acad. Pol. & Soc. Sci. 75 (1976); Mark Haller, “Bootleggers as Businessmen: From City Slums to City Builders” in David Kyvig, ed., Law, Alcohol, and Order (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1985) (“Haller, ‘Bootleggers’”); Peter Reuter, Disorganized Crime: The Economics of the Visible Hand (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1983). Studies also have shown that such notions have derived largely from mob informant testimony, hearsay evidence, and unverified “events.” Alan Block, “History and the Study of Organized Crime,” 6 Urban Life 455 (1978); Alan Block “Contemporary Reports on Organized Crime: Errors of Historical Interpretation,” in id., Perspectives on Organizing Crime (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1991); Jay Albanese, “What Lockheed and La Cosa Nostra Have in Common,” 28 Crime & Delinq. 211 (1982).Google Scholar

12 See W. Moore, The Kefauver Committee and the Politics of Crime (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1974); Merry Morash, “Organized Crime,” in Robert Meier, ed., Major Forms of Crime (Newbury Park, Cal.: Sage Publications, 1984).Google Scholar

13 Donald Cressey, “The Functions and Structure of Criminal Syndicates,” in President's Commission on Law Enforcement & Administration of Justice, Task Force Report: Organized Crime (Washington: GPO, 1967) (“Cressey, ‘Functions and Structure’”).Google Scholar

14 See Block, 6 Urban Life 455; Robert Kelley, “Organized Crime: A Study in the Production of Knowledge by Law Enforcement Specialists” (Ph.D. diss., CUNY, 1978); Albanese, 28 Crime & Delinq. CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 Smith, 423 Ann. Am. Acad. Pol. & Soc. Sci. Google Scholar

16 See, e.g., R. Salerno & J. Tompkins, The Crime Confederation (New York: Doubleday, 1969); William Roemer, Mobbed Up (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1989); William Roemer, War of the Godfathers (New York: Donald I. Fine, 1990).Google Scholar

17 See sources cited in note 11.Google Scholar

18 For a review see Smith, Mafia Mystique (cited in note 11).Google Scholar

19 See, e.g., Cressey, “Functions and Structure” (cited in note 13); Donald Cressey, Theft of the Nation (New York: Harper & Row, 1969); id., Criminal Organization: Its Elementary Forms (New York: Harper & Row, 1972); M. Haskell & L. Yablonsky, Criminology: Crime and Criminality (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1983); Howard Abadinsky, Organized Crime (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1994).Google Scholar

20 Reliance on government reports to study organized crime is not unlike the now questionable use of official records to study crime more generally. Galliher & Cain, 9 Am. Sociologist (cited in note 11). Neither practice adequately addresses the issues of selective enforcement and the intended uses of the information, the latter being the accusation and prosecution of crime versus its objective understanding.Google Scholar

21 See M. Bowers & A. Titus, “Nevada's Black Book: The Constitutionality of Exclusion Lists in Casino Gaming Regulation,” 9 Whittier L. Rev. 313 (1987).Google Scholar

22 Nev. Rev. Stat. ch. 463 as amended in 1985.Google Scholar

23 The state also made it clear in 1989 that “race, color, creed, national origin or ancestry, or sex” must not be a basis for inclusion in the Black Book. Nev. Rev. Stat. 463.151.4 (1989).Google Scholar

24 The Nevada Gaming Control Board (GCB) materials we reviewed make no mention of names being submitted to the board by other city police departments (e.g., Reno) in the state.Google Scholar

25 It was not possible to ascertain all who have teen considered for nomination to the Black Book over the years. Nevada regulators consider this information highly confidential and believe that its public knowledge would jeopardize their ongoing investigations. The Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department has also prepared cases for the regulators to consider for inclusion in the Black Book, but it, too, does not release this information to the public. However, on rare occasions, the names of some said to be under consideration for nomination to the Black Book have appeared in the press (Alan Tobin, “Convicted Felons among Nominees for Nevada's Black Book,”Las Vegas Rev. J., 5 June 1988, at 3B; Alan Tobin, “Gamers Face Black Book Backlog,”Las Vegas Rev. J., 5 June 1988, at IB). The coverage listed the names of 10 men who were said to be under consideration, only 2 of whom were later nominated and both of whom had Italian surnames. Of the remaining 8, 5 had Italian surnames, 2 Jewish, and 1 Anglo-Saxon.Google Scholar

26 The official record of all meetings of the GCB (1955-present) and the NGC (1959-present) was nearly complete, although quality and detail varied over time. GCB minutes prior to the 1960s were not recorded verbatim. In a few instances, the minutes of board and commission meetings could not be located or had not been transcribed in their entirety. For these, we relied on the detailed summaries of meetings available on microfiche, summaries that included the regulatory decisions and their rationales.Google Scholar

27 Thomas O'Dea, The Mormons (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957) (“O'Dea, The Mormons”); Gilman Ostrander, Nevada: The Great Rotten Borough, 1859-1964 at 19 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966) (“Ostrander, Nevada”). Google Scholar

28 O'Dea, The Mormons 53; Book of Mormon 2 Nephi 5: 21.Google Scholar

29 Doctrine and Covenants 103: 17.Google Scholar

30 Id. at 128; Nels Anderson, Deseret Saints: The Mormon Frontier in Utah 334 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942) (“Anderson, Deseret Saints”). Google Scholar

31 Anderson, Deseret Saints 95, 420–21.Google Scholar

32 Book of Mormon Helaman 15: 4, Mormon 5: 15, 2 Nephi 5: 21.Google Scholar

33 Doctrine and Covenants 103: 17; Book of Mormon 4 Nephi 1: 37.Google Scholar

34 Anderson, Deseret Saints 334, 420–21; Keith Roberts, Religion in Sociological Perspective 361 (Homewood, Il.: Dorsey Press, 1984) (“Roberts, Religion”). Google Scholar

35 Gabriel Vogliotti, The Girls of Nevada 4 (Secaucus, N.J.: Citadel Press, 1975) (“Vogliotti, Girls of Nevada”). Google Scholar

36 Ostrander, Nevada 68, 82 (cited in note 27).Google Scholar

37 Galliher & Cross, Morals Legislation 6 (cited in note 2).Google Scholar

38 Jerome Edwards, “The Americanization of Nevada Gambling,” 14 Halcyon 201, 213 (1992).Google Scholar

39 Jerome Skolnick, House of Cards 152, 154 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1978) (“Skolnick, House of Cards”). Google Scholar

40 Doctrine and Covenants 89: 5, 7–9; Anderson, Deseret Saints, and O'Dea, The Mormons (cited in note 27); Roberts, Religion 361.Google Scholar

41 Edwards, 14 Halcyon 201, 213.Google Scholar

42 Russell Elliott, History of Nevada (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1973).Google Scholar

43 Nevada Gaming Commission & State Gaming Control Board, Gaming Nevada Style 7 (Carson City, Nev., 1989) (“Nevada Gaming Comm'n, Gaming Nevada Style”). Google Scholar

44 John Findlay, People of Chance 123 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).Google Scholar

45 Haller, “Bootleggers,” at 139 (cited in note 11).Google Scholar

46 John Goodwin, Gaming Control Law: The Nevada Model (Columbus, Ohio: Publishing Horizons, 1985).Google Scholar

47 Findlay, People of Chance 153.Google Scholar

48 Turner, Gamblers' Money (cited in note 10); Stuart Curtis, “Silver Turns to Gold,” 8 Public Gaming Mag. 19 (1981).Google Scholar

49 “Tax Unit Kept Dark on Lansky,” Las Vega Rev. J., 11 Oct. 1955, at 1 & 3; Kefauver Committee Hearings, Third Interim Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Organized Crime in Interstate Commerce: A Resolution to Investigate Gambling and Racketeering Activities, pt. 10, at 9 (Washington: GPO, 1951) (“Kefauver Committee Hearings”).Google Scholar

50 Bowers & Titus, 9 Whittier L. Rev. (cited in note 21).Google Scholar

51 Findlay, People of Chance 156.Google Scholar

52 Vogliotti, Girls of Nevada 202 (cited in note 35).Google Scholar

53 Ostrander, Nevada 218 (cited in note 27).Google Scholar

54 E. Reid & O. Demaris, The Green Felt Jungle 70–78, 98–109 (New York: Trident Press, 1963); Turner, Gamblers' Money 109-10 (cited in note 10).Google Scholar

55 Jeff Burbank, “Sports Fixer Could Join Black Book,”Las Vegas Rev. J., 20 April 1992, at 4B.Google Scholar

56 Goodwin, Gaming Control Law (cited in note 46); Bowers & Titus, 9 Whittier L. Rev. (cited in note 21); Nevada Gaming Comm'n, Gaming Nevada Style (cited in note 43).Google Scholar

57 Turner, Gamblers' Money (cited in note 10).Google Scholar

58 Skolnick, House of Cards 117 (cited in note 39).Google Scholar

59 GCB transcripts, 16 May 1960, at 19.Google Scholar

60 GCB transcripts, 26 May 1960, at 26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

61 GCB transcripts, 8 June 1960, at 50–64; Reid & Demaris, The Green Felt Jungle 70-78 (cited in note 54).Google Scholar

62 Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (cited in note 4); Galliher & Cross, Morals Legislation 125 (cited in note 2).Google Scholar

63 Turner, Gamblers' Money 135 (cited in note 10); Vogliotti, Girls of Nevada 302 (cited in note 35); “Current Black Book Lists Nine ‘Excluded Persons,’”Las Vegas Rev. J., 7 March 1982.Google Scholar

64 Vogliotti, Girls of Nevada 207–8.Google Scholar

65 GCB transcripts, April 1968.Google Scholar

66 Curtis, 8 Public Gaming Mag. 24 (cited in note 48).Google Scholar

67 James Phelan, Howard Hughes: The Hidden Years 101–2 (New York: Random House, 1976).Google Scholar

68 Curtis, 8 Public Gaming Mag. 24; I. Rose, Gambling and the Law 181 (Hollywood, Cal.: Gambling Times Inc., 1986); Edwards, 14 Halcyon 210, 203 (cited in note 38).Google Scholar

69 Hughes was personally attended by a Mormon entourage. In 1971 a Mormon became second-in-command of the parent company of Hughes's Nevada holdings and appointed other Mormons to positions in the top echelons of the corporation. Phelan, Howard Hughes 10, 99, 117–19; D. Bartlett & J. Steele, Empire: The Life, Legend, and Madness of Howard Hughes 445 (Toronto: George J. McLeod Ltd, 1979) (“Bartlett & Steele, Empire”).Google Scholar

70 Edwards, 14 Halcyon 201, 206.Google Scholar

71 Charles Highham, Howard Hughes: The Secret Life 219 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1993) (“Highham, Howard Hughes”); Gary Presswood, “Howard Hughes: Alive and Well in Las Vegas?” at 15 (Master's thesis, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, 1992).Google Scholar

72 Id. at 118–19; Bartlett & Steele, Empire 304-5.Google Scholar

73 Skolnick, House of Cards 136 (cited in note 39); Ned Day, “The Mob on the Run,”Eyewitness News (Las Vegas, Nev., 1987); Highham, Howard Hughes 219.Google Scholar

74 Vogliotti, Girls of Nevada 209 (cited in note 35).Google Scholar

75 The information was located in the GCB and NGC hearing agendas for the 1970s.Google Scholar

76 Robert Rhodes, Organized Crime: Crime Control vs. Civil Liberties (New York: Random House, 1984); Day, “Mob on the Run.”Google Scholar

77 NGC transcripts, 21 June 1979.Google Scholar

78 Spilotro v. State ex rel. Gaming Comm'n, 99 Nev. 187, 661 P.2d 467 (1983).Google Scholar

79 Jon Ralston, “Garners Oppose Business Tax Reform, Move on Foreign Gaming,”La Vegas Rev. J., 22 April 1993.Google Scholar

80 GCB transcripts, 2 Oct. 1986, at 318.Google Scholar

81 Personal interview with Ron Hollis, Acting Chief, Special Investigations & Intelligence Division, GCB, 11 June 1990.Google Scholar

82 GCB transcripts, 2 Oct. 1986, at 318.Google Scholar

83 Burbank, Las Vegas Rev. J., at 1B, 2B, 4B (cited in note 55).Google Scholar

84 Jane Morrison, “Memos Back Story about Bookie Sting,”Las Vegas Rev. J., 18 April 1993.Google Scholar

85 John Smith, “A Recovering Alcoholic Gets Lucky, and Shakes Nightmare,”Las Vegas Rev. J., 1 April 1993, at 1B.Google Scholar

86 See A. Hopkins, “Photos Tie Rebels to ‘the Fixer,’”Las Vegas Rev. J., 26 May 1991, at 1A & 17A.Google Scholar

87 Charles Pierce, “Jerry Tarkanian Died for Our Sins,” 63 Gentlemen's Q. 37 (Jan. 1993).Google Scholar

88 NGC transcripts, 27 & 28 Oct. 1992, at 298–305.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

89 John Smith, “Black Book Makes It Hard for Wise Guys to Earn a Living,”Lac Vegas Rev. J., 7 May 1993, at 1B.Google Scholar

90 Kefauver Committee Hearings at 91 (cited in note 49).Google Scholar

91 The social characteristics of those who make the choices as to whom to exclude are not nearly as discernible as those of the nominees. Although thorough searches at the Nevada State Library and Archives and the Nevada Historical Society resulted in much information, data on the regulators was largely incomplete. Even gubernatorial records were lacking biographical data on appointees. What information we were able to glean came from newspaper articles, obituaries, and various historical sources, including James Scrugham, ed., 2 Nevada: A Narrative of the Conquest of a Frontier Land (Chicago: American Historical Society, 1935); Capitol's Who's Who for Nevada. 1949-1950 (Portland, Ore.: Capital Publishing Co, 1949); Boyd Moore, Nevadans and Nevada (San Francisco: H. S. Crocker, Inc., 1950); R. Lee & S. Wadsworth, eds., A Century in Meadow Valley, 1864-1964 (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1966); E. Patterson, L. Ulph, & V. Goodman, Nevada's Northeast Frontier (Sparks, Nev.: Western Printing & Publishing Co., 1969); 2 Nevada, the Silver State (Carson City, Nev.: Western States Historical Pub., 1970); R. Lingenfelter & K. Gash, The Newspapers of Nevada. A History and Bibliography 1954-1979 (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1984); Biographical Directory of the United States Congress 1774-1989. Bicentennial Edition (Washing ton: GPO, 1989); Mead Dixon, Playing the Cards That Are Dealt (Reno: University of Nevada Oral History Program, 1992).Google Scholar

92 Galliher & Cross, Morals Legislation 123–24 (cited in note 2), have observed that such an attitude of suspicion seems to pervade among Nevadans generally and that they tend to see the state's problems as produced by outsiders.Google Scholar

93 GCB transcripts, 5 Oct. 1961, at 23.Google Scholar

94 GCB transcripts, 3 Aug. 1961, at 13–15.Google Scholar

95 See Barney Glaser & Anselm Straw, “Awareness Contexts and Social Interaction,” 29 Am. Soc. Rev. 669 (1964).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

96 The use of surnames to determine ethnicity is a generally accepted practice in the social sciences. In addition, we have drawn on information available in the transcripts and media accounts that was relevant to the ethnicity of nominees. Because it has been a common practice for members of some ethnic groups, including Italians, to anglicize their surnames, we may actually have underestimated the number of Italians nominated to the Black Book.Google Scholar

97 To compare the percentage of Italians listed in the Black Book with that of Italians identified with organized crime over the same period would of course be misleading, since both the regulatory and law enforcement processes are driven by the mafia myth.Google Scholar

98 In a recently published article, the authors address the ethical difficulties encountered as a result of disciplinary definitions and allegiances regarding the groups dealt with in this research. Carole Case & Ronald Farrell, “Myths, Allegiances, and the Study of Social Control,” 26 Am. Sociologist 60 (1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

99 Although depictions of even the more nefarious nominees fighting their entry into the Black Book suggests that the stigma associated with the regulatory action may also have an impact on the individual and his family, our data do not allow us to systematically explore the action's socially isolating effects or influence on personal identity and behavior.Google Scholar

100 The use of a felony record as a basis for nomination and entry into the Black Book has been questioned in regulatory hearings. It has been established in hearings that felons— among them murderers, child molesters, and racketeers—have workcards that permit their employment in the industry, that some felons are licensed as casino owners, and that some in ownership positions have criminal histories like those of Black Book nominees; yet such individuals have not been nominated to the Black Book (NGC transcripts, 17 Dec. 1986, at 79, 94, 163–64). In one case it was established that the co-defendants in the crime for which the nominee had been selected for the Black Book had themselves not been considered, and that one had indeed maintained employment in the industry following his conviction for the crime (NGC transcripts, 18 Aug. 1985, at 35).Google Scholar

101 NGC transcripts, 1 Dec. 1978, at 19–20.Google Scholar

102 Our reading of the aliases, however, suggests that many, if not most, are simply nicknames—possibly acquired as early as childhood or given to the individual by law enforcement—shortened versions of the individual's full name, names prior to having been anglicized, and misspellings of names (largely Italian). If most of the aliases were creations of the men themselves, their remarkable similarity to the original names certainly raises questions about any intent at deception.Google Scholar

103 Turner, Gamblers' Money 75 (cited in note 10); Roemer, War of the Godfathers 324 (cited in note 16).Google Scholar