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Russian Capitalism on Trial: The Case of the Jacks of Hearts

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 December 2017

Sergei Antonov
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Extract

For almost a month in 1877, the Russian public was engrossed in one of the largest nonpolitical trials in the history of Russian law. An alleged criminal organization dubbed the “Jacks of Hearts Club” (Klub chervonnykh valetov) involved 48 defendants in addition to several who had died or managed to escape, as well as more than 300 witnesses. The charges included dozens of episodes of fraud and forgery committed between 1866 and 1875, in addition to one murder and one count of sacrilege. Even more sensational was the fact that the group of defendants belonged to “respectable” society, among them wealthy merchants, landowning nobles, and even a member of the aristocratic Dolgorukov family. In the Russian popular lexicon, a “Jack of Hearts” became enduring shorthand for a personable young swindler of upper-class origins. Over the years, the story grew in the telling, with some of the legends travelling from author to author, such as the story of Pavel Speier, the alleged leader of the club who supposedly tricked a naïve English tourist into “buying” the official residence of the Moscow governor general on Tverskaia Street.

Type
Original Article
Information
Law and History Review , Volume 36 , Issue 1 , February 2018 , pp. 35 - 76
Copyright
Copyright © the American Society for Legal History, Inc. 2017 

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Footnotes

He presented earlier versions of this article at the workshop “Engaging the Law in Eurasia and Eastern Europe” at the Kennan Institute, at the Harriman Institute's Working Paper Seminar and Russian Studies Workshop, and at the meeting of the New York City Bar Association's European Affairs Committee. He is grateful to all the participants in these events, as well as to Alexander Martin and to the reviewers for Law and History Review for their perceptive and helpful comments and for their support of this project. He also thanks Elizabeth Dale for her encouragement and for overseeing the review process.

References

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7. On the Mitrofania trial, see Dahlke, Sandra, “Old Russia in the Dock: The Trial against Mother Superior Mitrofaniia before the Moscow district court (1874),” Cahiers du Monde russe 53 (2012): 95–120 Google Scholar. On the Moscow bank crash of 1876, see Karabchevskii, N.P., Okolo pravosudiia (St. Petersburg, 1902), 109–60Google Scholar; Kozlinina, Ye.I., Za polveka, 1862–1912 (Moscow, 1913), 221–40Google Scholar; Obninsky, P.N., “Pervyi bankovskii krakh,” in Pomoshch’ postradavshim ot neurozhaia (Moscow, 1899), 21–26 Google Scholar; and Lizunov, P.V., “Krakhi chastnykh kommercheskikh bankov v Rossii: ikh prichiny i posledstviia (vtoraia polovina XIX – nachalo XX v.),” in XII mezhdunarodnaia nauchnaia konferentsiia po problemam razvitiia ekonomiki i obshchestva, vol. 4, ed. Yasin, Ye.G., (Moscow: Izdatel'skii dom Vysshei shkoly ekonomiki, 2012), 243–50Google Scholar; on the Gartung trial, see Lipskerov, A.Ya., Stenograficheskii otchet po delu generala Gartunga (Moscow, 1878)Google Scholar.

8. Kozlinina, Za polveka, 249. The prosecutor explicitly mentioned them in the beginning of his speech. N.N.Z. Klub chervonnykh valetov: ugolovnyi protsess (Moscow: N.N.Z., 1877), 183 Google Scholar. This anonymous publication, combining an abbreviated but still very detailed transcript of the month-long trial with personal observations contains the most complete account I was able to identify. Another version of the transcript was issued by the legal publisher A.F. Skorov in a collection of famous post-reform courtroom speeches: Russkie sudebnye oratory v izvestnykh ugolovnykh protsessakh, vol. 3 (Moscow, 1898), 114–353 Google Scholar. This version is shorter and contains occasional differences in wording that are not material for the purposes of this article. A helpful short sketch of the case is found in Kozlinina, Za polveka, 250–76.

9. Klub, 183.

10. On the stock market in late imperial Russia, see Moshenskii, S.Z., Rynok tsennykh bumag Rossiiskoi imperii (Moscow: Ekonomika, 2014)Google Scholar.

11. Examples of large-scale embezzlers under Tsar Nicholas I include his friend Count Petr Kleinmichel, who stole the money earmarked for buying new furniture for the Winter Palace. See Tarle, Ye.V., Krymskaia voina, vol. 1 (Moscow–Leningrad, 1944), 48–49 Google Scholar. Another courtier, A.G. Politkovsky, stole a million rubles from the war invalid fund. Zaionchkovsky, P.A., Pravitel'stvennyi apparat samoderzhavnoi Rossii v xix v. (Moscow, 1978), 113 Google Scholar.

12. On the culture of debt and property transactions in imperial Russia, see Antonov, Sergei, Bankrupts and Usurers of Imperial Russia: Debt, Property, and the Law in Russia in the Age of Dostoevsky and Tolstoy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016)Google Scholar.

13. Pravilova, Ekaterina, A Public Empire: Property and the Quest for the Common Good in Imperial Russia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014)Google Scholar.

14. Klub, 1–5.

15. Ibid., 118 ff.

16. Kozlinina, Za polveka 262–63. But there was at least an occasional laughter during the trial. Klub, 78.

17. Sankt-Peterburgskie Vedomosti (hereafter SPV), No. 44 (1877)Google Scholar.

18. Dzhanshiev, G. A., Osnovy sudebnoi reformy (k 25ti-letiu novogo suda) (Moscow, 1891), 209 Google Scholar.

19. Moskovskie vedomosti (hereafter MV), No. 60 (1877)Google Scholar.

20. Klub, 245.

21. See David Sunderland's discussion of the markers of respectability in Britain in his Social Capital, Trust and the Industrial Revolution: 1780–1880 (London and New York: Routledge, 2007)Google Scholar.

22. Klub, 45.

23. Ibid., 110.

24. Ibid., 214.

25. Ibid., 19–21, 48.

26. Meltsin, M.O., “ Avtor odnogo iz pervykh putevoditelei po Novgorodu ,” in Novgorodika-2006: materialy nauchnoi konferentsii (Novgorod: np, 2007), 257–64Google Scholar (I am grateful to Maksim Olegovich Meltsin for providing me with a copy of his article); and Klub, 39–40.

27. Malton, Sara, Forgery in Nineteenth-Century Literature and Culture: Fictions of Finance from Dickens to Wilde (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 6–9 Google Scholar; for Russia, see Antonov, Bankrupts and Usurers, 169–76.

28. Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii, f. 123, op. 2, d. 606, ll. 3 ob. and 12. There were 55 nobles out of 2704 individuals detained for begging in Moscow in 1850; that is, long before many nobles lost their income as the result of the 1861 serf emancipation.

29. Klub, 207.

30. Ibid., 6–10. See Sunderland, Social Capital, for the significance of each detail of home and office decoration in promoting respectability.

31. Klub, 46, 141.

32. On sociability in imperial Russia, see Martin, Alexander, Enlightened Metropolis: Constructing Imperial Moscow, 1762–1855 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013)Google Scholar; Antonova, Katherine Pickering, An Ordinary Marriage: The World of a Gentry Family in Provincial Russia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013)Google Scholar; Evtuhov, Catherine, Portrait of a Russian Province: Economy, Society, and Civilization in Nineteenth-Century Nizhnii Novgorod (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2011)Google Scholar; Ransel, David, A Russian Merchant's Tale: The Life and Adventures of Ivan Alekseevich Tolchënov, Based on His Diary (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; and Cavender, Mary, Nests of the Gentry: Family, Estate, and Local Loyalties in Provincial Russia (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

33. Antonov, Bankrupts and Usurers, 149–58.

34. Indeed, she was a minor defendant in the Jacks of Hearts case—for whom sociability was everything—and eventually was acquitted by the jury.

35. Klub, 125–28.

36. Ibid., 71.

37. Ibid., 145.

38. Ibid., 212. For a later case in which a notary was employed to “forge” documents, see Kozlinina, Za polveka, 343–44.

39. Klub, 223.

40. Ibid., 99.

41. On the role of notaries as information and credit brokers, see Hoffman, Philip, Postel-Vinay, Gilles, and Rosenthal, Jean-Laurent, “Private Credit Markets in Paris, 1690–1840,” The Journal of Economic History 52 (1992): 293–306 Google Scholar.

42. Klub, 219.

43. Ibid.,15–16.

44. Ibid., 37–39.

45. Ibid., 107–10.

46. Ibid., 45.

47. Antonov, Bankrupts and Usurers, 24–27.

48. Klub, 36–37.

49. Ibid., 17.

50. Ibid., 17 ff.

51. Ibid., 5–15.

52. Meltsin, “Avtor.”

53. Klub, 59.

54. Ibid., 70–71.

55. Ibid., 79–80.

56. Ibid., 76.

57. Ibid., 49.

58. Ibid., 51.

59. Ibid., 144–45.

60. Ibid., 38

61. Ibid., 40.

62. See Note 2 above.

63. Klub, 164.

64. Ibid., 47.

65. Ibid., 39.

66. Ibid., 47.

67. Ibid., 43.

68. For other similar claims, see Ibid., 7 and 217.

69. This “essentialist” explanation is championed by Baberowski in Autokratie und Justiz and is followed by McReynolds in Murder Most Russian and by Dahlke in “Old Russia in the Dock.”

70. Harling, Philip, The Waning of “Old Corruption”: the Politics of Economical Reform in Britain, 1779–1846 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

71. Robb, White-Collar Crime; Handler, Phil, “Forgery and the End of the ‘Bloody Code’ in Early Nineteenth-Century England,” The Historical Journal 48 (2005): 683–702 Google Scholar; and Locker, John, “‘Quiet Thieves, Quiet Punishment’: Private Responses to the ‘Respectable’ Offender, c. 1850–1930,” Crime, histoire & societes 9 (2005): 9–31 Google Scholar. The term “white-collar crime” only appeared in the twentieth century, defined by the American sociologist Sutherland, Edwin H. as “a crime committed by a person of respectability and high social status in the course of his occupation.” See White Collar Crime (New York: Dryden Press, 1949), 7 Google Scholar. This definition appears today as too restrictive because it leaves out frauds and forgeries committed by “respectable” individuals who do not have a position of power and responsibility within commercial organizations. It also leaves out swindlers who merely pose as “respectable.” See, for example, Meier, William M., “Aristocrats of Crime: Confidence Men in the Interwar Years,” in Property Crime in London, 1850-Present (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 85–108 Google Scholar. On Victorian era corporate fraud trials, see Wilson, Sarah, “Law, Morality and Regulation: Victorian Experiences of Financial Crime,” British Journal of Criminology 46 (2006): 1073–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72. Klub, 161.

73. Polnoe sobranie zakonov Rossiiskoi imperii (hereafter PSZ) I, vol. XXI, no. 15147.

74. Svod zakonov Rossiiskoi imperii (hereafter SZ), vol. 15/1 (1833), art. 702Google Scholar.

75. Ulozhenie o nakazaniiakh ugolovnykh i ispravitel'nykh, Art. 1665 (1866 ed.).

76. SZ, vol. 15/1 (1857), art. 1693–711, esp. 1707.

77. Ibid. (1842), art. 847–48. Podlog also encompassed buying or selling stolen property. See also Foinitskii, I. V., Moshennichestvo po russkomu pravu (St. Petersburg, 1871), part 1, 79Google Scholar.

78. Russia's criminal law contained a special provision against fraud committed by claiming to be another's agent or servant or by appropriating a false name (all punishable by 6 months to a year in prison and possibly by penal exile). The punishment was more severe if the criminal claimed to be a government official or used any kind of uniform or decoration to which he or she was not entitled. See SZ, vol. 15/1 (1857), art. 2253–54Google Scholar.

79. Foinitskii, Moshennichestvo, part 2, 2–5.

80. Ibid., 66–67. Foinitskii was only a law professor and not a judge, and he noted that some of the post-reform courts did not agree with his interpretation, as in a decision in which the appellate court in St. Petersburg ruled that borrowing money and then denying having done so and refusing to pay constituted criminal fraud.

81. Kozlinina, Za polveka, 146–49.

82. Lokhvitskii, A.V., Kurs ugolovnogo prava (St. Petersburg, 1871), 679 Google Scholar.

83. Klub, 406–9.

84. Ibid., 406–408.

85. Ibid., 411.

86. Ibid., 44–45.

87. Ibid., 40.

88. Ibid., 114–16.

89. For a similar argument about the nineteenth-century United States, see Mihm, Stephen, A Nation of Counterfeiters (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

90. Klub, 214.

91. Ibid., 171.

92. Ibid., 41 and 7–15.

93. Ibid., 169–170.

94. Ibid., 253–55.

95. Tsentral'nyi Istoricheskii Arkhiv Moskvy, f. 142, op. 3, d. 242,  l. 4 ob.–5.

96. Klub, 185, 187.

97. Ibid., 238.

98. Ibid., 186.

99. Ibid., 204–5, 231.

100. Ibid., 207–8.

101. Ibid., 212.

102. Ibid., 207–8, 217.

103. Ibid., 160.

104. Ibid., 164.

105. Skliar, L. A., “Moshenniki,” in Prestupnyi mir Moskvy, ed. Gernet, M.N. (Moscow, 1924), 164 Google Scholar.

106. Locker, “Quiet Thieves.”

107. Klub, 161.

108. Kozlinina, Za polveka, 180.

109. Koni, Anatolii F., Vospominaniia o dele Zasulich (Moscow and Leningrad, 1933)Google Scholar; Troitskii, Nikolai Alekseevich, Tsarskie sudy protiv revoliutsionnoi Rossii: Politicheskie protsessy 1871–1880 gg (Saratov: Izdatel'stvo Saratovskogo universiteta, 1976)Google Scholar.

110. Frank, Crime; for interpretations of crime as an aspect of Russia's modernity, see McReynolds, Murder Most Russian; and Neuberger, Hooliganism.

111. Halttunen, Karen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class America, 1830–1870 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

112. Staniukovich, K.M., “Chervonnyi valet,” in Sobraniie sochinenii v 10 tomakh, vol. 1 (Moscow: Pravda, 1977), 44–78 Google Scholar.

113. On Speier, see Kozlinina, Za polveka, 250–53.

114. Troitskii, Tsarskie sudy, 60.

115. See Note 32.

116. Dahlke, “Old Russia.”

117. Zhukov also prosecuted the failed “trial of the Fifty” that almost coincided with that of the Jacks of Hearts.

118. Karabchevskii, Okolo pravosudiia.

119. Lipskerov, Stenograficheskii otchet, 140.

120. Kozlinina, Za polveka 240–41.

121. Klub, 201 and 232.

122. SPV, No. 67 (1877)Google Scholar.

123. Klub, 249.

124. Ibid., 570–71.

125. Ibid., 330–31.

126. Ibid., 355–58.

127. TsIAM, f. 142, op. 3, d. 242 (Predvaritel'noe sledstvie…).

128. Klub, 402.

129. Ibid., 186.

130. SPV, No. 44 (1877).

131. Klub, 174.

132. Ibid., 434–35.

133. On fraud in pre-reform Russia, see Antonov, Bankrupts and Usurers, 133–58.

134. Klub, 206.

135. Ibid., 48.

136. Ibid., 36.

137. Ibid., 214, 227–28, 343.

138. Ibid., 58–59, 228.

139. Ibid., 8–12.

140. Ibid., 246, 261–62, 341.

141. Ibid., 335.

142. See feuilletons in SPV, Nos. 13 and 44 (1877).

143. Klub 1, 173.

144. On the interpretation of the case of Mother Mitrofaniia as a form of “show trial,” see Dahlke, “Old Russia.” Dahlke focuses on the political impact, rather than on the legal aspects of the Mitrofaniia trial, and does not consider the possibility that the evidence against her was at least in part fabricated.

145. See Zabelina, Ye.P., Delo Igumenii Mitrofanii (Moscow, 1874), 270 Google Scholar.

146. Klub, 43, 106, 165.

147. Ulozhenie o nakazaniakh ugolovnykh i ispravitelnykh, sec. 922–31 (1866 ed.).

148. Ingraham, Barton L., Political Crime in Europe: A Comparative Study of France, Germany, and England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 133–34Google Scholar. Jonathan Daly notes that proving conspiracy was often the only way the prosecution could succeed in political trials throughout nineteenth century Europe. See “Political Crime in Late Imperial Russia,” The Journal of Modern History 74 (2000): 62–100 Google Scholar.

149. Conspiracy charges were also important in the earlier political trials: for example, even before the court reform was implemented in 1866, the government alleged the existence of an organization known as “Hell” (Ad) that was supposedly responsible for Dmitrii Karakozov's attempt to shoot Alexander II. Conspiracy charges were also central to Russia's first public political trial—that of Sergei Nechaev's followers—in 1871. See Verhoeven, Claudia, The Odd Man Karakozov: Imperial Russia, Modernity, and the Birth of Terrorism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

150. MV No. 58 (1877).

151. Knizhnik-Vetrov, Ivan S., Russkie deiatel'nitsy I Internatsionala i Parizhskoi Kommuny (Moscow: Nauka, 1964), 119 ffGoogle Scholar.

152. Klub, 168–69; also noted in Knizhnik-Vetrov, Russkie deiatel'nitsy.

153. Eichner, Carolyn Jeanne, Surmounting the Barricades: Women in the Paris Commune (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 157–61, at 158Google Scholar.

154. Koni, Anatolii F., Sobranie sochinenii v 8 tomakh, vol. 2 (Moscow: Iuridicheskaia literatura, 1966), 33 Google Scholar.

155. Dzhanshiev, Osnovy, 209.

156. Klub, 357–58.

157. Zabelina, Delo igumenii Mitrofanii, 2 (179) (pagination fragmented).

158. Karabchevskii, Okolo pravosudiia, 154.

159. Lipskerov, Stenograficheskii otchet, 238, 306.

160. Klub, 216.

161. Ibid.,122.

162. MV no. 60 (1877). See also Koni, Sobranie, vol. 2, 33; Kozlinina, Za polveka, 242, and Dzhanshiev, Osnovy, 209.

163. “Shaika Chervonnykh Valetov,” Nedelia, No 9 (1877), 300.

164. Quoted in Troitskii, Tsarskie sudy, 197.

165. Klub, 201.

166. Ibid., 192 ff.

167. Ibid., 183–84.

168. Ibid., 154–55.

169. Ibid., 19–25. See also Nikolai Nadezhdin, Son'ka zolotaia ruchka – koroleva vorov (Rostov-na-Donu: Feniks, 2012); for the popular culture account, see the novel by Merezhko, Viktor, Son'ka Zolotaia Ruchka: istoriia liubvi i predatel'stva korolevy vorov (St. Petersburg: Amfora, 2006)Google Scholar.

170. Klub, 76–79.

171. Ibid., 56–69.

172. Ibid., 223.

173. See also Katkov's editorial in MV,  No. 60 (1877).