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The Emergence of Professional Law in the Long Twelfth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 October 2011

Susan Reynolds
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Extract

The object of this article is to draw attention to an area of European legal history that I think deserves more investigation. It is the change in legal practice caused by the transition from the diffused, undifferentiated, customary law of the earlier middle ages to the various forms of expert, esoteric, professional law that dominated the higher courts of the later middle ages. The suggestion that this has not been much studied may seem odd but, though much has been written on the new study of Roman law, those who work on it have tended to concentrate on the intellectual achievements of the glossators and post-glossators, rather than on practice. Practice in canon law has received more attention, notably from legal historians trained in the Anglo-American tradition, but this has not focused closely on twelfth-century origins. The beginnings of English common law have also been much studied and, since it started off as largely a matter of procedures, that has indeed meant looking at practice. The traditional teleology of legal history has, however, prevented much cross-fertilization with the history of other legal systems. One example of the consequent detachment of English legal history is the assumption of some English legal historians that Roman law procedures were followed in what they often characterize simply as “the Continent” more generally and earlier than seems to have been the case in most areas north of the Alps. Both in England and elsewhere many legal historians concentrate on the period from the thirteenth century on, when sources become more plentiful. Meanwhile, social historians of early medieval western Europe, including England, have argued—to my mind successfully, though I am hardly unprejudiced—that early medieval law was not just a weak, ritualized, and irrational response to feuds and violence, but their investigations tend to stop before the professionals took over. The result is that, apart from recent pioneering work on twelfth-century Tuscany by Chris Wickham, the transition in court practice outside England has been neglected.

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Forum: The Emergence of Professional Law
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Law and History Review , Volume 21 , Issue 2 , Summer 2003 , pp. 347 - 366
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Copyright © the American Society for Legal History, Inc. 2003

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References

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21. Simeoni, “Le origini,” at 122 n. 3.

22. Lanza, Le carte, nos. 120–22, 126. Ibid., no. 42 (1120), suggests that the canons had retained or regained some rights in the area but not quite what are implied by Padoa Schioppa, “II ruolo,” at n. 66.

23. Simeoni, “Le origini” and “La genealogia.”

24. Lanza, Le carte, nos. 78, 81, 92–93, 113, 117, 120 (pp. 222–24), 126; Diplomata Regum et Imperatorum Germaniae, 8: Dip. Lothar III (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1927), no. 95, Richenza no. 4.

25. Lanza, Le carte, nos. 120–21.

26. There are three surviving twelfth-century copies of these depositions or part of them, of which Lanza, Le carte, no. 120 contains the two longer. The three vary in completeness and in the order of the witnesses they include. Where they overlap they make the witnesses say almost the same thing, with some verbal variations. None of the three says which party called the witnesses but the eighteenth-century ACV MS DCCCXXXVI: 1145, ff. 9r–11v (Muselli transcripts, V), perhaps transcribed from the apparently twelfth-century ACV AC 65, m. primo n. 4, which Lanza, Le carte, p. 220, reports as lost, includes thirty witnesses, of which it says that nine appeared for the counts and eight for the canons. The position of the rest is unclear. The witnesses for the canons start with Paltonarius (see below, note 32 and text at note 47) and include one who is not in any of the other three versions. The MS Lanza calls B'” omits all those who, according to MS DCCCXXXVI, appeared for the canons.

27. For early rules on the examination (apart from the qualifications) of witnesses and on the recording of their testimony, see Friedrich Kunstmann, “Ueber den altesten Ordo judiciarius” (In principio, c. 1171), in Kritische Ueberschau der deutschen Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft, ed. Arndt, L. and others, vol. 2 (Munich: Literarisch-artistische Anstalt, 1853), 10–29, at 19–20, 25Google Scholar; “Olim (quidem) edebatur” (after 1177), in Bibliotheca Iuridica MediiAevi, ed. Gaudenzi, Augusto, vol. 2 (Bologna: A. Gandolphi, 1892), 229a–48a, at 236a–237bGoogle Scholar; Schulte, Johann Friedrich von, “Der Ordo iudiciarius des Codex Bambergensis” (Quia iudiciarius, soon after 1182), Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Classe 70 (1872): 285–326, at 308–12Google Scholar; Anglicus, Ricardus, “Ordo iudiciarius” (before 1190), in Quellen zur Geschichte des römisch-kanonischen Processes im Mittelalter, ed. Wahrmund, Ludwig, vol. 2.3 (Innsbruck: Wagner, 1915), at 41–49Google Scholar; [Bencivenne da Siena], “Der Ordo ‘Invocato Christi nomine’” (soon after 1198), in ibid., vol. 5.1 (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1931), 104–11; Genzmer, Erich, “Eine anonyme Kleinschrift de testibus aus der Zeitum 122,” in Festschrift Paul Koschaker (Weimar: Böhlau, 1939), 3:376–401Google Scholar, at 398–99. On early ordines in general and the dates, etc., of these texts, see Linda Fowler-Magerl, Ordo iudiciorum vel ordo iudiciarius, Ius commune. Sonderheft 19 (Frankfurt am Main, 1984) and idem, Ordines iudiciarii and libelli de ordine iudiciorum, Typologie des sources du Moyen Age occidental, 63 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1994). See also Statuti inediti della città di Pisa, ed. Bonaini, Francesco (Florence: Vieusseux, 1854–1857), 689–91, 865–68Google Scholar, which probably date from some time between c. 1160 and the early thirteenth century: Storchi, Claudia Storti, Intorno ai costituti pisani della legge e dell'uso (Naples: Europa Mediterranea quaderno 11, 1998).Google Scholar

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29. E.g. (sometimes combined with separate testimony): Manaresi, Placiti, nos. 4, 36, 58, 450, 453 and inquisitiones nos. X, XII, XIV.

30. Though Capitularia Regum Francorum, ed. A. Boretius (Monumenta Germaniae Historica Legum Sect. 2, 1883–1901), nos. 44, 61 (not apparently for Italy, for which see no. 102) say that witnesses should be separately examined.

31. I am not concerned here with the differences between the two forms of proof (or the origins of inquisitions) discussed by Brunner, Heinrich, “Zeugen- und Inquisitionsbeweis der karolingerischen Zeit,” in his Forschungen (Stuttgart: J. G. Cotta, 1894), 88–247Google Scholar and Die Entstehung der Schwurgerichte (Berlin: Weidmann, 1871); Bullough, Donald A., “Europae Pater,” English Historical Review 85 (1970): 59–105, at 92–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bougard, La justice, 194–203, 332–36. Of these only Brunner, Entstehung, 117–23, discusses the taking and recording of separate, individual testimony.

32. Earlier depositions were sometimes incorporated in the record of final judgments, but separate notarial records of depositions had sometimes been made before (e.g., the inquisitiones in Manaresi, Placiti). For earlier depositions at Verona, see Ughelli, Italia Sacra, 5: col. 793 (Verona, 1151); Lanza, Le carte, nos. 100, 113 (1140–42) and possibly nos. 91, 98 (1139–40): three of these were recorded by Paltonarius (see below, at note 47) and two suggest knowledge of the nascent academic law of fiefs or at least of Conrad II's ordinance of 1037, on which see Reynolds, Susan, Fiefs and Vassals: The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 199–202, 215–19, 224–25.Google Scholar For depositions elsewhere in early or mid-twelfth-century Italy, see Wickham, Legge, 82, 201 n. 27, 203, 205n., 222–27, 296, 305–10, 366–104, 460–61; Regesto della città di Pisa, ed. Caturegli, Natale, Italiae, Regesta Chartarum, 24 (Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 1938)Google Scholar, nos. 344 (1135), 421 (1130 × 50); Atti del comune di Milano fino all'anno MCCXVI, ed. Manaresi, Cesare (Milan: Capriolo e Massimino, 1919), nos. 15, 25.Google Scholar

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40. Ughelli, Italia Sacra, 5: cols. 783–87.

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42. Simeoni, “Le origini,” 128–32.

43. Surviving only in two eighteenth-century copies: ACV MSS 786, 836; Ughelli, Italia Sacra, 5: cols. 788–89 (a not very accurate transcript of one). Comments: Padoa Schioppa, “II ruolo,” 281–82; Giordanengo, “Consilia feudalia.” Simeoni, “Le origini,” 127, thought they were made for the consuls but on balance I think it more likely that they were made for the chapter, if only because they were preserved in its archive. Cf. Padoa Schioppa, “II ruolo,” n. 73.

44. Lanza, Le carte, no. 126.

45. Padoa Schioppa, “II ruolo,” 282.

46. Reynolds, Fiefs and Vassals, 215–31.

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