1. Mémoire pour les sieurs Jacques-Francois Baudon, ci devant Directeur des Fermes; Charles-Guillaume Baudon, l'un des Administrateurs du Domaine; Mr Julien, ancien Conseiller en la Cour, Maître des Requêtes, Commissaire départi en la Généralité d'Alençon; & demoiselle Elisabeth Baudon, son épouse. Le sieur Cromot, Surintendant de la Maison de Monsieur, Frère du Roi; & demoiselle Rose-Josephe-Sophie Baudon, son épouse; et les sieurs Tocquiny, enfans de Rose-Magdeleine Baudon, veuve, en premières noces, du sieur de Tocquiny, & décédée femme, en secondes nôces, du Marquis de Pontbriant; contre demoiselle Anne-Marguerite-Charlotte de Ligneville, veuve du sieur Baudon père, Fermier Général; et encore contre le sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, tuteur de Jean François-Charles & Charles-Jacques Baudon, enfans mineurs dudit feu sieur Baudon, première partie. Sur la nullité du prélegs de quatre cens mille livres (Paris: P.G. Simon, 1781), 48. Hardoin's name is sometimes spelled Hardouin, a discrepancy not unusual in the orthography of the time. Here we retain the spelling in use in this particular case.

2. Careful examination of an outstanding example crossed over into history from anthropology during the vogue for microhistory, and continues to be relevant. It is also established practice in family history, particularly with regard to lawsuits. See Desan, Suzanne and Merrick, Jeffrey, Family, Gender, and Law in Early Modern France (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009)Google Scholar; Merrick, Jeffrey, Order and Disorder under the Ancien Régime (Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars, 2007)Google Scholar; and Bellavitis, Anna and Chabot, Isabelle, La justice des familles: autour de la transmission des biens, des savoirs et des pouvoirs (Europe, nouveau monde, XIIe-XIXe siècles) (Rome: École Française de Rome, 2011)Google Scholar.

3. For an overview of this literature, see Roberts, Meghan K., Sentimental Savants: Philosophical Families in Enlightenment France (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Dena Goodman, “Marriage Choice and Marital Success: Reasoning about Marriage, Love, and Happiness,” in Suzanne Desan and Jeffrey Merrick, Family, Gender, and Law, 26–61. On breastfeeding, see Gélis, Jacques, History of Childbirth: Fertility, Pregnancy, and Birth in Early Modern Europe (Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 1991)Google Scholar. See also the overview in Wiesner, Merry, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 51–101Google Scholar.

4. The history of the family in France has a long tradition in English and French, and the transition of the eighteenth century is a particularly important theme. See especially, Ruggiu, François-Joseph, L'individu et la famille dans les sociétés urbaines anglaises et française (1720–1780) (Paris: Presses Universitaires Paris-Sorbonne, 2007)Google Scholar; Dupâquier, Jacques and Bardet, Jean-Pierre, Histoire des populations de l'Europe (Paris: Fayard, 1997)Google Scholar; Pardaihlé-Galabrun, Annik, The Birth of Intimacy: Privacy and Domestic Life in Early Modern Paris (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991; 1st French ed., Presses Universitaires de France, 1988)Google Scholar; Mitterauer, Michael and Sieder, Reinhard, The European Family: Patriarchy to Partnership from the Middle Ages to the Present (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982; 1st German ed., 1977)Google Scholar; and Flandrin, Jean-Louis, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979; French ed., Hachette, 1976)Google Scholar; see also the classic, if surpassed, Ariès, Philippe, Centuries of Childhood (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962; 1st French ed., 1960)Google Scholar. (English translations are cited where available to make this article more accessible.)

5. For a recent engagement with the culture of sentiment and its implications, see Hunt, Lynn, Inventing Human Rights: A History (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007)Google Scholar; see also the classic, Denby, David, Sentimental Narrative and the Social Order in France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

6. They could also be found in critique of what were seen as abusive paternal prerogative, such as the lettre de cachet. Farge, Arlette, Fragile Lives: Violence, Power and Solidarity in Eighteenth-Century Paris (Oxford: Polity, 1993; 1st French ed., 1986)Google Scholar.

7. Merrick, Jeffrey, “Fathers and Kings: Patriarchalism and Absolutism in 18th-Century French Politics,” Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 308 (1993): 281–303Google Scholar; see also Hunt, Lynn, The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Perez-Canto, Pilar, “La société patriarcale dans le discours éclairé,” in Genre, femmes, histoire en Europe, ed. Bellavitis, Anna and Edelman, Nicole (Paris: Presses Universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2011), 51–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8. Bodin, Jean, “Concerning the Family,” in Six Books of the Commonwealth, trans. Tooley, M.J. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1955), I:6–18Google Scholar. See also Desan, Suzanne, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004), 2–3Google Scholar.

9. Desan and Merrick, Family, Gender, and Law; Hardwick, Julie, The Practice of Patriarchy: Gender and the Politics of Household Authority in Early Modern France (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Descimon, Robert, “Conflits familiaux dans la robe parisienne au XVIe et XVIIe siècles: les paradoxes de la transmission du statut,” Cahiers d'histoire 45 (2000): 677–97Google Scholar; and Williams, Alan, “Patterns of Conflict in Eighteenth-Century Parisian Families,” Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 39–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10. For example, a recent volume summarizing trends in late Old Regime scholarship addresses fiscal and administrative issues, cultural changes, and politics, but not the law. Kaiser, Thomas E. and Van Kley, Dale, eds., From Deficit to Deluge: The Origins of the French Revolution (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11. In the particular context of family law, see Suzanne Desan, The Family on Trial, and Heuer, Jennifer, The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789–1830 (New York: Cornell University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; for the law as ideal, see Rosanvallon, Pierre, The Demands of Liberty: Civil Society in France since the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007; French ed., Seuil, 2004), 49–62Google Scholar. For another, recent account of the centrality of law to achieving the goals of the Revolution, see Blaufarb, Rafe, The Great Demarcation: The French Revolution and the Invention of Modern Property (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12. Suzanne Desan has shown the complexity of this relationship for the revolutionary period; see The Family on Trial.

13. Roberts, Sentimental Savants, 7–8; and Coleman, Charly, The Virtues of Abandon: An Anti-Individualist History of the French Enlightenment (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014), 4–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14. Baudon's contract made him a croupier. Durand, Yves, Les fermiers généraux au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1971), 108–114Google Scholar; see also Mousnier, Roland, Les institutions de la France sous la monarchie absolue. Vol. 2: Les organes de l'Etat et la Société (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1980), 78Google Scholar.

15. By the time of the lawsuit, Rose-Magdeleine had died; her sons represented her in the family. d'Est-Ange, Gustave Chaix, Dictionnaire des familles françaises anciennes ou notables à la fin du XIXe siècle XI (Paris: Editions Charles Hérissey, 1983), 510Google Scholar.

16. The month of June 1749; cited in Mémoire pour Anne-Marguerite-Charlotte née Comtesse de Ligniville & du Saint Empire, veuve du sieur Beaudon, Secrétaire du Roi du Grand Collège, Appellante; contre M. Jullien, le sieur Cromot, les Demoiselles Beaudon, les héritiers Tocquigny & les sieurs Beaudon, enfans & héritiers du feu sieur Beaudon, Intimés (Paris: P.G. Simon, 1781), 4.

17. Gazette des Tribunaux, 11, no. 1, 1781, 306. The marriage was considered socially advantageous for Baudon: Chaix d'Est-Ange, Dictionnaire XI, 510.

18. The boys were both alive at the time of the lawsuit, but only one, Jean-François-Charles, survived to adulthood. Chaix d'Est-Ange, Dictionnaire XI, 510.

19. Archives Nationales Y61 July 22, 1780, “Testament de François Baudon fermier général.” The will also names a daughter from his first marriage, not a party to the lawsuits, Angélique Marie Baudon, abbess of the royal abbey of Sainte Perine de Chaillot, whom the will identifies as disabled and endows with a variety of investment revenues.

20. Gazette des Tribunaux, 10, no. 37, 1780, 163–4Google Scholar. The Requêtes were the basic civil jurisdiction in the Parlement of Paris.

21. See Daumas, Maurice, L'affaire d'Esclans (Paris: Seuil, 1988), 12–14Google Scholar.

22. Gazette des Tribunaux, 10, no. 37, 1780, 163–4.

23. Personal assets brought to the marriage could be classified as propres; that is, patrimonial assets, or acquêts, personal assets acquired prior to the marriage. Baudon and Ligneville's marriage contract stipulated that assets not explicitly named as communal were to be classified as propre to each spouse individually. The revenues on a propre would normally enter the spousal community, but Baudon's lawyers argued that the revenues on the tax-farming contract were a droit and not a fruit––a prior claim rather than a profit. This argument depended largely on the idea that the revenues were guaranteed as a matter of course when the contract was signed, a point that will be discussed.

24. Gazette des Tribunaux, 11, no. 20, 1781, 305.

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26. Hua, Eustache-Antoine, Mémoires d'un avocat au Parlement de Paris (Poitiers: H. Oudin, 1871), 16Google Scholar. Martineau sat on the Conseil de législation with Guy-Jean-Baptiste Target, an antagonist and admirer of Gerbier. This suggests that he was the Martineau on this case, but also highlights what a small and familiar world the Paris bar was. Tackett, Timothy, Becoming a Revolutionary (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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31. Hauréau, Jean Barthélémy, Catalogue chronologique des oeuvres imprimées et manuscrites de J.B. Gerbier (Paris: Durand, 1863), 78–84Google Scholar.

32. Rouillé de Filletières case; the group represented Mlle. Chantemèle.

33. Gerbier, “Précis pour M. le prince de Conti, contre M. le duc d'Orléans et contre le sieur Le Quêne,” cited in Hauréau, Catalogue chronologique, 77.

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37. Among Gerbier's other clients that year were the Prince de Soubise; the Queyssat brothers case drew far more publicity. Compare also to the La Girouzière case, which involved a mistress (then wife) with a false identity and a fictitious cousin.

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40. Mémoire pour Anne Marguerite Charlotte, 28.

41. Ibid. Bonnières refers to five years of domestic solicitude because the period of the lease in question overlapped with the couple's marriage for just five years, although they were married for a total of 22 years.

42. Women often served as bookkeepers in their husbands’ business dealings; however, most information about women's work and perceptions of it come from artisanal or middling families, as opposed to elite households such as Baudon and Ligneville's. Melish, Jacob, “The Power of Wives: Managing Money and Men in the Family Businesses of Old Regime Paris,” in Women and Work in Eighteenth-Century France, ed. Hafter, Daryl M. and Kushner, Nina (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2007): 77–90Google Scholar; and Hardwick, Julie, Family Business: Litigation and the Political Economies of Daily Life in Early Modern France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 20–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Hardwick, The Practice of Patriarchy, 93–100; and Ruggiu, L'individu et la famille, 264–73. Jane McLeod, “Printer Widows and the State in Eighteenth-Century France,” in Women and Work, 113–29.

43. Mémoire pour Anne Marguerite Charlotte, 27–29.

44. Second mémoire pour M. Julien & Consorts. Contre la Dame veuve Baudon. En présence des enfans du second lit du sieur Baudon (Paris: P.G. Simon, 1781), 16Google Scholar.

45. Ibid., 15.

46. Roberts, Sentimental Savants, 40–69; and Hardwick, The Practice of Patriarchy, 109–42.

47. Seconde Mémoire, 27.

48. Mémoire pour les sieurs, 12.

49. Yver, Egalité entre héritiers, 91–154. In English, see Desan, The Family on Trial, 144–47.

50. Mémoire pour les sieurs, 45.

51. Mémoire pour le Sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, 38.

52. Martineau himself began his argument about marriage contracts in Ancient Rome, as Roman law was particularly influential for this type of law. Olivier-Martin, Histoire du droit français, 427–28.

53. Mémoire pour les Sieurs, 14.

54. Ozouf, Mona, “Fraternity,” in A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution, ed. Ozouf, Mona and Furet, François, trans. Goldhammer, Arthur (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1989), 694–703Google Scholar; compare Pabst, Adrian, “Fraternity,” in Handbook on the Economics of Philanthropy, Reciprocity and Social Enterprise, ed. Zamagni, Stefano and Bruni, Luigino (Cheltenhan: Edward Elgar, 2013), 153–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Walton, Charles, “Capitalism's Alter Ego: The Birth of Reciprocity in Eighteenth-century France,” Critical Historical Studies 4 (2018): 1–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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56. Ibid., 47.

57. Ibid., 47.

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60. Mémoire pour les sieurs, 27; 26. The French word “sensible” bests translates as “sensitive,” which is not idiomatic in English. The less accurate but more direct “sensible” has been used here to capture the associations with sensation and with natural understanding.

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62. On the Enlightenment culture of sensibility see Rosenfeld, A Revolution in Language.

63. Mémoire pour le Sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, 10.

64. Ibid., 19.

65. “n'est-ce pas là épiloguer sur les mots?” Mémoire pour le Sieur Gilbert de Courcelles, 32.

66. Ibid., 5.

67. Rousseau's works, Emile and La nouvelle Héloïse, were particularly influential in this regard.

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