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The Reconstitution of Upper Canadian Legal Thought in the Late-Victorian Empire
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 October 2011
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The availability of the literature of the law, an aspect of legal culture rarely considered in twentieth century Canadian commentary on the ‘reception’ of imperial laws, must have had a great deal to do with the way that sources of law informed and reflected the developing jural values, doctrine, and methodology of the British North American provinces. Yet locally-prevalent versions of legal positivism, which find expression in formalistic, contemporary constitutional scholarship on transferral issues, have tended to suppress or render irrelevant inquiries into the way that such intellectual forces as law books actually affected the development of the legal culture of Upper Canada/Ontario.
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References
1. ‘Literature’ of the law is intended to comprehend the collective writings upon that subject, including such diverse species as treatises, institutional works, precedent files, journal commentary, commonplace books, statutes, and judical decisions.
2. See generally, Papachristos, A.C., La réception des droits privés étrangers comme phénomène de sociologie juridique (Paris, 1975)Google Scholar. For examples of the persistence of ‘constitutional approaches’ to the transfer of European law to British North America see Lederman, W.R., ‘The Extensions of Governmental Institutions and Legal Systems to British North America in the Colonial Period’, in Lederman, W.R., ed., Continuing Canadian Constitutional Dilemmas (Toronto, 1980) 63Google Scholar; Bell, D.G., ‘The Reception Question and the Constitutional Crisis of the 1790s in New Brunswick’, 29 University of New Brunswick Law Journal 157 (1980)Google Scholar; Côté, J. E., ‘The Reception of English Law’, 15 Alberta Law Review 29 (1977)Google Scholar.
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203. Canada's recent importation of yet another piece of foreign legal literature, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, provides a contemporary laboratory in which to observe the ways that foreign ideology and legal form persist or transform when sprung loose from their home political-legal culture for implantation elsewhere. Compare Macdonald, R.A., ‘Postscript and Prelude—The Jurisprudence of the Charter: Eight Theses’ 4 Supreme Court Law Review 321 (1982)Google Scholar; Lyon, Noel, ‘The Charter as a Mandate for New Ways of Thinking About Law’, 9 Queen's Law Journal 241 (1984)Google Scholar; Samek, Robert A., ‘Untrenching Fundamental Rights’, 27 McGill Law Journal 755 (1982)Google Scholar.
204. Compare White, James Boyd, When Words Lose Their Meaning: Constitutions and Reconstitutions of Language, Character and Community (Chicago, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
205. Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, Report (Ottawa, 1968)Google Scholar.
206. Compare Note, ‘Canadian Law Reports Needed in Guyana’, 11 Canadian Bar Journal 310 (1968)Google Scholar; Sturgess, H.A.C., ‘Canadian Gift to the Middle Temple Library’, 7 Canadian Bar Review 185 (1929)Google Scholar; O'Brien, Henry, ‘The Canadian Law Library in London, England’, 33 Canada Law Journal 409 (1897)Google Scholar.
207. Notable exceptions to this generalization would include Stone, Thomas, ‘The Mounties as Vigilantes: Perceptions of Community and the Transformation of Law in the Yukon, 1885–1897’, 14 Law and Society Review 83 (1979–1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hay, Douglas, ‘The Meaning of the Criminal Law in Quebec, 1764–1774’, in Knafla, Louis, ed., Crime and Criminal Justice in Europe and Canada (Waterloo, Ont., 1981) 77Google Scholar, and Morel, André, ‘La reception du droit criminel anglais au Québec’, 13 Revue juridique thémis 449 (1978)Google Scholar. See also Woods, J.G., ‘Criminal Justice History in Canada: A Brief Survey of Work in Progress’, 4 Criminal Justice History 119 (1983)Google Scholar.
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210. For recent public recognition of this fact see Cultural Property Export and Import Act, S.C. 1974–75–76,c. 50; Cultural Property Act, S.Q. 1972, chap. 62.
211. Another telling manifestation of this state of affairs is that when twentieth-century Canadian law libraries have set out to create rare book collections, their contents typically have turned out to be rare English or continental European law books and not legal Canadiana. See, eg., Scott, Marianne, ‘The Wainwright Collection’, 8 McGill Law Journal 57(1961)Google Scholar; Rare Books in the Sir James Dunn Law Library (Halifax, NS, 1977)Google Scholar. Again, this pattern contrasts with nineteenth-century Canadian, and contemporary American, patterns. Compare Catalogue of Books in the Library of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec (Quebec, 1864)Google Scholar; Johnson, Herbert A., Imported Eighteenth-Century Law Treatises in American Libraries 1700–1799 (Knoxville, TN, 1978)Google Scholar; Carson, Hampton L., Pedigrees in the Ownership of Law Books (Philadelphia, 1916)Google Scholar. For indications of difficulties experienced by modern Canadian scholars seeking bio-bibliophilic information about the owners of these scattered libraries (and the significance of such information) see John D. Blackwell, supra note 6, at 129; ‘J.D. Blackwell to the Author’ 6 August 1980, 17 August 1980; ‘R. Alan Douglas to the Author’ 30 December 1980, 23 January 1981; Douglas, R. Alan, John Prince, Seventeen Ninety-Six to Eighteen Seventy: A Collection of Documents (Toronto, 1980)Google Scholar; de P. Wright, John, ‘John Prince: First Judge of Algoma’, 13 Law Society of Upper Canada Gazette 227 (1979)Google Scholar; Baker, G. Blaine, ‘Solomon White’ in Simpson, A.W.B. ed., Biographical Dictionary of the Common Law (London, 1984) 530Google Scholar.
212. Michael L. Renshawe, supra note 13.
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215. For evidence of similar practices in the early university-related law schools see Hodgins, J. George, ‘Historical Sketch of Education in Upper Canada’ in Hynd, H.Y., ed., Eighty Years' Progress of British North America (Toronto, 1863) 373, 448Google Scholar.
216. See, e.g., White and Another v. The Ship Daedalous (1818), Stuart's Rep. 130; Gray v. Worden (1870), 29 U.C.Q.B. 535; Toms et ux v. The Corporation of the Township of Whitby (1874), 35 U.C.Q.B. 195.
217. See Goodwin, Craufurd D.W., Canadian Economic Thought. The Political Economy of a Developing Nation (Durham, NC, 1961) 109–110, 117–18, 121, 170–71, 199–200Google Scholar; Brian Cuthbertson, supra note 33 at 71–74, 114; ‘John Millar McEvoy’ in MDCB 506; Swainson, Donald, ‘Business and Politics: The Career of John Willoughby Crawford’, 61 Ontario History 225 (1969)Google Scholar. See also Taylor, M. Brook, ‘Thomas Chandler Haliburton as a Historian’, 13 Acadiensis 50 (1984)Google Scholar.
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220. Compare Kettler, David, ‘The Question of “Legal Conservatism” in Canada: A Review of “Esssays in the History of Canadian Law”’, 18 Journal of Canadian Studies 136 (1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For good introductions to this literature and its themes see McKillop, A.B., ‘Nationalism, Identity and Canadian Intellectual History’, 81 Queen's Quarterly 533 (1974)Google Scholar; McKillop, A.B., ‘So Little on the Mind’, 19 Royal Society of Canada Proceedings and Transactions (Ser. 4) 183 (1981)Google Scholar.
221. See generally, David H. Flaherty, supra note 131.
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